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    <hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Essays on the Constitution of the United States</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">Published During Its Discussion by the People</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">1787-1788</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">Edited by</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.44em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Paul Leicester Ford</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">Brooklyn, N.Y.</p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">Historical Printing Club</p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">1892</p>
    </div>
    <hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
      <h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Contents</span></h1>
      <ul class="tei tei-index tei-index-toc"><li><a href="#toc1">Introduction.</a></li><li><a href="#toc3">The Letters Of Cassius, Written By James Sullivan.</a></li><li><a href="#toc5">The Letters Of Agrippa, Accredited To James Winthrop.</a></li><li><a href="#toc7">Replies To The Strictures Of A Landholder, By Elbridge Gerry.</a></li><li><a href="#toc9">The Letters Of A Landholder, Written By Oliver Ellsworth.</a></li><li><a href="#toc11">A Letter To The Landholder. By William Williams.</a></li><li><a href="#toc13">The Letters Of A Countryman. Written By Roger Sherman.</a></li><li><a href="#toc15">The Letters Of A Citizen Of New Haven, Written By Roger Sherman.</a></li><li><a href="#toc17">The Letters Of Cato, Written By George Clinton.</a></li><li><a href="#toc19">The Letters Of Cæsar, Written By Alexander Hamilton.</a></li><li><a href="#toc21">The Letters Of Sydney. Written By Robert Yates.</a></li><li><a href="#toc23">Cursory Remarks By Hugh Henry Brackenridge.</a></li><li><a href="#toc25">Letter Of Caution, Written By Samuel Chase.</a></li><li><a href="#toc27">Letter Of A Friend To The Constitution, Written By Daniel Carroll.</a></li><li><a href="#toc29">The Letters Of Luther Martin.</a></li><li><a href="#toc31">Letter Of A Plain Dealer, Accredited To Spencer Roane.</a></li><li><a href="#toc33">Remarks On The New Plan Of Government, By Hugh Williamson.</a></li><li><a href="#toc35">Letter Of A Steady And Open Republican, Written By Charles Pinckney.</a></li><li><a href="#toc37">Bibliography.</a></li><li><a href="#toc39">Index.</a></li><li><a href="#toc41">Footnotes</a></li></ul>
    </div>

  </div>
<div class="tei tei-body" style="margin-bottom: 6.00em; margin-top: 6.00em">

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagev">[pg v]</span><a name="Pgv" id="Pgv" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc1" id="toc1"></a>
<a name="pdf2" id="pdf2"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Introduction.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In 1888 the editor selected from the pamphlet arguments published
during the discussion of the Constitution of the United
States, prior to its ratification by the States, a collection of fourteen
tracts, and printed them in a volume under the title of
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pamphlets on the Constitution of the United States</span></span>. The reception
given that collection clearly proved that these writings were only
neglected because of their rarity and inaccessibility, and has induced
the editor to collect another, though largely similar class
of writings, which he believes of equal value and equally unknown.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the great discussion which took place in the years 1787
and 1788 of the adoption or rejection of the Constitution of the
United States, one of the important methods of influencing
public opinion, resorted to by the partisans and enemies of the
proposed frame of government, was the contribution of essays to
the press of the period. The newspapers were filled with anonymous
articles on this question, usually the product of the great
statesmen and writers of that period. Often of marked ability,
and valuable as the personal views of the writers, the dispersion
and destruction of the papers that contained them have resulted
in their almost entire neglect as historical or legal writings, and
the difficulty of their proper use has been further increased by
their anonymous character, which largely destroyed the authority
and weight they would have carried, had their true writers
been known.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagevi">[pg vi]</span><a name="Pgvi" id="Pgvi" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
From an examination of over forty files of newspapers and
many thousand separate issues, scattered in various public and
private libraries, from Boston to Charleston, the editor has
selected a series of these essays, and reprinted them in this
volume. From various sources he has obtained the name of the
writer of each. All here reprinted are the work of well-known
men. Five of the writers were Signers of the Declaration of Independence;
seven were members of the Federal Convention;
many were members of the State Conventions, and there discussed
the Constitution. All had had a wide experience in law
and government. Their arguments are valuable, not merely for
their reasoning, but from their statement of facts. New light is
thrown upon the proceedings in the Federal Convention, so large
a part of which is yet veiled in mystery; and personal motives,
and state interests, are mercilessly laid bare, furnishing clues of
both the support of and opposition to the Constitution. Subsequently
most of the writers were prominent in administering this
Constitution or opposing its development, and were largely responsible
for the resulting tendencies of our government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Paul Leicester Ford.</span></span><br />
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Brooklyn, N. Y., April, 1892.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page001">[pg 001]</span><a name="Pg001" id="Pg001" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc3" id="toc3"></a>
<a name="pdf4" id="pdf4"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Letters Of Cassius, Written By James Sullivan.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In The Massachusetts Gazette,<br />
September-December, 1787.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page003">[pg 003]</span><a name="Pg003" id="Pg003" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The letters signed Cassius were, at the time of publication,
generally accredited to the pen of James Sullivan, and this opinion
is adopted in Amory's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Life of James Sullivan</span></span>. The letters
themselves bear out this opinion, being clearly written by a partisan
of the Hancock faction, of whom Sullivan was a warm
adherent, and constant newspaper essayist.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The first two letters were printed before the promulgation of
the proposed Constitution in Massachusetts, and chiefly relate to
the differences between the two parties headed by John Hancock
and James Bowdoin; but are included here to complete the
series. The letters are of particular value as giving the position
of Hancock, of whom Sullivan was the particular mouthpiece,
proving him to be a supporter of the adoption of the Constitution,
though the contrary has often been asserted. The early
letters were commented upon by <span class="tei tei-q">“Old Fog,”</span> in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Massachusetts
Centinel</span></span> of Sept. 22 and Oct. 6, 1787.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page005">[pg 005]</span><a name="Pg005" id="Pg005" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, I.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette, (Number 367).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, September 18, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is a great pity that such an able writer as Numa<a id="noteref_1" name="noteref_1" href="#note_1"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1</span></span></a> should
take up the pen to distribute sentiments, which have a tendency
to create uneasiness in the minds of the misinformed and weak,
(for none other will be influenced by them) especially at this time
when the state is hardly recovered from those convulsions,<a id="noteref_2" name="noteref_2" href="#note_2"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2</span></span></a> it
has so recently experienced.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The real well-wisher to peace and good government cannot
but execrate many of the ideas which that would be disturber of
tranquillity has lately proclaimed to the publick, through the channels of
the Hampshire Gazette, and Independent Chronicle.<a id="noteref_3" name="noteref_3" href="#note_3"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">3</span></span></a>
The man of sense, the true lover of his country, would, if a change
of officers was to take place in the government to which he was
subject, and men be placed in power, whom he thought not so
capable of the task as those who preceded them, endeavour, all
in his power, to extenuate the evil, and none but the ruthless incendiary,
or the disappointed tool, would, at such a period, conduct
in a manner the reverse.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is well known, that there is a party in this state whose
sentiments are in favour of aristocracy; who wish to see the constitution
dissolved, and another, which shall be more arbitrary
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page006">[pg 006]</span><a name="Pg006" id="Pg006" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and tyrannical, established on its ruins. Perhaps a few of this
description were members of the last administration.<a id="noteref_4" name="noteref_4" href="#note_4"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">4</span></span></a> If so,
most happy for the commonwealth, they are now hurled from
seats of power, and unable to carry into effect plans laid for subverting
the liberties of the people.—Checked at once in their
horrid career—all those hopes blasted which they entertained of
concerting measures which would <span class="tei tei-q">“afford them matter for derision
at a future day,”</span>—they now put on the garb of hypocrisy,
and seem to weep for the terrible misfortunes which they pretend
are hovering around us. Such characters are, it is hoped, forever
banished from places of trust. Some of them pretend to be
mighty politicians,—they display a vast knowledge of ancient
times—and by their harangues about the conduct of Greece,
Rome and Athens, show their acquaintance with the pages of
antiquity. In some few instances, however, perhaps they are
a little mistaken. The learned Numa says, <span class="tei tei-q">“the degenerate
Romans banished Cicero for saving the commonwealth.”</span> Rome
did not banish Cicero—a faction, who wished to triumph over the
liberties of Rome, exiled that immortal orator; and to that, or a
similar one, he at last fell a sacrifice. If a faction can be styled
the people, with great propriety do the disappointed aristocraticks,
and their tools, in our day, style themselves, the great majority
of the people.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If Numa, and others of the like stamp, are politicians, they are
very short-sighted ones. If our government is weak, is it policy
to weaken it still more by false suggestions, and by a scandalous
abuse of our rulers? by endeavouring to spread a spirit of discontent
among the people, and prejudicing their minds against those
whom, by their suffrages, they have chosen to take the helm of
affairs? If this is policy, Numa is, indeed, an accomplished politician.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But the time of triumph for the aristocratick clan is now over.
The people have seen their folly in listening too much to them
already. Their conduct has involved the state in confusion; but
it is hoped, a conduct the reverse will place matters again upon a
right footing. The secret machinations, which were harboured
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page007">[pg 007]</span><a name="Pg007" id="Pg007" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in the breasts of those aristocratick dupes, have been laid open to
publick inspection—their plans thoroughly investigated—and the
horrid tendency of them, had they taken effect, been fully manifested.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
They may weep, crocodile-like, till the source of their tears is
dried up, they never will get the prey into their jaws, which they
hoped to devour. The sting of remorse, it may be hoped, will
bring them to a sense of their guilt, and an upright conduct make
some amends for their high-handed offences. Should this take
place, an injured people may forgive, though they never can forget
them.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Let Numa reflect, that we now have, at the head of government,
those men who were the first to step forth in the great
cause of liberty—who risked their all to acquire the blessings of
freedom; though that freedom, through the influence of such
characters as himself, has been often abused.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The people know their rulers, and have confidence in them:
and can it be supposed, that they would have confidence in those,
whose dastardly souls, in time of danger, shrunk back from the
scene of action, and kept secure in their strong holds? and when
peace and independence had crowned the exertions of far more
noble souls, they groped out of darkness and obscurity, and intruded
themselves into places of power and trust?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Can it be expected, that the people should have confidence in
such men, or feel themselves secure under their government?
By no means. The bandage is taken from their eyes—they see
and detest them. They have displaced them, that they may return
to their former obscurity, and pass the remainder of their
days in philosophizing upon their conduct. Numa and his coadjutors
may exert themselves all in their power; but they cannot
again stir up sedition and rebellion.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The people now have too much penetration to be led away by
their falsehoods and scandal: they will, it is hoped, ere long, reap
the blessings of good government, under the direction of a wise
administration, and treat in a manner they deserve, every incendiary
attempt against their peace and happiness.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page008">[pg 008]</span><a name="Pg008" id="Pg008" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, II.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette, (Number 371)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, October 2, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To Numa's long list of evils, which he says, in some of his
productions, are prevalent in the commonwealth, he might have
added, that when priests became Jesuits, the liberties of the people
were in danger—in almost all countries, we shall find, that
when sedition and discontent were brewing, Political Jesuits were
often at the bottom of the affair.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Unhappily for Numa, the citizens of Massachusetts are not so
blinded by ignorance, nor so devoted to prejudice and superstition,
as the common people in those arbitrary and despotick governments,
where clerical imposition reigns paramount almost to
everything else; where the freedom of speech is suppressed, and
the liberty of the people, with regard to examining for themselves,
totally restrained.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is, however, the case that, even in this country, the weak
and ignorant are often led too implicitly to put their faith wholly
upon what their spiritual teachers think proper to inform them,
and precipitately imbibe sentiments from them, which, if their
teacher is a designing knave, may prove detrimental to society.
The Jesuit will, however, find it very difficult, notwithstanding
many circumstances may seem to favor his views, to carry the
point of altering a free government to one more arbitrary, in such
a country as this.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The cloak of religion too often answers to promote plans detrimental
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page009">[pg 009]</span><a name="Pg009" id="Pg009" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to the peace and happiness of mankind. The priests, who
accompanied the Spaniards when they first invaded the kingdoms
of Mexico and Peru, urged on those blood-hounds to perpetrate
scenes of cruelty and horror (at the bare recital of which human
nature shudders), with assurances that it would tend to promote
the cause of the Christian religion, if they effected the conquest
of those unhappy people, and that any conduct was justifiable to
bring infidels to a sense of their duty.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The teacher of the benign and peaceable doctrine of the
Saviour of mankind, often thinks he can, with greater security,
on account of his profession, disseminate the seeds of sedition and
discontent, without being suspected. This thought no doubt occurred
to Numa before he exhibited his designing productions to
the publick. Sheltered under the sacred wing of religion, how
many an impious wretch stalks secure from publick justice,
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Whose mem'ries ought, and will perhaps yet live,</span></span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">In all the glare which infamy can give.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Numa indicates that he means to prepare the minds of the
people for the reception of that government which the Federal
Convention shall think most proper for them to adopt. In the
name of common sense, what can that scribbler mean by this assertion?
Is a scandalous abuse of our rulers—the propagation
of sentiments which are calculated to set the publick mind in a
ferment—if they are so far attended to as to have any influence
among the people—a fit preparation for such a measure? Surely,
by no means, and every thinking mind will discover that the productions
of Numa are either intended to effect secret purposes, or
that they are merely effusions of the fanatick brain of that Quixote
of the day.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Instead of vile insinuations and falsehoods being spread among
the people, in regard to their rulers, in order to prepare their
minds for the reception of that form of government which the
Federal Convention may propose, sentiments the very reverse
ought to be propagated. The people ought to be inspired with
the highest confidence in those who preside over the affairs of the
state. It ought to be implanted in their minds, that their rulers
are men fit to conduct every plan which might be proposed, to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page010">[pg 010]</span><a name="Pg010" id="Pg010" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
promote the general welfare of the people; and this with truth
may be asserted. But Numa has no more intention of preparing
the minds of the people for the government which the Federal
Convention may propose, than Queen Catharine has of abdicating
the throne of Russia.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The people of Massachusetts ought to be cautioned, above
everything, to be on their guard with respect to the conduct of
Political Jesuits. They have generally been the curse of almost
every country that has cherished; they have often been the promoters
of revolution and bloodshed. A set of infernal fiends, let
loose from the dreary mansions of Beelzebub, cannot be more
detrimental to the place and happiness of society, than a band of
Political Jesuits.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Citizens of Massachusetts! those men who now preside over
you are, and ever have been, the patrons of freedom and independence!
men whose exertions have been unceasing to promote
and secure to you the blessings of a free government; whose
grand stimulus to act is the advancement of your welfare and
happiness!—men whose conduct is not stinted by the narrow concerns
of self, and who, <span class="tei tei-q">“when their country calls, can yield their
treasure up, and know no wish beyond the publick good.”</span> Such
are the men who now wield the affairs of state, and whose deeds
will, when those of that vile clan of calumniators who exist in this
state are rotting in the tomb of oblivion, conspicuously adorn the
brightest pages of the American revolution.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Numa<a id="noteref_5" name="noteref_5" href="#note_5"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">5</span></span></a>
and his band, the calumniators of true worth, may
bustle away for a while; but they will ere long be obliged to
retire from the bright flashes of patriotism and merit; and, after
finding their endeavours fruitless, to sully The Character of the Brightest Luminary
that ever Adorned the Hemisphere of Massachusetts,<a id="noteref_6" name="noteref_6" href="#note_6"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">6</span></span></a>
and many other illustrious patriots, who compose
the present administration, they will retire to gnash their teeth in
anguish and disappointment, in the caverns of obscurity—a punishment
their conduct most justly merits.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page011">[pg 011]</span><a name="Pg011" id="Pg011" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, III.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 383)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, November 16, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It was the saying of an eminent legislator, that if we had
angels to govern us, we should quarrel with them. The conduct
of some among us has repeatedly evinced, beyond a doubt, that
this would actually be the case; we have proof of this in a more
particular manner in the opposition now made by some (but I
sincerely hope the number is few) to the form of government
agreed upon by the late federal Convention. I firmly believe, if
a form of government was proposed to some of the inhabitants of
the United States by the great Author of Nature himself, founded
on the basis of eternal rectitude, and sanctioned in the courts
above, that they would object to it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is a happy circumstance for the citizens of the United States
that they are acquainted with the motives which actuate the
present opposers to the plan of federal government; as they now,
instead of listening with candour to the dictates of mad frenzy
and wild ambition, will treat with the deserved contempt all their
productions.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The opposers to the plan of federal government, are composed
of such as are either deeply in debt and know not how to extricate
themselves, should a strict administration of law and justice take
place, or those who are determined not to be contented under any
form of government, or of such as mean to <span class="tei tei-q">“owe their greatness
to their country's ruin.”</span>—Are such fit men to point out objections
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page012">[pg 012]</span><a name="Pg012" id="Pg012" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to a government, proposed by the first characters in the universe,
after a long and candid discussion of the subject?—Are such fit
characters to propose a government for ruling a free and enlightened
people?—Can those who are known to be divested of
honour, justice and integrity, expect to propagate sentiments that
will outweigh those of men whose character as true republicans
and wise statesmen, are known from pole to pole—men, whose
wisdom and firmness have emancipated the United States from
the yoke of bondage, and laid the foundation of an empire, which
(if the people will still follow their precepts) will last till time
shall be swallowed up in the <span class="tei tei-q">“wasteless ages of eternity?”</span>—Can
scribblers whose fame is but of a day, think to influence the
citizens of the United States so far as to cause them to respect a
form of government calculated to diffuse the blessings of civil
society far and wide?—If they can harbour ideas of such a nature,
I pity their weakness and despise their villainy.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Some writers in Pennsylvania, New York and Massachusetts,
have displayed their scribbling talents in opposition to the plan
of federal government; but it is easy to perceive by their arguments,
that they are men who are fearful of not being noticed in
a federal government, or are some of the stamp before mentioned.
Their arguments are without weight, and their assertions and
insinuations as foreign to the real state of facts as anything possibly
can be: they anticipate evils, which, in the nature of things,
it is almost impossible should ever happen, and, for the most part,
their reasoning (if it is not a degradation to reason to call such
jargon by its name) is incoherent, nonsensical and absurd.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Some writers in Massachusetts have discovered such weakness,
inconsistency and folly in their productions, that it discovers
them to be entirely ignorant of the subject they pretend to discuss,
and totally unacquainted with the plan of government proposed
by the federal convention. Among this number, is a
scribbler under the signature of Vox Populi;<a id="noteref_7" name="noteref_7" href="#note_7"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">7</span></span></a> whose signature, to
have been consistent with his productions, should have been Vox
Insania. This pompous and very learned scribbler, goes on to
harangue the public about the danger, hazard, terror and destruction
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page013">[pg 013]</span><a name="Pg013" id="Pg013" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which will attend the adoption of the federal Constitution.
He pleads, in a mournful strain, much about woful experience.
From this circumstance, I am induced to suppose Vox
Populi was an adherent of the celebrated Shays, in his unfortunate
expedition the last winter, and wofully experienced the misfortune
attendant on the insurgents, through the energy of government.
However, the inhabitants of Massachusetts may be
assured, that they will have Woful Experience with a witness, if
they suffer themselves to be led away by such ignorant, knavish
and designing numbheads as Vox Populi and his clan, so far as
to reject the plan of federal government proposed by the Convention.
Vox Populi complains that our source for taxes is exhausted,
and says we must have a new system for taxation: but
he must consider, that if the federal government is adopted, we
shall not have occasion to employ the legislature so great a part
of the year as we are now obliged to do; of consequence, government
will be able to apply their money to better uses than paying
anti-federalists, while they are spreading their poisonous vapours
through the already too much infected atmosphere.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Mr. Vox Populi remarks, that some people are already taxed
more than their estates are worth; in this instance I sincerely believe
he speaks the truth. But what is the occasion of their being
thus taxed?—It is because they make a show as though they
have property, though in fact it belongs to another; they live
sumptuously, and riot in the property of their unfortunate creditors.
Perhaps Mr. Vox Populi is one of this class, and has wofully
experienced a taxation more than his whole estate is worth:
if he is, I would advise him, instead of employing his time in
belching out his <span class="tei tei-q">“de factos, plene proofs”</span> and other chit-chat of
the like kind, and disseminating his execrable <span class="tei tei-q">“ideas,”</span> to go
about adjusting his affairs, as it will tend more to his honour,
and perhaps be the means of saving him from the woful experience
of confinement in a place much more fit for him than that
in which he now is.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I pity Mr. Vox Populi's weakness and conceit, in thinking he
and others of his class have accents not less majestick than thunder,
as I really think he is very singular in his opinion. Instead
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page014">[pg 014]</span><a name="Pg014" id="Pg014" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of his <span class="tei tei-q">“accents”</span> being majestick as thunder, they are as harmless
and insignificant as the feeble breeze.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Citizens of Massachusetts, look well about you; you are beset
by harpies, knaves and blockheads, who are employing every
artifice and falsehood to effect your ruin. The plan of federal
government is fraught with every thing favourable to your happiness,
your freedom and your future welfare: if you reject it,
posterity will execrate your memories, and ceaselessly insult
your ashes: if you adopt it, they will revere your departed
shades, and offer up libations of gratitude on your tombs.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
May that wisdom which is profitable to direct guide your
judgments—and may you, by adopting the federal government,
secure to yourselves and your posterity every social and religious
advantage, and every national blessing.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page015">[pg 015]</span><a name="Pg015" id="Pg015" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, IV.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 385)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, November 23, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Anarchy, with her haggard cheeks and extended jaws, stands
ready, and all allow that unless some efficient form of government
is adopted she will soon swallow us. The opposers to the
plan of government lately agreed upon by the federal convention
have not spared their censures upon it: they have stigmatized it
with every odious appellation that can be named; but amidst all
their railing, have not so much as hinted at a form of government
that would be proper for us to adopt: and even if they had, it
would have remained for us to examine, whether they were men
of more honesty, greater abilities, and firmer patriots and friends
to their country, than the members of the late convention; and
whether the form of government, which they might propose, was
better adapted to our situation and circumstances, and freer from
imperfections, than the one which has already been proposed to
us. But it is not the intention of the opposers to the plan of federal
government, founded on firm and truly republican principles;
as, in that case, their aims would be entirely defeated, as it would
put it out of their power to stir up sedition and discontent; and
they would be lost in obscurity, or move in a most contemptible
sphere.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I have before hinted, that the opposers of the plan of federal
government are composed of knaves, harpies and debtors; and, I
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page016">[pg 016]</span><a name="Pg016" id="Pg016" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
trust, it will soon appear, what I have said is not a bare assertion
only, but a matter of fact.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I shall now proceed to make a few remarks on the conclusion
of <span class="tei tei-q">“Vox Populi's,”</span> or rather Vox Insania's, production which appeared
in last Friday's paper.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Vox Populi requests the inhabitants of Massachusetts <span class="tei tei-q">“to pay
that attention to the federal constitution which the importance of
its nature demands;”</span> and informs them, that they <span class="tei tei-q">“have hazarded
their lives and fortunes (by the way, a wonderful piece of news)
to establish a government founded on the principles of genuine
civil liberty,”</span> &amp;c. I join with him in his request. And am confident
if that attention which is requisite is paid to the proposed
plan of federal government, that it will meet with the hearty approbation
of every well wisher to the freedom and happiness of
his country. It is true, that the inhabitants of America have
hazarded their lives and fortunes to establish a free and efficient
government; but will Vox Populi, that moon-light prophet, pretend
to say that such a government is at present established?
Vox Populi goes on to inform us, that, by adopting the new plan
of government, we shall make inroads on the constitution of this
State, which he seems to think will be sacrilegious. His narrow
and contracted ideas, his weak, absurd, and contemptible arguments,
discover him to be possessed of a mind clouded with the
gloom of ignorance, and thick with the grossest absurdity.
Strange it is, that that babbler should suppose it unjustifiable for
the people to alter or amend, or even entirely abolish, what they
themselves have established. But says Vox Populi, perhaps the
new plan will not have the same number to approbate it, that the
constitution of this State had. Perhaps Vox Populi will be hung
for high treason. There is, in my opinion, as much probability
in the latter perhaps, as in the former. Pray, Mr. Vox Populi, if
I may be so bold, what reason have you to judge that there will
not be so many for adopting the constitution proposed by the
convention, as there were for adopting the constitution of this
State some years ago? Do you suppose the inhabitants of Massachusetts
have depreciated in their understanding? or do you
suppose that the sublimity of your jargon has blinded them with
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page017">[pg 017]</span><a name="Pg017" id="Pg017" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
respect to their best interests? If you suppose the former, I
think you have not been much conversant with them of late, or
that your intellects are something defective. If you suppose the
latter, in my opinion, you are no better than a downright Fool.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Vox Populi sets out to touch the consciences of men in office,
in representing the solemnity of an oath. It seems almost impossible
that any one should be so stupidly blinded to every dictate
of reason and common sense, as to start such things as have
been mentioned by Vox Populi, to deter men from using their
influence to effect the adoption of the new plan of government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Can that shallow-pated scribbler suppose that an oath taken
by rulers to stand by a form of government, adopted by the people,
can be of any force or consideration if the people choose to
change that form of government for another more agreeable to
their wishes?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But (in order without doubt to strike a greater dread upon
their minds) Vox Populi says, <span class="tei tei-q">“the oath is registered in Heaven.”</span>
Pray, Mr. Vox Populi, when was you there? and did you really
see the oath registered? The constitution of this state was
formed, and officers appointed under it, long since the awful battle
was fought in Heaven, between Michael and the Prince of
Darkness, and I cannot conceive of your admittance there in any
other way than under the banners of his Satanick Majesty, who
might suppose that such an unparalleled phenomenon would have
an effect on the archangel that would be favourable to his cause.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Vox Populi asserts that the General Court<a id="noteref_8" name="noteref_8" href="#note_8"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">8</span></span></a> acted merely
officially in laying the proposed plan of government before the people.
No man of candour, sense and foresight, Mr. Vox Populi, will
ask the reason of the General Court's laying the plan of government
proposed by the federal constitution before the people, as
their own minds will suggest to them the true reason for it, and
none but those who are as stupid and ignorant as yourself, would
suppose that the General Court acted merely officially in doing
as they did. The General Court were undoubtedly influenced by
motives of the best kind in what they did.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
They without doubt were anxious that the people should have
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page018">[pg 018]</span><a name="Pg018" id="Pg018" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the new plan of government to consider of in due time, and, considering
the importance of it, and the tendency it had to promote
their happiness, liberty and security, took the first opportunity to
present it to them. 'Tis true, Mr. Vox Populi, that you are a
member of the legislature; it is also true that you are possessed
of a mind as emaciated as the mass of corrupt matter that encircles
it. But although you belong to the house of representatives,
I trust you are not the mouth of that honourable body; and, if
not, pray who authorised you to inform the publick of the motives
for their conduct? Did they in an official manner make their
motives known to you, and request you to lay them before the
publick? Indeed, Mr. Vox Populi, you seem to put on very assuming
airs, but I think you had better humble yourself, as your
station may, ere long, be lowered.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
A writer under the signature of Examiner,<a id="noteref_9" name="noteref_9" href="#note_9"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">9</span></span></a> has several times
pointed out the fallacy of the writings of Vox Populi, and requested
that ghost-like scribbler to lay a form of government before
the publick in lieu of that which he has taken upon him to
condemn; and has informed him, that if he does not, and still
continues scribbling, his modesty will be called in question.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Examiner is entirely unacquainted with the babbler he
justly reproves, or he would not have mentioned anything to him
respecting modesty; as he must be sensible that screech-owls are
entirely divested of modesty, and he may be assured that Vox
Populi is one of those midnight squallers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Inhabitants of Massachusetts! be constantly on the watch—It
requires almost the eyes of an Argus to penetrate into all the
schemes of those designing wretches, who are waiting to see you
reject the federal system of government, and involve yourselves
in all the horrours of anarchy, then to riot with pleasure on your
miseries. Disappoint their expectations—adopt the proposed
plan of federal government—it will secure to you every blessing
which a free and enlightened people can expect to enjoy.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Some, who are now in office, but expect soon to leave it, and
bid adieu to power, unless they can effect the establishment of a
government which shall
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page019">[pg 019]</span><a name="Pg019" id="Pg019" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Cause treason, rapine, sacrilege and crimes,</span></span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">To blot the annals of these western climes,</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
are busy in spreading every false and malicious insinuation in
their power, to prejudice the people against the new plan of government;
but it is hoped they will see through their designs, and
treat them with contempt—and wisely agree to embrace the new
plan of government, which is favourable to every sentiment of republicanism,
and replete with every thing beneficial to their welfare.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page020">[pg 020]</span><a name="Pg020" id="Pg020" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, V.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 386)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, November 27, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“Now there was a day when the sons of God came to present
themselves before the Lord, and Satan came also among them.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“And the Lord said unto Satan, Whence comest thou? Then
Satan answered the Lord, and said, From going to and fro in the
earth, and from walking up and down in it.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“And the Lord said unto Satan, Hast thou considered my servant
Job, that there is none like him in the earth, a perfect and
an upright man, one that feareth God, and escheweth evil?”</span> &amp;c.,
&amp;c.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Citizens of Massachusetts! like the sons of God have the
members of the late federal convention assembled together; like
them too, have they been infested with the presence of Satan, or
such as were influenced by Satanick principles, and who wish to
thwart every design that has a tendency to promote the general
good of the United States.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Let us take a short view of the characters who composed the
late federal convention. Are they not men who, from their infancy,
have been nurtured in the principles of liberty, and taught
to pay a sacred regard to the rights of human nature? Are they
not men who, when the poisonous breath of tyranny would have
blasted the flower of Independence in its bud, and veiled every
ray of freedom in the clouds of lawless despotism, nobly stepped
forth in defence of their injured country's rights, and through the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page021">[pg 021]</span><a name="Pg021" id="Pg021" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
influence of whose exertions, favoured by the protection of an
over-ruling Power, the thick fog of despotism vanished like the
early dew before the powerful rays of the resplendent luminary of
the universe? Are they not honest, upright and just men, who
fear God and eschew evil?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
With few exceptions, they are mostly men of this character;
and, Citizens of Massachusetts, they have formed a government
adequate to the maintaining and supporting the rank and dignity
of America in the scale of nations; a government which, if adopted,
will protect your trade and commerce, and cause business of
every kind rapidly to increase and flourish; it is a government
which wants only a candid perusal and due attention paid to it,
to recommend it to every well-wisher to his country.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Brethren and citizens, hearken to the voice of men who have
dictated only for your and posterity's good; men who ever
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Have made the publick good their only aim,</span></span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">And on that basis mean to build their fame.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Listen not to the insinuations of those who will glory only in
your destruction, but wisely persevere in the paths of rectitude.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page022">[pg 022]</span><a name="Pg022" id="Pg022" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, VI.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 387)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, November 30, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Mr. Allen:</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Through the channel of your Paper, I beg leave to offer one or
two short remarks on a production which appeared in your last,
under the signature of Agrippa.<a id="noteref_10" name="noteref_10" href="#note_10"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">10</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Without saying anything concerning the justness of the learned
Agrippa's observations on past events, I shall confine myself
chiefly to a small part of his uncommonly ingenious essay.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Agrippa says, <span class="tei tei-q">“the attempt has been made to deprive us,”</span> &amp;c.,
<span class="tei tei-q">“by exalting characters on the one side, and vilifying them on
the other.”</span> And goes on, <span class="tei tei-q">“I wish to say nothing of the merits
or demerits of individuals, such arguments always do hurt.”</span> Immediately
after this he insinuates that the members of the late
federal convention have, <span class="tei tei-q">“from their cradles, been incapable of
comprehending any other principles of government than those of
absolute power, and who have, in this instance (meaning the form
of government proposed by them) attempted to deprive the people
of their constitutional liberty by a pitiful trick.”</span> Thus the ignorant
loggerhead blunders directly into the very same thing
which he himself, just before, takes upon him to censure. Perhaps
Agrippa thinks that excusable in anti-federalists, which in a
federalist he beholds as criminal; justly thinking, without doubt,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page023">[pg 023]</span><a name="Pg023" id="Pg023" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that as absurdity, knavery and falsehood, is the general characteristick
of anti-federalists, he might indulge himself in either of
them, without meriting censure.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I apprehend, that Agrippa has a new budget of political ideas,
centered in his pericranium, which he will, in his own due time,
lay before the publick; for he insinuates, that the members of the
late federal convention are incapable of comprehending any other
principles of government than those of absolute power. Was it
the dictates of absolute power, that inspired the immortal Washington
to lead forth a band of freemen to oppose the inroads of
despotism, and establish the independence of his country? Was
it the dictates of arbitrary power, that induced the celebrated
Franklin to cross the wide Atlantick to procure succours for his
injured countrymen and citizens?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Blush and tremble, Agrippa! thou ungrateful monster!—Charon's
boat now waits on the borders of the Styx, to convey you to
those mansions where guilt of conscience will prey upon your intellects,
at least for a season!
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Is there not some chosen curse,</span></span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Some hidden thunder in the stores of heaven,</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Red with uncommon wrath, to blast the wretch,</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Who dares pollute such names</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">So sacred, and so much belov'd?</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Methinks I hear each freeman cry,</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 5.40em"><span style="font-size: 90%">Most certainly there is.</span></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page024">[pg 024]</span><a name="Pg024" id="Pg024" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, VII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 387)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, November 30, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I believe it may be asserted for fact, that since the foundations
of the universe were laid, there has no kind of government been
formed, without opposition being made to it, from one quarter or
another.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There always has been, and ever will be, in every country, men
who have no other aim in view than to be in direct opposition to
every thing which takes place, or which is proposed to be adopted.—This
class of beings always wish to make themselves important,
and to incur notice; and, conscious of their inability to
obtain that notice which is bestowed on the patriot and the just
man, they put up (because they cannot help it) with being noticed
only for their absurdity and folly. When you hear this
class of Would Be's engaged in condemning any form of government,
or any thing else, ask them this simple question—What do
you think would be better than that which you condemn?—O!
that is quite another matter, would most probably be the answer;
we are not adequate to the task of fabricating a government, we
leave that to wiser heads—but, they will continue, it is easy for
any one to discover the imperfections in this form of government
we are condemning. Strange absurdity!—inadequate to the task
of constructing, yet capable of criticizing upon, and pointing out
the defects of, anything which is constructed. Well may we say,
in the words of another—
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page025">[pg 025]</span><a name="Pg025" id="Pg025" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Some are bewilder'd in the maze of schools,</span></span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">And some made criticks Nature meant but fools:</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">In search of wit these lose their common sense,</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">And then turn critics in their own defence.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There is not, in the extensive circle of human nature, objects
more completely despicable than those who take upon them to
censure and condemn a work, without being able to substitute
any thing preferable in lieu of it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In those objects, last mentioned, this country considerably
abounds, as the newspaporial pages fully evince. They have
been busily employed of late, in finding fault with the plan of
government proposed by the federal convention; they have almost
exhausted their folly, knavery, absurdity, and ridiculous, inconclusive,
non-applicable arguments on the subject; and, in my
opinion, was this question asked them, What do you mean by all
your learned farrago about this matter? they could not give any
other reasonable answer, than that their intent was, to exhibit
specimens of their scribbling talents.—But I will dismiss this subject
for the present, in order to make a few remarks on the conduct
of some others, since the proposed form of government made
its appearance.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In some assemblies, where the necessity of calling a state convention
to consider of the merits of the new constitution has been
debated, some gentlemen, who were opposed to the plan of federal
government, while they reprobated it, at the same time declared
that none were more truly federal than themselves.—What
a pity it is, for these patriots in theory, that actions speak louder
than words—and that the people are so incredulous as not to believe
a thing which they know to be directly the reverse of
truth.—
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It ever prejudices people against arguments, even if they should
happen to be just, if they are prefaced by a glaring falsehood—this,
sharpers do not always consider, when they are attempting
to carry their favourite points.—It is something to be wondered
at, that a certain theoretical patriot,<a id="noteref_11" name="noteref_11" href="#note_11"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">11</span></span></a> instead of saying he would
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page026">[pg 026]</span><a name="Pg026" id="Pg026" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
sooner have lost his hand than subscribed his name to the plan of
federal government, had not have declared, that he would sooner
have lost his head, and the amazing fund of federal wisdom it
contains, before he would have been guilty of so horrid an act.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Look around you, inhabitants of America! and see of what characters
the anti-federal junto are composed.—Are any of them
men of that class, who, in the late war, made bare their arms and
girded on the helmet in your defence?—few, very few indeed, of
the antifederalists, are men of this character. But who are they
that are supporters of that grand republican fabrick, the Federal
Constitution?—Are they not the men who were among the first
to assert the rights of freemen, and put a check to the invasions
of tyranny? Are they not, many of them, men who have fought
and bled under the banners of liberty?—Most certainly this is the
case.—Will you then, countrymen and fellow-citizens, give heed
to these infamous, anti-federal slanderers, who, in censuring the
proposed plan of federal government, have dared, basely dared to
treat even the characters of a Washington and a Franklin with
reproach?—Surely you will not. Your good sense and discernment
will lead you to treat with abhorrence and contempt every
artifice which is put in practice to sap the confidence you have in
men who are the boast of their country, and an honour to human
nature. You certainly cannot harbour an idea so derogatory to
reason and the nature of things, as that men, who, for eight years,
have fought and struggled, to obtain and secure to you freedom
and independence, should now be engaged in a design to subvert
your liberties and reduce you to a state of servitude. Reason revolts
at the thought, ... and none but the infamous incendiary,
or the unprincipled monster, would insinuate a thing so vile.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page027">[pg 027]</span><a name="Pg027" id="Pg027" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, VIII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 391)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, December 14, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Inhabitants of this State:</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In some former publications, I have confined myself chiefly to
pointing out the views of the opposers to the plan of federal
government; the reason why I did not enter particularly into the
merits of the new constitution is, that I conceived if it was candidly
read, and properly attended to, that alone would be sufficient
to recommend it to the acceptance of every rational and
thinking mind that was interested in the happiness of the United
States of America. Some babblers of the opposition junto have,
however, complained that nothing has been said, except in general
terms, in favour of the federal constitution; in consequence
of this, incompetent as I am to the undertaking, I have been induced
to lay the following remarks before the publick.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sect. first, of the new constitution, says,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“All legislative powers Herein Granted shall be vested in a
congress of the United States.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I beg the reader to pay particular attention to the words herein
granted, as perhaps there may be occasion for me to recur to
them more than once in the course of my observations.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The second section of the federal constitution says, that the
members of the house of representatives shall be chosen every
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page028">[pg 028]</span><a name="Pg028" id="Pg028" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
second year, and the electors shall have the qualifications requisite
for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature.
Some have made objections to the time for which the
representatives are to be chosen; but it is to be considered, that
the convention, in this particular, meant to accommodate the time
for which the representatives should stand elected, to the constitutions
of the different states. If it had been provided, that the
time should have been of shorter duration, would not a citizen of
Maryland or South-Carolina had reason to murmur?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The weakness the anti-federalists discover in insinuating that
the federal government will have it in their power to establish a
despotick government, must be obvious to every one; for the
time for which they are elected is so short, as almost to preclude
the possibility of their effecting plans for enslaving so vast an
empire as the United States of America, even if they were so
base as to hope for anything of the kind. The representatives of
the people would also be conscious, that their good conduct
alone, would be the only thing which could influence a free
people to continue to bestow on them their suffrages: the representatives
of the people would not, moreover, dare to act contrary
to the instructions of their constituents; and if any one can
suppose that they would, I would ask them, why such clamour is
made about a bill of rights, for securing the liberties of the subject?
for if the delegates dared to act contrary to their instructions,
would they be afraid to encroach upon a bill of rights? If
they determined among themselves to use their efforts to effect
the establishment of an aristocratical or despotick government,
would a bill of rights be any obstacle to their proceedings? If
they were guilty of a breach of trust in one instance, they would
be so in another.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The second section also says, no person shall be elected a representative
who shall not have been seven years an inhabitant
of the United States. This clause effectually confounds all the
assertions of the anti-federalists, respecting the representatives not
being sufficiently acquainted with the different local interests of
their constituents; for a representative, qualified as the constitution
directs, must be a greater numbskull than a Vox Populi or
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page029">[pg 029]</span><a name="Pg029" id="Pg029" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
an Agrippa,<a id="noteref_12" name="noteref_12" href="#note_12"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">12</span></span></a> not to have a knowledge of the different concerns
of the Confederation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The objection that the representation will not be sufficient, is
weak in the highest degree. It is supposed, that there are sufficient
inhabitants in the state of Massachusetts to warrant the
sending of six delegates, at least, to the new Congress—To suppose
that three gentlemen, of the first characters and abilities,
were inadequate to represent the concerns of this state in a just
manner, would be absurd in the highest degree, and contradictory
to reason and common sense. The weakness of the anti-federalists,
in regard to the point just mentioned, sufficiently
shews their delinquency with respect to rational argument.
They have done nothing more than barely to assert, that the representation
would not be sufficient: it is a true saying, that
assertions are often the very reverse of facts.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sect. third, of the new constitution, says, each state shall
choose two senators, &amp;c. The liberalty of this clause is sufficient,
any reasonable person would suppose, to damp all opposition.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Can any thing be more consistent with the strictest principles
of republicanism?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Each state is here upon an equal footing; for the house of representatives
can of themselves do nothing without the concurrence
of the senate.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The third section further provides, that the senate shall choose
their own officers. This is so congenial with the constitution of
our own state, that I need not advance any argument to induce
the free citizens of Massachusetts to approbate it. And those
who oppose this part of the federal plan, act in direct opposition
to what the anti-federalists often profess, for the excellency of
our constitution has been their favourite theme.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The third section also provides, that the senate shall have the
sole power to try all impeachments. This clause seems to be
peculiarly obnoxious to anti-federal sycophants.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
They have declared it to be arbitrary and tyrannical in the
highest degree. But, fellow-citizens, your own good sense will
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page030">[pg 030]</span><a name="Pg030" id="Pg030" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
lead you to see the folly and weakness contained in such assertions.
You have experienced the tyranny of such a government;
that under which you now live is an exact model of it. In Massachusetts,
the house of representatives impeach, and the senate
try, the offender.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
That part of the proposed form of government, which is to be
styled the senate, will not have it in their power to try any person,
without the consent of two-thirds of the members.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In this respect, therefore, the new constitution is not more
arbitrary than the constitution of this state. This clause does
not, therefore, savour in the least of any thing more arbitrary
than what has already been experienced: so that the horrours
the anti-federal junto pretend to anticipate on that head, must
sink into nothing. Besides, when the house of representatives
have impeached, and the senate tried any one, and found him
guilty of the offence for which he is impeached, they can only
disqualify him from holding any office of power and trust in the
United States: and after that he comes within the jurisdiction of
the law of the land.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
How such a proceeding can be called arbitrary, or thought
improper, I cannot conceive. I leave it to the gentlemen in opposition
to point out the tyranny of such conduct, and explain
the horrid tendency it will have, for the government of the
United States to determine whether any one or more of their own
body are worthy to continue in the station to which they were
elected.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Another clause, which the anti-federal junto labour to prove
to be arbitrary and tyrannical, is contained in the fourth section,
which provides, that the time and place for electing senators and
representatives shall be appointed by the different state legislatures,
except Congress shall at any time make a law to alter such
regulation in regard to the place of choosing representatives.
The former part of this clause, gives not the least opportunity for
a display of anti-federal scandal, and the latter, only by misrepresentation,
and false construction, is by them made a handle of.
What is intended, by saying that Congress shall have power to
appoint the place for electing representatives, is, only to have a
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page031">[pg 031]</span><a name="Pg031" id="Pg031" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
check upon the legislature of any state, if they should happen to
be composed of villains and knaves, as is the case in a sister
state;<a id="noteref_13" name="noteref_13" href="#note_13"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">13</span></span></a> and should take upon themselves to appoint a place for
choosing delegates to send to Congress; which place might be
the most inconvenient in the whole state; and for that reason be
appointed by the legislature, in order to create a disgust in the
minds of the people against the federal government, if they themselves
should dislike it. The weakness of their arguments on
this head, must therefore be obvious to every attentive mind.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There is one thing, however, which I might mention, as a
reason why the opposition junto dread the clause aforementioned—they
may suppose, that Congress, when the people are assembled
for the choice of their rulers, in the place they have appointed,
will send their terrible standing army (which I shall
speak of in its place) and, Cesar Borgia like, massacre the whole,
in order to render themselves absolute. This is so similar to
many of the apprehensions they have expressed, that I could not
pass it by unnoticed. Indeed the chief of their productions
abound with improbabilities and absurdities of the like kind; for
having nothing reasonable to alledge against a government
founded on the principles of staunch republicanism, and which, if
well supported, will establish the glory and happiness of our
country. They resort to things the most strange and fallacious,
in order to blind the eyes of the unsuspecting and misinformed.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">To be continued.</span></span>)
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page032">[pg 032]</span><a name="Pg032" id="Pg032" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, IX.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 392)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, December 18, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Inhabitants of this State.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Continued from our last.</span></span>)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section 5, of the new constitution, says, Each house shall be a
judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members—a
majority shall constitute a quorum, and be authorized to
compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and
under such penalties as the law may provide. Each house shall
determine the rules of its proceedings—punish its members for
disorderly behaviour—and with the consent of two-thirds, expel
a member. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings,
and from time to time publish the same, &amp;c. No one, who professes
to be governed by reason, will dispute the propriety of any
assembly's being the judge of the qualifications requisite to constitute
a member of their own body. That part of the fifth section
which says a majority shall constitute a quorum, has been
an object against which many anti-federal shafts have been levelled.
It has been asserted by some, that this clause empowers
a majority of members present, to transact any business relating
to the affairs of the United States, and that eight or ten members
of the house of representatives, and an equal number of the senate,
might pass a law which would benefit themselves, and injure
the community at large. The fallacy of such assertions is sufficiently
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page033">[pg 033]</span><a name="Pg033" id="Pg033" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
conspicuous to render them ridiculous and contemptible
in the eyes of every unprejudiced mind—for the section further
expresses, That a smaller number than a quorum may adjourn
from day to day, and be authorised to compel attendance of absent
members. This is all the power that is vested in a smaller
number than the majority. It is therefore evident, that when it
says a majority shall constitute a quorum to do business, it means
a majority of the whole number of members that belong to either
house.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sect. 5, further provides, That each house shall keep a journal
of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, &amp;c.
This clause is so openly marked with every feature of republicanism,
and expressed in such liberal and comprehensive terms, that
it needs no comment to render it acceptable to the enlightened
citizens of Massachusetts.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sect. 6, provides, That the senators and representatives shall
receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by
law—they shall, except in cases of treason, felony, or breach of
peace, be privileged from arrest during their session.—The necessity
of such regulations must appear plain to every one; the
inhabitants of Massachusetts, fully convinced of the justness of
such provision, made it in the constitution of this state. The 6th
section further says, No member shall be called to account for
sentiments delivered in either house, at any other place. In this
clause, the freedom of debate, so essential to the preservation of
liberty and the support of a republican form of government, is
amply provided for. Impeded by no obstacle whatever, the patriot
may here proclaim every sentiment that glows within his
breast. How far despotism can encroach upon such a government
I leave the antifederal junto to declare.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 6th section further provides, that no senator or representative
shall, during the time he is in office, be elected or appointed
to any office under the United States—nor shall any person,
holding any office under the government, be elected a member
of either house during his continuance in that station.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This clause at once confutes every assertion of the antifederalists
respecting the new congress being able to secure to themselves
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page034">[pg 034]</span><a name="Pg034" id="Pg034" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
all offices of power, profit and trust. This section is even
more rigidly republican than the constitution of this commonwealth;
for in the general assembly of Massachusetts, a civil officer
is not excluded a seat; whereas the new constitution expressly
asserts that no person in civil office under the United States shall
be eligible to a seat in either house.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sect. 7 provides that all bills for raising revenues shall originate
in the house of representatives. Here again must the anti-federalists
appear weak and contemptible in their assertions that the
senate will have it in their power to establish themselves a complete
aristocratick body; for this clause fully evinces that if their
inclinations were ever so great to effect such an establishment, it
would answer no end, for being unable to levy taxes, or collect a
revenue, is a sufficient check upon every attempt of such a nature.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 7th section further provides, That every bill which passes
the house of representatives and the senate, before it becomes a
law, shall be presented to the president of the United States; if he
objects to it the sense of both houses will be again taken on the
subject, and if two-thirds of the members are in favour of the bill,
it passes into a law.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Much clamour has been made about the power of the president;
it has been asserted that his influence would be such as to
enable him to continue in office during life.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Such insinuations are founded on a very slender basis. If the
president opposes the sense of both houses, without sufficient
reasons for his conduct, he will soon become obnoxious, and his
influence vanish like the fleeting smoke; and his objection to
anything which the house and senate may think calculated for
the promotion of the publick good, will be of no effect.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sect. 8 provides, That Congress shall have power to lay and
collect taxes, duties, imposts, excises, &amp;c.—to pay debts, to provide
for the common defence and general welfare of the United
States—that all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform
throughout the Union—they shall have power to coin money,
and to fix the value thereof, &amp;c.—The impotency of the present
Congress sufficiently indicates the necessity of granting greater
powers to a federal head; and it is highly requisite such a head
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page035">[pg 035]</span><a name="Pg035" id="Pg035" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
should be enabled to establish a fund adequate to the exigencies
of the Union.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The propriety of all duties and imposts being uniform throughout
the states, cannot be disputed. It is also highly requisite
that Congress should be enabled to establish a coin which shall
circulate the same throughout all the states. The necessity of
such arrangements is certainly very obvious. For other particulars
contained in the 8th section, I must refer my readers to the
Constitution, and am confident they will find it replete with nothing
more than what is absolutely necessary should be vested in
the guardians of a free country.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Can, then, those murmuring sycophants, who oppose the plan
of federal government, wish for anything more liberal than what
is contained in the aforementioned section? If the powers of a
federal head were to be established on as weak a frame as that on
which the present confederation is founded, what effect would
any constitution have in giving energy to measures designed to
promote the glory of the Union, and for establishing its honour
and credit? One great object of the federal Convention was, to
give more power to future Assemblies of the States. In this they
have done liberally, without partiallity to the interests of the
states individually; and their intentions were known before the
honourable body was dissolved. And now that a form of government,
every way adequate to the purposes of the Union, has been
proposed by them, in which proper powers are to be vested in
the supreme head, a hue and cry is raised by the sons of sedition
and dishonesty, as though an army of uncircumcised Philistines
were upon us!
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
They are bellowing about, that tyranny will inevitably follow
the adoption of the proposed constitution. It is, however, an old
saying, that the greatest rogue is apt to cry rogue first. This we
may rely upon, that if we follow perfidious counsels, as those
are, I dare affirm, of the anti-federalists, every evil which that
sapp brood anticipates, will befall us. Besides, foreign creditors
will not be cheated out of their property; nor will the creditors
of our own country be tame spectators of the sacrifice of their
interest at the shrine of villainy.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page036">[pg 036]</span><a name="Pg036" id="Pg036" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section 9th says, The writ of habeus corpus shall not be suspended,
unless in case of rebellion, or the invasion of the publick
safety may require it. It has been asserted by some, that a person
accused of a crime, would be obliged to ruin himself, in order
to prove his innocence; as he would be obliged to repair to the
seat of federal government, in order to have his cause tried before
a federal court, and be liable to pay all expenses which might be
incurred in the undertaking. But the section beforementioned
proves that assertion to be futile and false, as it expressly provides
for securing the right of the subjects, in regard to his being
tried in his own state.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 9th section further provides, that a regular statement and
account of the receipts and expenditures of all publick monies,
shall be published from time to time. Thus the people will have
it in their power to examine the appropriations made of the
revenues and taxes collected by Congress; and if they are not
satisfied in regard to the conduct of their rulers in this respect,
they will be able to effect a change agreeable to their wishes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The last section of this article provides, that no state shall enter
into any treaty, alliance, &amp;c., coin money, emit bills of credit,
make any other but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of
debts—all laws respecting imposts, duties, and excises, shall be
subject to the revision and controul of Congress.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The absolute necessity of powers of this nature being vested in
a federal head is indisputable.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For want of such a power, what vile proceedings have of late
disgraced almost every legislative measure of Rhode Island!
For want of such a power, some honest creditors in Massachusetts
have been paid in old horses and enormous rocks, in return
for money loaned upon interest. With respect to the controul of
Congress over laws of the afore-mentioned description, it is
highly requisite that it should take place: nor have the people
any thing to fear from such a proceeding; for their controul
cannot be extended farther than the powers granted in the new
constitution; the words of which are, <span class="tei tei-q">“all powers Herein
Granted.”</span> If any act originates contrary to this, it will be of no
effect, and a mere nullity.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page037">[pg 037]</span><a name="Pg037" id="Pg037" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section one, of article second, provides that the executive
power shall be vested in a president of the United States. The
necessity of such a provision must appear reasonable to any one;
and further remarks, therefore, on this head will be needless.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the same section it is provided, (among other things which
to argue upon would be unnecessary, as they are founded on the
firmest principles of republicanism) that Congress shall determine
the time for choosing electors, and the day of election shall be the
same throughout the Union. Can anything more strongly mark
a liberal and free government than this clause? No one state will
in the least be influenced in their choice by that of another; and
Congress cannot have the least controul in regard to the appointment
of any particular men for electors. This, among other
things, proves that all requisite power will still remain in the
hands of the people, and any insinuation to the contrary, must be
a mere chicane to blind the judgments of the misinformed.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">To be continued.</span></span>)
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page038">[pg 038]</span><a name="Pg038" id="Pg038" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, X.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 393)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, December 21, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Inhabitants of this State.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Continued from our last.</span></span>)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section I, of article II. further provides, That the president
shall, previous to his entering upon the duties of his office, take
the following oath or affirmation: I do solemnly swear (or affirm)
that I will faithfully execute the office of president of the
United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect,
and defend the constitution of the United States. Thus we
see that instead of the president's being vested with all the powers
of a monarch, as has been asserted, that he is under the immediate
controul of the constitution, which if he should presume to
deviate from, he would be immediately arrested in his career and
summoned to answer for his conduct before a federal court, where
strict justice and equity would undoubtedly preside.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section 3, of article II. provides, That the president of the United
States shall, from time to time, give Congress information of
the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such
measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient—he may, on
extraordinary occasions, convene both houses or either of them,
and adjourn them to such time as he may think proper—he shall
take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission
all officers of the United States.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page039">[pg 039]</span><a name="Pg039" id="Pg039" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Very little more power is granted to the president of the United
States, by the above section, than what is vested in the governours
of the different states. The propriety of vesting such powers
in a supreme executive cannot be doubted. What would it signify
to appoint an executive officer, and immediately after to
make laws which would be a barrier to the execution of his commission?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It would answer the same end that the nominal power which
is vested in the different states answers, that is, it would answer
the end of paying for the support of a shaddow, without reaping
the benefit of the substance.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is certainly requisite that proper powers should be vested in
an executive (and certainly no more than necessary powers are
vested in the executive of the United States by the new constitution)
or else the establishment of such a branch is needless.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section 4, of article II. says, The president, vice-president, and
all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office
on impeachment for, and conviction of treason, bribery, or other
high crimes and misdemeanors.—Thus we see that no office, however
exalted, can protect the miscreant, who dares invade the liberties
of his country, or countenance in his crimes the impious villain
who sacrilegiously attempts to trample upon the rights of freemen.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Who will be absurd enough to affirm, that the section alluded
to, does not sufficiently prove that the federal convention have
formed a government which provides that we shall be ruled by
laws and not by men? None, surely, but an anti-federalist—and
from them falsehood receives constant homage; for it is on the
basis of falsehood and the summit of ignorance, that all opposition
to the federal government is founded.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section 1, of article III. provides, That the judicial power of
the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in
such inferiour courts as Congress may from time to time appoint.—It
has been asserted, that a federal court would be an engine of
partiality in the government, a source of oppression and injustice
to the poorer part of the community; but how far consistency influenced
the conduct of the authors of such assertions, the publick
must determine. The anti-federalists have said, that if a
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page040">[pg 040]</span><a name="Pg040" id="Pg040" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
cause should come before one of state judicial courts, and judgment
be given against the person who possessed most interest,
that he would immediately appeal to the federal court, whose residence
would be at the seat of government, and consequently at
so great a distance that an inhabitant of the state of Georgia or
New-Hampshire, if he was in low circumstances, would not be
able to carry his cause before the federal court, and would, therefore,
be obliged to give it up to his wealthier antagonist. The
glaring improbability with which such insinuations abound, must
be obvious to every one.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Can it be supposed, that any person would be so inconsistent,
after a cause was given against him, in a court where judges presided
whose characters, as honest and just men, were unrivalled,
as to attempt to have the cause re-heard before the federal court?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Indeed if such a thing was to take place, the man in low circumstances
would have nothing to fear, as the payment of all charges
would fall upon the person who lost the cause, and there is not the
shadow of a doubt, with respect to the person's losing the cause,
who had lost it before in a court of justice in either of the states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In regard to the equal administration of justice in all the states,
a rattle brained anti-federalist, in the last Mass. Gazette, under
the signature of Agrippa,<a id="noteref_14" name="noteref_14" href="#note_14"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">14</span></span></a>
has asserted, that the inequality of the
administration of justice throughout the states, was a favourite
argument in support of the new constitution—an assertion founded
on as impudent and barefaced a falsehood as ever was uttered,
for the very reverse is the case. The equality of the administration
of justice in the different states, has ever been dwelt upon as
recommendatory of the new plan of government. I am induced
to think that Agrippa is non compos, and this might proceed
from his close application to study, while the library of a celebrated
university was under his care<a id="noteref_15" name="noteref_15" href="#note_15"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">15</span></span></a>—he
seems to be one of
those whom Pope describes when he says,
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Some are bewilder'd in the maze of schools,</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> &amp;c.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I hope my readers will forgive this digression, when they consider
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page041">[pg 041]</span><a name="Pg041" id="Pg041" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that such scandalous lies, absurdities, and misrepresentations
as the productions of Agrippa, that political Quixote,
abound with, may have a tendency to prejudice the minds of
the misinformed against the new constitution, unless they are
properly noticed.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section 2, of Article III. provides, among other things, that
the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be
by jury; and such trial shall be held in the state where the crime
shall have been committed; but when not committed within any
state, the trial shall be at such place or places, as Congress may
by law have directed. It has been frequently asserted that the new
constitution deprived the subject of the right of trial by jury; on
what grounds such an assertion could be founded, is to me a
mystery; for the constitution expressly says, that the trial shall
be by jury, except in cases of impeachment. In our own state, if a
civil officer is impeached he will not be tried by a jury, but by
that branch of our legislature styled the senate. Tired, no doubt,
with a repetition of arguments, upon parts of the constitution
which did not appear quite plain till investigated and rightly
construed, the anti-federalists have taken upon them to assert
things which the proposed system does not afford them the least
grounds for. Presumptuous, indeed, must they be in the highest
degree, if they suppose any will be so blind as to listen to the
most palpable falsehoods, uttered by them. Their conduct seems
to evince, that they harbour sentiments similar to those of the
Romish priests, in countries where the common people have
scarcely any knowledge of things wherein their interests are insuperably
connected, and imbibe their principles wholly from
what the priests think proper to inform them. But such artifices
will not avail to practice upon the inhabitants of America; for
here, almost all have some knowledge of government, derived
from their own study and experience; and very few are so stupidly
ignorant as to believe all that is circulated by minions and
miscreants.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section 3, of article III. provides, that Congress shall have
power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of
treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page042">[pg 042]</span><a name="Pg042" id="Pg042" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
during the life of the person attainted.—This section is truly republican
in every sense of the expression, and is of itself fully
adequate to proving that the members of the federal convention
were actuated by principles the most liberal and free—this single
section alone is sufficient to enroll their proceedings on the records
of immortal fame.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Contrast this section with the laws of England, in regard to
treason, and, notwithstanding the boasted rights of the subject in
that isle, we shall find our own in this, as well as almost every
other particular, far to exceed them.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section 1, of article IV. says, full faith and credit shall be given
in each state, to the publick acts, records and judicial proceedings
of every other state. The benefit to be derived from such a
regulation must be great, especially to those who are sometimes
obliged to have recourse to law, for the settlement of their affairs.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section 2, of article IV. provides, that the citizens of each state
shall be intitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in
the several states. This section must also be a source of much
advantage to the inhabitants of the different states, who may have
business to transact in various parts of the continent, as being
equally intitled to the rights of citizenship in one as well as another.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
They will find less difficulty in pursuing their various concerns
than if it were otherwise.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the same article, section 3, it is provided, That new states
may be admitted into the Union; but no new state shall be
formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state, nor
any states be formed by the sanction of two or more states, or
parts of states, without the consent of the legislatures of the states
concerned, as well as of Congress. This section can be opposed
by none who have the peace and happiness of the states at heart;
for, by this section, the designs of those who wish to effect the
disunion of the states, in order to get themselves established in
posts of honour and profit, are entirely defeated. The majority
of the citizens of Massachusetts, in particular, will see the good
effects to be derived from such a regulation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">To be Continued.</span></span>)
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page043">[pg 043]</span><a name="Pg043" id="Pg043" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cassius, XI.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 394)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, December 25, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Inhabitants of this State.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Concluded from our last.</span></span>)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 3d section, in article IV. also provides, that Congress shall
have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations
respecting the territory or other property of the United
States; and nothing in this constitution shall be construed as a
prejudice to the claims of the United States, or any particular
state.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There is not, certainly, anything contained in the aforementioned
clause, which can be opposed on reasonable grounds. It
is certainly necessary that Congress should have power to make
all needful rules and regulations respecting the concerns of the
Union; and if they exceed what is necessary, their regulations
will be of no effect; for whatever is done by them, which the
constitution does not warrant, is null and void, and can be no
more binding on the inhabitants of America, than the edicts of
the grand signior of Turkey.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
You will remember, my countrymen, that the words of the
constitution are, <span class="tei tei-q">“All Powers Herein Granted.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Section 4, of article IV. says, The United States shall guarantee
to every state in the Union a Republican Form of Government;
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page044">[pg 044]</span><a name="Pg044" id="Pg044" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on
application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature
cannot be convened) against domestic violence.—At the
perusal of this clause, anti-federalism must blush, and opposition
hide its head. Could anything have more openly, or more
plainly evinced to the world, the noble motives which influenced
the conduct of the delegates of America, than the clause aforementioned?
it provides, that a republican form of government
shall be guaranteed to each state in the Union. The inhabitants
of America are surely acquainted with the principles of republicanism,
and will certainly demand the establishment of them,
in their fullest extent.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The section just mentioned, secures to us the full enjoyment
of every thing which freemen hold dear, and provides for protecting
us against every thing which they can dread.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This article, my countrymen, is sufficient to convince you of
the excellency of that constitution which the federal convention
have formed; a constitution founded on the broad basis of liberty,
and, should the citizens of America happily concur in adopting
it, its pillars may be as fixed as the foundations of created nature.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Say, ye mighty cavillers, ye inconsistent opposers of the new
plan of government, of what avail, to the thinking part of the
community, do you suppose will be all your clamours about a
bill of rights? Does not the abovementioned section provide for
the establishment of a free government in all the states? and if
that freedom is encroached upon, will not the constitution be violated?
It certainly will; and its violators be hurled from the
seat of power, and arraigned before a tribunal where impartial
justice will no doubt preside, to answer for their high-handed
crime.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Article V. of the new constitution, says, That Congress, whenever
two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose
amendments to this constitution; or on the application of
the legislatures of two-thirds of the states, shall call a convention
for proposing amendments, which in either case shall be valid to
all intents and purposes, as part of the constitution, when ratified
by the legislatures of three-fourths of the states, or by conventions
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page045">[pg 045]</span><a name="Pg045" id="Pg045" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in three-fourths thereof; as one or the other modes of ratification
may be proposed by Congress; provided that no amendments
which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight
hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first and fourth
clauses in the ninth section of the first article, and that no state,
without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the
senate.—
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
On what grounds can the opposers to the new plan found their
assertions that Congress will have it in their power to make what
laws they please, and what alterations they think proper in the
constitution, after the people have adopted it? The constitution
expressly says, that any alterations in the constitution must be
ratified by three-fourths of the states. The 5th article also provides,
that the states may propose any alterations which they see
fit, and that Congress shall take measures for having them carried
into effect.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If this article does not clearly demonstrate that all power is in
the hands of the people, then the language by which we convey
our ideas, is shockingly inadequate to its intended purposes, and
as little to be understood by us, as Hebrew to the most illiterate.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 6th section provides, that this constitution, and the laws
which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made,
or which shall be made, in pursuance thereof, under the authority
of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the
judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the
constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This is the article, my countrymen, which knaves and blockheads
have so often dressed up in false colours, and requested
your attention to the construction of it. Adopt not a constitution,
say they, which stipulates that the laws of Congress shall
be the supreme law of the land—or, in other words, they request
of you not to obey laws of your own making. This is the article
which they say is so arbitrary and tyrannical, that unless you
have a bill of rights to secure you, you are ruined forever.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But in the name of common sense I would ask, of what use
would be a bill of rights, in the present case?... It can only be
to resort to when it is supposed that Congress have infringed the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page046">[pg 046]</span><a name="Pg046" id="Pg046" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
unalienable rights of the people: but would it not be much easier
to resort to the federal constitution, to see if therein power is
given to Congress to make the law in question? If such power
is not given, the law is in fact a nullity, and the people will not
be bound thereby. For let it be remembered, that such laws,
and such only, as are founded on this constitution, are to be the
supreme law of the land;—and it would be absurd indeed, if the
laws which are granted in the constitution, were not to be, without
reserve, the supreme law of the land. To give Congress
power to make laws for the Union, and then to say they should
not have force throughout the Union, would be glaringly inconsistent:—Such
an inconsistency, however, has hitherto been the
evil which the whole continent have complained of, and which
the new constitution is designed to remedy.—Let us reverse the
proposition, and see how it will then stand.—This constitution,
and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance
thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made under
their authority, shall not be the supreme law of the land—and
the judges in the several states shall not be bound thereby.—This
is exactly what the anti-federalists wish to be the case; this,
and in this alone would they glory.—But, fellow citizens, you
will discern the excellency of the aforementioned clause; you
will perceive that it is calculated, wisely calculated, to support
the dignity of this mighty empire, to restore publick and private
credit, and national confidence.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Article IV. further provides, That the senators and representatives
before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures
and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United
States and of the several states, shall be bound, by oath or affirmation,
to support this constitution; but no religious test shall ever
be required as a qualification to any office or publick trust under
the United States.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thus, my fellow-citizens, we see that our rulers are to be
bound by the most sacred ties, to support our rights and liberties,
to secure to us the full enjoyment of every privilege which we
can wish for; they are bound by the constitution to guarantee to
us a republican form of government in its fullest extent; and
what is there more that we can wish for?
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page047">[pg 047]</span><a name="Pg047" id="Pg047" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thus the people of the United States, <span class="tei tei-q">“in order to form a more
perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestick tranquillity,
provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare,
and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity,”</span>
have appointed a federal convention to <span class="tei tei-q">“ordain and establish,”</span>
with the concurrence of the people, a constitution for the United
States of America. That federal convention have assembled together,
and after a full investigation of the different concerns of
the Union, have proposed a form of government, calculated to
support, and transmit, inviolate, to the latest posterity, all the
blessings of civil and religious liberty.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Citizens of Massachusetts! consider, O consider well, these important
matters, and weigh them deliberately in the scale of reason!
Consider at what a vast expense of toil, difficulty, treasure
and blood, you have emancipated yourselves from the yoke of
bondage, and established yourselves an independent people!
Consider that those immortal characters, who first planned the
event of the revolution, and with arms in their hands stepped
forth in the glorious cause of human nature, have now devised a
plan for supporting your freedom, and increasing your strength,
your power and happiness.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Will you then, O my countrymen! listen to the mad dictates
of men, who are aiming, by every artifice and falsehood, which
the emissaries of hell can invent, to effect your total destruction
and overthrow? who wish to ascend the chariot of anarchy, and
ride triumphant over your smoking ruins, which they hope to
effect, by their more than hellish arts: in your misery they hope
to glory, and establish their own greatness <span class="tei tei-q">“on their country's
ruin.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If they can effect this, they will laugh at your calamity, and
mock your misfortunes—the language of each brother in iniquity,
when they meet, will be, <span class="tei tei-q">“hail damn'd associates,”</span> see our high
success!
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Think, O my countrymen! think, before it is too late!—The
important moment approaches, when these states must, by the
most wise of all conduct, forever establish their glory and happiness,
on the firmest basis, by adopting the constitution, or by the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page048">[pg 048]</span><a name="Pg048" id="Pg048" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
most foolish and inconsistent of all conduct, in rejecting it, entail
on themselves and on their posterity, endless infamy.
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">There is a tide in the affairs of men,</span></span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune;</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Omitted, all the voyage of their life</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Is bound in shallowness.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">——</span></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If you embrace not the golden moment now before you, and
refuse to receive that which only can establish the dignity of your
towering Eagle, this and generations yet unborn, will curse, with
an anathema, your dying fame, and breathe, with imprecations
and just indignation, vengeance and insults on your sleeping
ashes! But should you, on the contrary, with energy and vigour,
push your fortune, and, with earnestness and gratitude, clasp
to your arms this great blessing which Heaven has pointed to
your view, posterity, made happy by your wisdom and exertions,
will honour and revere your memories. Secure in their prosperity,
they will weep for joy, that Heaven had given them—Fathers!
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cassius.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page049">[pg 049]</span><a name="Pg049" id="Pg049" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc5" id="toc5"></a>
<a name="pdf6" id="pdf6"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Letters Of Agrippa, Accredited To James Winthrop.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In The Massachusetts Gazette,<br />
November, 1787-January, 1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page051">[pg 051]</span><a name="Pg051" id="Pg051" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The letters of Agrippa were the ablest anti-federal publications
printed in Massachusetts, and showed especial ability in arguing
the dangers and defects of a plan of government which was both
so peculiarly needed, and so specially advantageous to the State
of Massachusetts, that its adoption was only endangered by certain
questions of local politics, which could not even enter into
the discussion. They were noticed, or replied to, in the Massachusetts
Gazette, Dec. 21, 1787, by <span class="tei tei-q">“Charles James Fox;”</span> Dec.
28, 1787, and Jan. 4, 1788, by <span class="tei tei-q">“Kempis O'Flanagan,”</span> Jan. 22,
and 25, 1788, by <span class="tei tei-q">“Junius,”</span> and in the letters of Cassius, printed
in this volume.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
At the time of publication they were accredited to the pen of
James Winthrop, of Cambridge, and he was repeatedly attacked
as the author, without denying it; while his supposed authorship
and general opposition to the Constitution contributed to
defeat his election by Cambridge to the Massachusetts Convention
for considering the proposed government, receiving only one
vote in the whole town. On the contrary, the writer, in his
tenth letter, states that the surmises as to the authorship are not
correct, and in the Massachusetts Gazette of Dec. 21, 1787, the
following appeared:
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
I feel myself </span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">greatly hurt</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%"> at the liberties lately taken by certain
</span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">scribblers</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%"> with the characters of the </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">hon.</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> E. Gerry
and James Winthrop, </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">esquire</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, of Cambridge, two gentlemen, no
less distinguished for their </span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">honesty</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">, </span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">patriotism</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">, and
</span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">extensive abilities</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">, than
a Washington or a Franklin.
</span></p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
... In regard to J. Winthrop, </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">esquire</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, (of said Cambridge)
it has been insinuated, that that gentleman is the author of the
pieces in the Massachusetts Gazette, signed Agrippa—but every
one who can </span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">boast the pleasure of his acquaintance</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">, must
</span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">know that insinuation</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%"> is grounded on </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">falsehood</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">.
</span></p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page052">[pg 052]</span><a name="Pg052" id="Pg052" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
The heterogenous compound of nonsense and absurdity with
which the compositions of </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Agrippa</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> are so replete, are certainly
not the productions of a man so celebrated for his superior knowledge
and </span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">understanding</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">.
</span></p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
In short, Mr. Printer, I hope you and your brother typographers
will be very careful how you are </span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">guilty</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%"> of </span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">exposing</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%"> such
</span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">exalted characters</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%"> in future.
</span></p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Ocrico.</span></span>
</p>
</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page053">[pg 053]</span><a name="Pg053" id="Pg053" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, I.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 385)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, November 23, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Many inconveniences and difficulties in the new plan of government
have been mentioned by different writers on that subject.
Mr. Gerry has given the publick his objections against it, with a
manly freedom.<a id="noteref_16" name="noteref_16" href="#note_16"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">16</span></span></a> The seceding members from the Pennsylvania
Assembly also published theirs.<a id="noteref_17" name="noteref_17" href="#note_17"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">17</span></span></a> Various anonymous writers
have mentioned reasons of great weight. Among the many objections
have been stated the unlimited right of taxation—a standing
army—an inadequate representation of the people—a right to destroy
the constitution of the separate states, and all the barriers
that have been set up in defence of liberty—the right to try
causes between private persons in many cases without a jury;
without trying in the vicinity of either party; and without any
limitation of the value which is to be tried. To none of these or
any other objections has any answer been given, but such as have
acknowledged the truth of the objection while they insulted the
objector. This conduct has much the appearance of trying to
force a general sentiment upon the people.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The idea of promoting the happiness of the people by opposing
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page054">[pg 054]</span><a name="Pg054" id="Pg054" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
all their habits of business, and by subverting the laws to which
they are habituated, appears to me to be at least a mistaken proceeding.
If to this we add the limitations of trade, restraints on
its freedom, and the alteration of its course, and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">transfer of the
market</span></em>, all under the pretence of regulation for <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">federal purposes</span></em>,
we shall not find any additional reason to be pleased with the
plan.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is now conceded on all sides that the laws relating to civil
causes were never better executed than at present. It is confessed
by a warm federalist in answer to Mr. Gerry's sensible
letter, that the courts are so arranged at present that no inconvenience
is found, and that if the new plan takes place great difficulties
may arise. With this confession before him, can any
reasonable man doubt whether he shall exchange a system, found
by experience to be convenient, for one that is in many respects
inconvenient and dangerous? The expense of the new plan is
terrifying, if there was no other objection. But they are multiplied.
Let us consider that of the representation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There is to be one representative for every thirty thousand
people. Boston would nearly send one, but with regard to another
there is hardly a county in the state which would have
one. The representatives are to be chosen for two years. In
this space, when it is considered that their residence is from two
hundred to five hundred miles from their constituents, it is difficult
to suppose that they will retain any great affection for the
welfare of the people. They will have an army to support them,
and may bid defiance to the clamours of their subjects. Should
the people cry aloud the representative may avail himself of the
right to alter the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">time of election</span></em> and postpone it for another
year. In truth, the question before the people is, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">whether they
will have a limited government or an absolute one</span></em>!
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is a fact justified by the experience of all mankind from the
earliest antiquity down to the present time, that freedom is necessary
to industry. We accordingly find that in absolute governments,
the people, be the climate what it may, are general [sic]
lazy, cowardly, turbulent, and vicious to an extreme. On the
other hand, in free countries are found in general, activity, industry,
arts, courage, generosity, and all the manly virtues.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page055">[pg 055]</span><a name="Pg055" id="Pg055" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Can there be any doubt which to choose? He that Hesitates
must be base indeed.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
A favourite objection against a free government is drawn from
the irregularities of the Greek and Roman republicks. But it is
to be considered that war was the employment which they considered
as most becoming freemen. Agriculture, arts, and most
domestick employment were committed chiefly to slaves. But
Carthage, the great commercial republick of antiquity, though
resembling Rome in the form of its government, and her rival for
power, retained her freedom longer than Rome, and was never
disturbed by sedition during the long period of her duration.
This is a striking proof that the fault of the Greek and Roman
republicks was not owing to the form of their government, and
that the spirit of commerce is the great bond of union among
citizens. This furnishes employment for their activity, supplies
their mutual wants, defends the rights of property, and producing
reciprocal dependencies, renders the whole system harmonious
and energetick. Our great object therefore ought to be to encourage
this spirit. If we examine the present state of the world
we shall find that most of the business is done in the freest states,
and that industry decreases in proportion to the rigour of government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page056">[pg 056]</span><a name="Pg056" id="Pg056" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, II.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 386)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, November 27, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People of Massachusetts.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the Gazette of the 23d instant, I ascertained from the state
of other countries and the experience of mankind, that free
countries are most friendly to commerce and to the rights of
property. This produces greater internal tranquility. For every
man, finding sufficient employment for his active powers in the
way of trade, agriculture and manufactures, feels no disposition
to quarrel with his neighbour, nor with the government which
protects him, and of which he is a constituent part. Of the truth
of these positions we have abundant evidence in the history of
our own country. Soon after the settlement of Massachusetts,
and its formation into a commonwealth, in the earlier part of the
last century, there was a sedition at Hingham and Weymouth.
The governour passing by at that time with his guard, seized
some of the mutineers and imprisoned them. This was complained
of as a violation of their rights, and the governour lost
his election the next year; but the year afterwards was restored
and continued to be re-elected for several years. The government
does not appear to have been disturbed again till the revocation
of the charter in 1686, being a period of about half a
century.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Connecticut set out originally on the same principles, and has
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page057">[pg 057]</span><a name="Pg057" id="Pg057" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
continued uniformly to exercise the powers of government to this
time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
During the last year,<a id="noteref_18" name="noteref_18" href="#note_18"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">18</span></span></a>
we had decisive evidences of the vigour
of this kind of government. In Connecticut, the treason was restrained
while it existed only in the form of conspiracy. In Vermont,
the conspirators assembled in arms, but were suppressed
by the exertions of the militia, under the direction of their sheriffs.
In New-Hampshire, the attack was made on the legislature, but
the insurrection was in a very few hours suppressed, and has
never been renewed. In Massachusetts, the danger was by delay
suffered to increase. One judicial court after another was stopped,
and even the capital trembled. Still, however, when the supreme
executive gave the signal, a force of many thousands of active,
resolute men, took the field, during the severities of winter, and
every difficulty vanished before them. Since that time we have
been continually coalescing. The people have applied with diligence
to their several occupations, and the whole country wears
one face of improvement. Agriculture has been improved, manufactures
multiplied, and trade prodigiously enlarged. These are
the advantages of freedom in a growing country. While our
resources have been thus rapidly increasing, the courts have set
in every part of the commonwealth, without any guard to defend
them; have tried causes of every kind, whether civil or criminal,
and the sheriffs, have in no case been interrupted in the execution
of their office. In those cases indeed, where the government was
more particularly interested, mercy has been extended; but in
civil causes, and in the case of moral offences, the law has been
punctually executed. Damage done to individuals, during the
tumults, has been repaired, by judgment of the courts of law, and
the award has been carried into effect. This is the present state
of affairs, when we are asked to relinquish that freedom which
produces such happy effects.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The attempt has been made to deprive us of such a beneficial
system, and to substitute a rigid one in its stead, by criminally
alarming our fears, exalting certain characters on one side, and
vilifying them on the other. I wish to say nothing of the merits
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page058">[pg 058]</span><a name="Pg058" id="Pg058" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
or demerits of individuals; such arguments always do hurt. But
assuredly my countrymen cannot fail to consider and determine
who are the most worthy of confidence in a business of this magnitude.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Whether they will trust persons, who have from their cradles
been incapable of comprehending any other principles of government,
than those of absolute power, and who have, in this very
affair, tried to deprive them of their constitutional liberty, by a
pitiful trick. They cannot avoid prefering those who have uniformly
exerted themselves to establish a limited government, and
to secure to individuals all the liberty that is consistent with justice,
between man and man, and whose efforts, by the smiles of
Providence, have hitherto been crowned with the most splendid
success. After the treatment we have received, we have a right to
be jealous, and to guard our present constitution with the strictest
care. It is the right of the people to judge, and they will do
wisely to give an explicit instruction to their delegates in the proposed
convention, not to agree to any proposition that will in
any degree militate with that happy system of government under
which Heaven has placed them.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">November 24, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page059">[pg 059]</span><a name="Pg059" id="Pg059" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, III.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 387)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, November 30, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It has been proved from the clearest evidence, in two former
papers, that a free government, I mean one in which the power
frequently returns to the body of the people, is in principle the
most stable and efficient of any kind; that such a government
affords the most ready and effectual remedy for all injuries done
to persons and the rights of property. It is true we have had a
tender act.<a id="noteref_19" name="noteref_19" href="#note_19"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">19</span></span></a>
But what government has not some law in favour
of debtors? The difficulty consists in finding one that is not more
unfriendly to the creditors than ours. I am far from justifying
such things. On the contrary, I believe that it is universally
true, that acts made to favour a part of the community are wrong
in principle. All that is now intended is, to remark that we are
not worse than other people in that respect which we most condemn.
Probably the inquiry will be made, whence the complaints
arise. This is easily answered. Let any man look round
his own neighbourhood, and see if the people are not, with a very
few exceptions, peaceable and attached to the government; if the
country had ever within their knowledge more appearance of industry,
improvement and tranquillity; if there was ever more of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page060">[pg 060]</span><a name="Pg060" id="Pg060" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the produce of all kinds together for the market; if their stock
does not rapidly increase; if there was ever a more ready vent
for their surplus; and if the average of prices is not about as high
as was usual in a plentiful year before the war. These circumstances
all denote a general prosperity. Some classes of citizens
indeed suffer greatly. Two descriptions I at present recollect.
The publick creditors form the first of these classes, and they
ought to, and will be provided for.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Let us for a moment consider their situation and prospects.
The embarrassments consequent upon a war, and the usual reduction
of prices immediately after a war, necessarily occasioned
a want of punctuality in publick payments. Still, however, the
publick debt has been very considerably reduced, not by the dirty
and delusive scheme of depreciation, but the nominal sum. Applications
are continually making for purchases in our eastern
and western lands. Great exertions are making for clearing off
the arrears of outstanding taxes, so that the certificates<a id="noteref_20" name="noteref_20" href="#note_20"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">20</span></span></a> for interest
on the state debt have considerably increased in value.
This is a certain indication of returning credit. Congress this
year disposed of a large tract of their lands towards paying the
principal of their debt.<a id="noteref_21" name="noteref_21" href="#note_21"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">21</span></span></a> Pennsylvania has discharged the whole
of their part of the continental debt. New York has nearly
cleared its state debt, and has located a large part of their new
lands towards paying the continental demands.<a id="noteref_22" name="noteref_22" href="#note_22"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">22</span></span></a> Other states
have made considerable payments. Every day from these considerations
the publick ability and inclination to satisfy their
creditors increases. The exertions of last winter were as much
to support public as private credit. The prospect therefore of
the publick creditors is brightening under the present system. If
the new system should take effect without amendments, which
however is hardly probable, the increase of expense will be death
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page061">[pg 061]</span><a name="Pg061" id="Pg061" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to the hopes of all creditors, both of the continental and of the
state. With respect, however, to our publick delays of payment
we have the precedent of the best established countries in
Europe.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The other class of citizens to which I alluded was the ship-carpenters.
All agree that their business is dull; but as nobody
objects against a system of commercial regulations for the whole
continent, that business may be relieved without subverting all
the ancient foundations and laws which have the respect of the
people. It is a very serious question whether giving to Congress
the unlimited right to regulate trade would not injure them still
further. It is evidently for the interest of the state to encourage
our own trade as much as possible. But in a very large empire,
as the whole states consolidated must be, there will always be a
desire of the government to increase the trade of the capital, and
to weaken the extremes. We should in that case be one of the
extremes, and should feel all the impoverishment incident to that
situation. Besides, a jealousy of our enterprising spirit, would
always be an inducement to cramp our exertions. We must then
be impoverished or we must rebel. The alternative is dreadful.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
At present this state is one of the most respectable and one of
the most influential in the union. If we alone should object to
receiving the system without amendments, there is no doubt but
it would be amended. But the case is not quite so bad. New York
appears to have no disposition even to call a convention.
If they should neglect, are we to lend our assistance to compel
them by arms, and thus to kindle a civil war without any provocation
on their part? Virginia has put off their convention till
May, and appears to have no disposition to receive the new plan
without amendments. Pennsylvania does not seem to be disposed
to receive it as it is. The same objections are made in all
the states, that the civil government which they have adopted
and which secures their rights will be subverted. All the defenders
of this system undertake to prove that the rights of the
states and of the citizens are kept safe. The opposers of it agree
that they will receive the least burdensome system which shall
defend those rights.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page062">[pg 062]</span><a name="Pg062" id="Pg062" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Both parties therefore found their arguments on the idea that
these rights ought to be held sacred. With this disposition is it
not in every man's mind better to recommit it to a new convention,
or to Congress, which is a regular convention for the
purpose, and to instruct our delegates to confine the system to
the general purposes of the union, than the endeavour to force
it through in its present form, and with so many opposers as
it must have in every state on the continent? The case is not
of such pressing necessity as some have represented. Europe
is engaged, and we are tranquil. Never therefore was an happier
time for deliberation. The supporters of the measure are by no
means afraid of insurrections taking place, but they are afraid
that the present government will prove superiour to their assaults.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page063">[pg 063]</span><a name="Pg063" id="Pg063" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, IV.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 388)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, December 3, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Having considered some of the principal advantages of the
happy form of government under which it is our peculiar good
fortune to live, we find by experience, that it is the best calculated
of any form hitherto invented, to secure to us the rights of
our persons and of our property, and that the general circumstances
of the people shew an advanced state of improvement
never before known. We have found the shock given by the
war, in a great measure obliterated, and the public debt contracted
at that time to be considerably reduced in the nominal
sum. The Congress lands are full adequate to the redemption
of the principal of their debt, and are selling and populating very
fast. The lands of this state, at the west, are, at the moderate
price of eighteen pence an acre, worth near half a million
pounds in our money. They ought, therefore, to be sold as quick
as possible. An application was made lately for a large tract at
that price, and continual applications are made for other lands in
the eastern part of the state. Our resources are daily augmenting.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We find, then, that after the experience of near two centuries
our separate governments are in full vigor. They discover, for
all the purposes of internal regulation, every symptom of strength,
and none of decay. The new system is, therefore, for such purposes,
useless and burdensome.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page064">[pg 064]</span><a name="Pg064" id="Pg064" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Let us now consider how far it is practicable consistent with
the happiness of the people and their freedom. It is the opinion
of the ablest writers on the subject, that no extensive empire can
be governed upon republican principles, and that such a government
will degenerate to a despotism, unless it be made up of a
confederacy of smaller states, each having the full powers of internal
regulation. This is precisely the principle which has hitherto
preserved our freedom. No instance can be found of any
free government of considerable extent which has been supported
upon any other plan. Large and consolidated empires may indeed
dazzle the eyes of a distant spectator with their splendour,
but if examined more nearly are always found to be full of misery.
The reason is obvious. In large states the same principles of
legislation will not apply to all the parts. The inhabitants of
warmer climates are more dissolute in their manners, and less
industrious, than in colder countries. A degree of severity is,
therefore, necessary with one which would cramp the spirit of the
other. We accordingly find that the very great empires have
always been despotick. They have indeed tried to remedy the
inconveniences to which the people were exposed by local regulations;
but these contrivances have never answered the end.
The laws not being made by the people, who felt the inconveniences,
did not suit their circumstances. It is under such tyranny
that the Spanish provinces languish, and such would be our misfortune
and degradation, if we should submit to have the concerns
of the whole empire managed by one legislature. To promote
the happiness of the people it is necessary that there should be
local laws; and it is necessary that those laws should be made by
the representatives of those who are immediately subject to the
want of them. By endeavouring to suit both extremes, both are
injured.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is impossible for one code of laws to suit Georgia and
Massachusetts. They must, therefore, legislate for themselves.
Yet there is, I believe, not one point of legislation that is not
surrendered in the proposed plan. Questions of every kind
respecting property are determinable in a continental court, and
so are all kinds of criminal causes. The continental legislature
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page065">[pg 065]</span><a name="Pg065" id="Pg065" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
has, therefore, a right to make rules in all cases by which their
judicial courts shall proceed and decide causes. No rights are
reserved to the citizens. The laws of Congress are in all cases
to be the supreme law of the land, and paramount to the constitutions
of the individual states. The Congress may institute
what modes of trial they please, and no plea drawn from the constitution
of any state can avail. This new system is, therefore, a
consolidation of all the states into one large mass, however diverse
the parts may be of which it is to be composed. The idea of an
uncompounded republick, on an average one thousand miles in
length, and eight hundred in breadth, and containing six millions
of white inhabitants all reduced to the same standard of morals,
of habits, and of laws, is in itself an absurdity, and contrary to
the whole experience of mankind. The attempt made by Great
Britain to introduce such a system, struck us with horrour, and
when it was proposed by some theorist that we should be represented
in parliament, we uniformly declared that one legislature
could not represent so many different interests for the purposes of
legislation and taxation. This was the leading principle of the
revolution, and makes an essential article in our creed. All that
part, therefore, of the new system, which relates to the internal
government of the states, ought at once to be rejected.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page066">[pg 066]</span><a name="Pg066" id="Pg066" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, V.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 390)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, December 11, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the course of inquiry it has appeared, that for the purposes
of internal regulation and domestick tranquillity, our small and
separate governments are not only admirably suited in theory,
but have been remarkably successful in practice. It is also
found, that the direct tendency of the proposed system, is to consolidate
the whole empire into one mass, and, like the tyrant's
bed, to reduce all to one standard. Though this idea has been
started in different parts of the continent, and is the most important
trait of this draft, the reasoning ought to be extensively
understood. I therefore hope to be indulged in a particular
statement of it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Causes of all kinds, between citizens of different states, are to
be tried before a continental court. This court is not bound to
try it according to the local laws where the controversies happen;
for in that case it may as well be tried in a state court. The
rule which is to govern the new courts, must, therefore, be made
by the court itself, or by its employers, the Congress. If by the
former, the legislative and judicial departments will be blended;
and if by the Congress, though these departments will be kept
separate, still the power of legislation departs from the state in all
those cases. The Congress, therefore, have the right to make
rules for trying all kinds of questions relating to property between
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page067">[pg 067]</span><a name="Pg067" id="Pg067" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
citizens of different states. The sixth article of the new constitution
provides, that the continental laws shall be the supreme law
of the land, and that all judges in the separate states shall be bound
thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the
contrary notwithstanding. All the state officers are also bound
by oath to support this constitution. These provisions cannot be
understood otherwise than as binding the state judges and other
officers, to execute the continental laws in their own proper departments
within the state. For all questions, other than those
between citizens of the same state, are at once put within the jurisdiction
of the continental courts. As no authority remains to the
state judges, but to decide questions between citizens of the same
state, and those judges are to be bound by the laws of Congress,
it clearly follows, that all questions between citizens of the same
state are to be decided by the general laws and not by the local
ones.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Authority is also given to the continental courts, to try all
causes between a state and its own citizens. A question of property
between these parties rarely occurs. But if such questions
were more frequent than they are, the proper process is not to
sue the state before an higher authority; but to apply to the supreme
authority of the state, by way of petition. This is the
universal practice of all states, and any other mode of redress destroys
the sovereignty of the state over its own subjects. The
only case of the kind in which the state would probably be sued,
would be upon the state notes. The endless confusion that
would arise from making the estates of individuals answerable,
must be obvious to every one.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There is another sense in which the clause relating to causes
between the state and individuals is to be understood, and it is
more probable than the other, as it will be eternal in its duration,
and increasing in its extent. This is the whole branch of the law
relating to criminal prosecutions. In all such cases, the state is
plaintiff, and the person accused is defendant. The process,
therefore, will be, for the attorney-general of the state to commence
his suit before a continental court. Considering the state
as a party, the cause must be tried in another, and all the expense
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page068">[pg 068]</span><a name="Pg068" id="Pg068" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of transporting witnesses incurred. The individual is to take
his trial among strangers, friendless and unsupported, without
its being known whether he is habitually a good or a bad man;
and consequently with one essential circumstance wanting by
which to determine whether the action was performed maliciously
or accidentally. All these inconveniences are avoided by the
present important restriction, that the cause shall be tried by a
jury of the vicinity, and tried in the county where the offence was
committed. But by the proposed <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">derangement</span></em>, I can call it by
no softer name, a man must be ruined to prove his innocence.
This is far from being a forced construction of the proposed form.
The words appear to me not intelligible, upon the idea that it is
to be a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">system</span></em> of government, unless the construction now given,
both for civil and criminal processes, be admitted. I do not say
that it is intended that all these changes should take place within
one year, but they probably will in the course of half a dozen
years, if this system is adopted. In the meantime we shall be
subject to all the horrors of a divided sovereignty, not knowing
whether to obey the Congress or the State. We shall find it impossible
to please two masters. In such a state frequent broils
will ensue. Advantage will be taken of a popular commotion,
and even the venerable forms of the state be done away, while the
new system will be enforced in its utmost rigour by an army.—I
am the more apprehensive of a standing army, on account of a
clause in the new constitution which empowers Congress to keep
one at all times; but this constitution is evidently such that it
cannot stand any considerable time without an army. Upon this
principle one is very wisely provided. Our present government
knows of no such thing.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page069">[pg 069]</span><a name="Pg069" id="Pg069" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, VI.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 391)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, December 14, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To prevent any mistakes, or misapprehensions of the argument,
stated in my last paper, to prove that the proposed constitution is
an actual consolidation of the separate states into one extensive
commonwealth, the reader is desired to observe, that in the course
of the argument, the new plan is considered as an entire system.
It is not dependent on any other book for an explanation, and
contains no references to any other book. All the defences of it,
therefore, so far as they are drawn from the state constitutions,
or from maxims of the common law, are foreign to the purpose.
It is only by comparing the different parts of it together, that the
meaning of the whole is to be understood. For instance—
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We find in it, that there is to be a legislative assembly, with
authority to constitute courts for the trial of all kinds of civil
causes, between citizens of different states. The right to appoint
such courts necessarily involves in it the right of defining their
powers, and determining the rules by which their judgment shall
be regulated; and the grant of the former of those rights is nugatory
without the latter. It is vain to tell us, that a maxim of
common law requires contracts to be determined by the law existing
where the contract was made: for it is also a maxim, that
the legislature has a right to alter the common law. Such a
power forms an essential part of legislation. Here, then, a declaration
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page070">[pg 070]</span><a name="Pg070" id="Pg070" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of rights is of inestimable value. It contains those
principles which the government never can invade without an
open violation of the compact between them and the citizens.
Such a declaration ought to have come to the new constitution
in favour of the legislative rights of the several states, by which
their sovereignty over their own citizens within the state should
be secured. Without such an express declaration the states are
annihilated in reality upon receiving this constitution—the forms
will be preserved only during the pleasure of Congress.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The idea of consolidation is further kept up in the right given
to regulate trade. Though this power under certain limitations
would be a proper one for the department of Congress; it is in
this system carried much too far, and much farther than is necessary.
This is, without exception, the most commercial state
upon the continent. Our extensive coasts, cold climate, small
estates, and equality of rights, with a variety of subordinate and
concurring circumstances, place us in this respect at the head of
the Union. We must, therefore, be indulged if a point which so
nearly relates to our welfare be rigidly examined. The new constitution
not only prohibits vessels, bound from one state to another,
from paying any duties, but even from entering and clearing.
The only use of such a regulation is, to keep each state in
complete ignorance of its own resources. It certainly is no hardship
to enter and clear at the custom house, and the expense is
too small to be an object.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The unlimited right to regulate trade, includes the right of
granting exclusive charters. This, in all old countries, is considered
as one principal branch of prerogative. We find hardly
a country in Europe which has not felt the ill effects of such a
power. Holland has carried the exercise of it farther than any
other state, and the reason why that country has felt less evil
from it is, that the territory is very small, and they have drawn
large revenues from their colonies in the East and West Indies.
In this respect, the whole country is to be considered as a trading
company, having exclusive privileges. The colonies are
large in proportion to the parent state; so that, upon the whole,
the latter may gain by such a system. We are also to take into
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page071">[pg 071]</span><a name="Pg071" id="Pg071" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
consideration the industry which the genius of a free government
inspires. But in the British islands all these circumstances together
have not prevented them from being injured by the monopolies
created there. Individuals have been enriched, but the
country at large has been hurt. Some valuable branches of
trade being granted to companies, who transact their business
in London, that city is, perhaps, the place of the greatest trade in
the world. But Ireland, under such influence, suffers exceedingly,
and is impoverished; and Scotland is a mere bye-word.
Bristol, the second city in England, ranks not much above this
town in population. These things must be accounted for by the
incorporation of trading companies; and if they are felt so severely
in countries of small extent, they will operate with ten-fold
severity upon us, who inhabit an immense tract; and living
towards one extreme of an extensive empire, shall feel the evil,
without retaining that influence in government, which may enable
us to procure redress. There ought, then, to have been inserted
a restraining clause which might prevent the Congress
from making any such grant, because they consequentially
defeat the trade of the out-ports, and are also injurious to the
general commerce, by enhancing prices and destroying that
rivalship which is the great stimulus to industry.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page072">[pg 072]</span><a name="Pg072" id="Pg072" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, VII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 392)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, December 18, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There cannot be a doubt, that, while the trade of this continent
remains free, the activity of our countrymen will secure
their full share. All the estimates for the present year, let them
be made by what party they may, suppose the balance of trade
to be largely in our favour. The credit of our merchants is,
therefore, fully established in foreign countries. This is a sufficient
proof, that when business is unshackled, it will find out that
channel which is most friendly to its course. We ought, therefore,
to be exceedingly cautious about diverting or restraining it.
Every day produces fresh proofs, that people, under the immediate
pressure of difficulties, do not, at first glance, discover the
proper relief. The last year, a desire to get rid of embarrassments
induced many honest people to agree to a tender act, and many
others, of a different description, to obstruct the courts of justice.
Both these methods only increased the evil they were intended to
cure. Experience has since shown that, instead of trying to lessen
an evil by altering the present course of things, that every endeavor
should have been applied to facilitate the course of law, and thus
to encourage a mutual confidence among the citizens, which increases
the resources of them all, and renders easy the payment of
debts. By this means one does not grow rich at the expense of
another, but all are benefited. The case is the same with the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page073">[pg 073]</span><a name="Pg073" id="Pg073" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
States. Pennsylvania, with one port and a large territory, is less
favourably situated for trade than the Massachusetts, which has
an extensive coast in proportion to its limits of jurisdiction. Accordingly
a much larger proportion of our people are engaged in
maritime affairs. We ought therefore to be particularly attentive
to securing so great an interest. It is vain to tell us that we
ought to overlook local interests. It is only by protecting local
concerns that the interest of the whole is preserved. No man
when he enters into society does it from a view to promote the
good of others, but he does it for his own good. All men having
the same view are bound equally to promote the welfare of
the whole. To recur then to such a principle as that local interests
must be disregarded, is requiring of one man to do more
than another, and is subverting the foundation of a free government.
The Philadelphians would be shocked with a proposition
to place the seat of general government and the unlimited right
to regulate trade in the Massachusetts. There can be no greater
reason for our surrendering the preference to them. Such sacrifices,
however we may delude ourselves with the form of words,
always originate in folly, and not in generosity.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Let me now request your attention a little while to the actual
state of publick credit, that we may see whether it has not been
as much misrepresented as the state of our trade.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
At the beginning of the present year, the whole continental
debt was about twelve millions of pounds in our money. About
one-quarter part of this sum was due to our foreign creditors.
Of these France was the principal, and called for the arrears of
interest. A new loan of one hundred and twenty thousand
pounds was negotiated in Holland, at five per cent., to pay the
arrears due to France. At first sight this has the appearance of
bad economy, and has been used for the villainous purpose of
disaffecting the people. But in the course of this same year,
Congress have negotiated the sale of as much of their western
lands on the Ohio and Mississippi, as amount nearly to the whole
sum of the foreign debt; and instead of a dead loss by borrowing
money at five per cent. to the amount of an hundred and twenty
thousand pounds in one sum, they make a saving of the interest
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page074">[pg 074]</span><a name="Pg074" id="Pg074" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
at six per cent. on three millions of their domestick debt, which
is an annual saving of an hundred and eighty thousand pounds.
It is easy to see how such an immense fund as the western territory
may be applied to the payment of the foreign debt. Purchasers
of the land would as willingly procure any kind of the
produce of the United States as they would buy loan office certificates
to pay for the land. The produce thus procured would
easily be negotiated for the benefit of our foreign creditors. I do
not mean to insinuate that no other provision should be made for
our creditors, but only to shew that our credit is not so bad in
other countries as has been represented, and that our resources
are fully equal to the pressure.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The perfection of government depends on the equality of its
operation, as far as human affairs will admit, upon all parts of the
empire, and upon all the citizens. Some inequalities indeed will
necessarily take place. One man will be obliged to travel a few
miles further than another man to procure justice. But when he
has travelled, the poor man ought to have the same measure of
justice as the rich one. Small enqualities [sic] may be easily
compensated. There ought, however, to be no inequality in the
law itself, and the government ought to have the same authority
in one place as in another. Evident as this truth is, the most
plausible argument in favour of the new plan is drawn from the
inequality of its operation in different states. In Connecticut,
they have been told that the bulk of the revenue will be raised
by impost and excise, and, therefore, they need not be afraid to
trust Congress with the power of levying a dry tax at pleasure.
New York and Massachusetts are both more commercial states
than Connecticut. The latter, therefore, hopes that the other two
will pay the bulk of the continental expense. The argument is,
in itself, delusive. If the trade is not over-taxed, the consumer
pays it. If the trade is over-taxed, it languishes, and by the ruin
of trade the farmer loses his market. The farmer has, in truth,
no other advantage from imposts than that they save him the
trouble of collecting money for the government. He neither gets
nor loses money by changing the mode of taxation. The government
indeed finds it the easiest way to raise the revenue; and the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page075">[pg 075]</span><a name="Pg075" id="Pg075" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
reason is that the tax is by this means collected where the money
circulates most freely. But if the argument was not delusive, it
ought to conclude against the plan, because it would prove the
unequal operation of it; and if any saving is to be made by the
mode of taxing, the saving should be applied towards our own
debt, and not to the payment of that part of the continental
burden which Connecticut ought to discharge. It would be impossible
to refute in writing all the delusions made use of to force
this system through. Those respecting the publick debt, and
the benefit of imposts, are the most important, and these I have
taken pains to explain. In one instance, indeed, the impost does
raise money at the direct expense of the seaports. This is when
goods are imported subject to a duty, and re-exported without a
drawback. Whatever benefit is derived from this source, surely
should not be transferred to another state, at least till our own
debts are cleared.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Another instance of unequal operation is, that it establishes
different degrees of authority in different states, and thus creates
different interests. The lands in New Hampshire having been
formerly granted by this state, and afterwards by that state, to
private persons, the whole authority of trying titles becomes
vested in a continental court, and that state loses a branch of authority,
which the others retain, over their own citizens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I have now gone through two parts of my argument, and have
proved the efficiency of the state governments for internal regulation,
and the disadvantages of the new system, at least some of
the principal. The argument has been much longer than I at
first apprehended, or possibly I should have been deterred from
it. The importance of the question has, however, prevented me
from relinquishing it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page076">[pg 076]</span><a name="Pg076" id="Pg076" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, VIII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 394)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, December 25, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It has been proved, by indisputable evidence, that power is not
the grand principle of union among the parts of a very extensive
empire; and that when this principle is pushed beyond the degree
necessary for rendering justice between man and man, it debases
the character of individuals, and renders them less secure in
their persons and property. Civil liberty consists in the consciousness
of that security, and is best guarded by political liberty,
which is the share that every citizen has in the government.
Accordingly all our accounts agree, that in those empires which
are commonly called despotick, and which comprehend by far the
greatest part of the world, the government is most fluctuating, and
property least secure. In those countries insults are borne by the
sovereign, which, if offered to one of our governours, would fill
us with horrour, and we should think the government dissolving.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The common conclusion from this reasoning is an exceedingly
unfair one, that we must then separate, and form distinct confederacies.
This would be true if there was no principle to substitute
in the room of power. Fortunately there is one. This is
commerce. All the states have local advantages, and in a considerable
degree separate interests. They are, therefore, in a situation
to supply each other's wants. Carolina, for instance, is
inhabited by planters, while the Massachusetts is more engaged
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page077">[pg 077]</span><a name="Pg077" id="Pg077" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in commerce and manufactures. Congress has the power of deciding
their differences. The most friendly intercourse may
therefore be established between them. A diversity of produce,
wants and interests, produces commerce; and commerce, where
there is a common, equal and moderate authority to preside, produces
friendship.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The same principles apply to the connection with the new settlers
in the west. Many supplies they want for which they must
look to the older settlements, and the greatness of their crops enables
them to make payments. Here, then, we have a bond of
union which applies to all parts of the empire, and would continue
to operate if the empire comprehended all America.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We are now, in the strictest sense of the terms, a federal republick.
Each part has within its own limits the sovereignty over
its citizens, while some of the general concerns are committed to
Congress. The complaints of the deficiency of the Congressional
powers are confined to two articles. They are not able to raise a
revenue by taxation, and they have not a complete regulation of
the intercourse between us and foreigners. For each of these
complaints there is some foundation, but not enough to justify the
clamour which has been raised. Congress, it is true, owes a debt
which ought to be paid. A considerable part of it has been paid.
Our share of what remains would annually amount to about sixty
or seventy thousand pounds. If, therefore, Congress were put in
possession of such branches of the impost as would raise this
sum in our state, we should fairly be considered as having done
our part towards their debt; and our remaining resources, whether
arising from impost, excise, or dry tax, might be applied to the
reduction of our own debt. The principal of this last amounts to
about thirteen hundred thousand pounds, and the interest to between
seventy or eighty thousand. This is, surely, too much
property to be sacrificed; and it is as reasonable that it should be
paid as the continental debt. But if the new system should be
adopted, the whole impost, with an unlimited claim to excise
and dry tax, will be given to Congress. There will remain no
adequate found for the state debt, and the state will still be subject
to be sued on their notes. This is, then, an article which
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page078">[pg 078]</span><a name="Pg078" id="Pg078" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
ought to be limited. We can, without difficulty, pay as much
annually as shall clear the interest of our state debt, and our share
of the interest on the continental one. But if we surrender the
impost, we shall still, by this new constitution, be held to pay our
full proportion of the remaining debt, as if nothing had been
done. The impost will not be considered as being paid by this
state, but by the continent. The federalists, indeed, tell us that
the state debts will all be incorporated with the continental debt,
and all paid out of one fund. In this as in all other instances, they
endeavour to support their scheme of consolidation by delusion.
Not one word is said in the book in favour of such a scheme, and
there is no reason to think it true. Assurances of that sort are
easily given, and as easily forgotten. There is an interest in forgetting
what is false. No man can expect town debts to be united
with that of the state; and there will be as little reason to
expect that the state and continental debts will be united together.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page079">[pg 079]</span><a name="Pg079" id="Pg079" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, IX.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 395)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, December 28, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We come now to the second and last article of complaint
against the present confederation, which is, that Congress has
not the sole power to regulate the intercourse between us and
foreigners. Such a power extends not only to war and peace,
but to trade and naturalization. This last article ought never to
be given them; for though most of the states may be willing for
certain reasons to receive foreigners as citizens, yet reasons of
equal weight may induce other states, differently circumstanced,
to keep their blood pure. Pennsylvania has chosen to receive
all that would come there. Let any indifferent person judge
whether that state in point of morals, education, energy is equal
to any of the eastern states; the small state of Rhode Island only
excepted. Pennsylvania in the course of a century has acquired
her present extent and population at the expense of religion and
good morals. The eastern states have, by keeping separate from
the foreign mixtures, acquired their present greatness in the
course of a century and an half, and have preserved their religion
and morals. They have also preserved that manly virtue which
is equally fitted for rendering them respectable in war, and industrious
in peace.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The remaining power for peace and trade might perhaps be
safely enough lodged with Congress under some limitations.
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page080">[pg 080]</span><a name="Pg080" id="Pg080" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Three restrictions appear to me to be essentially necessary to
preserve that equality of rights to the states, which it is the object
of the state governments to secure to each citizen. 1st. It ought
not to be in the power of Congress, either by treaty or otherwise,
to alienate part of any state without the consent of the legislature.
2d. They ought not to be able, by treaty or other law, to
give any legal preference to one part above another. 3d. They
ought to be restrained from creating any monopolies. Perhaps
others may propose different regulations and restrictions. One
of these is to be found in the old confederation, and another in
the newly proposed plan. The third scenes [sic] to be equally
necessary.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
After all that has been said and written on this subject, and on
the difficulty of amending our old constitution so as to render it
adequate to national purposes, it does not appear that any thing
more was necessary to be done, than framing two new articles.
By one a limited revenue would be given to Congress with a
right to collect it, and by the other a limited right to regulate
our intercourse with foreign nations. By such an addition we
should have preserved to each state its power to defend the
rights of the citizens, and the whole empire would be capable of
expanding and receiving additions without altering its former
constitution. Congress, at the same time, by the extent of their
jurisdiction, and the number of their officers, would have acquired
more respectability at home, and a sufficient influence
abroad. If any state was in such a case to invade the rights of
the Union, the other states would join in defence of those rights,
and it would be in the power of Congress to direct the national
force to that object. But it is certain that the powers of Congress
over the citizens should be small in proportion as the
empire is extended; that, in order to preserve the balance, each
state may supply by energy what is wanting in numbers. Congress
would be able by such a system as we have proposed to
regulate trade with foreigners by such duties as should effectually
give the preference to the produce and manufactures of our own
country. We should then have a friendly intercourse established
between the states, upon the principles of mutual interest. A
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page081">[pg 081]</span><a name="Pg081" id="Pg081" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
moderate duty upon foreign vessels would give an advantage to
our own people, while it would avoid all the disadvantages arising
from a prohibition, and the consequent deficiency of vessels to
transport the produce of the southern states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Our country is at present upon an average a thousand miles
long from north to south, and eight hundred broad from the Mississippi
to the Ocean. We have at least six millions of white inhabitants,
and the annual increase is about two hundred and fifty
thousand souls, exclusive of emigrants from Europe. The greater
part of our increase is employed in settling the new lands, while
the older settlements are entering largely into manufactures of
various kinds. It is probable that the extraordinary exertions of
this state in the way of industry for the present year only, exceed
in value five hundred thousand pounds. The new settlements, if
all made in the same tract of country, would form a large state
annually; and the time seems to be literally accomplished when
a nation shall be born in a day. Such an immense country is not
only capable of yielding all the produce of Europe, but actually
does produce by far the greater part of the raw materials. The
restrictions on our trade in Europe, necessarily oblige us to make
use of those materials, and the high price of labour operates as an
encouragement to mechanical improvements. In this way we
daily make rapid advancements towards independence in resources
as well as in empire. If we adopt the new system of
government we shall, by one rash vote, lose the fruit of the toil
and expense of thirteen years, at the time when the benefits of
that toil and expense are rapidly increasing. Though the imposts
of Congress on foreign trade may tend to encourage manufactures,
the excise and dry tax will destroy all the beneficial effects of the
impost, at the same time that they diminish our capital. Be careful
then to give only a limited revenue, and the limited power of
managing foreign concerns. Once surrender the rights of internal
legislation and taxation, and instead of being respected
abroad, foreigners will laugh at us, and posterity will lament our
folly.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page082">[pg 082]</span><a name="Pg082" id="Pg082" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, X.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 396)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, January 1, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Friends and Brethren</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is a duty incumbent on every man, who has had opportunities
for inquiry, to lay the result of his researches on any matter
of publick importance before the publick eye. No further
apology will be necessary with the generality of my readers, for
having so often appeared before them on the subject of the lately
proposed form of government. It has been treated with that
freedom which is necessary for the investigation of truth, and
with no greater freedom. On such a subject, extensive in its
nature, and important in its consequences, the examination has
necessarily been long, and the topicks treated of have been
various. We have been obliged to take a cursory, but not inaccurate
view of the circumstances of mankind under the different
forms of government to support the different parts of our argument.
Permit me now to bring into one view the principal propositions
on which the reasoning depends.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is shewn from the example of the most commercial republick
of antiquity, which was never disturbed by a sedition for
above seven hundred years, and at last yielded after a violent
struggle to a foreign enemy, as well as from the experience of
our own country for a century and an half, that the republican,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page083">[pg 083]</span><a name="Pg083" id="Pg083" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
more than any other form of government is made of durable
materials. It is shewn from a variety of proof, that one consolidated
government is inapplicable to a great extent of country; is
unfriendly to the rights both of persons and property, which
rights always adhere together; and that being contrary to the interest
of the extreme of an empire, such a government can be
supported only by power, and that commerce is the true bond of
union for a free state. It is shewn from a comparison of the
different parts of the proposed plan, that it is such a consolidated
government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By article 3, section 2, Congress are empowered to appoint
courts with authority to try civil causes of every kind, and even
offences against particular states. By the last clause of Article 1,
section 8, which defines their legislative powers, they are authorised
to make laws for carrying into execution all the <span class="tei tei-q">“powers
vested by this constitution in the government of the United States,
or in <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">any department</span></em> or officer thereof;”</span> and by article 6, the
judges in every state are to be bound by the laws of Congress.
It is therefore a complete consolidation of all the states into one,
however diverse the parts of it may be. It is also shewn that it
will operate unequally in the different states, taking from some of
them a greater share of wealth; that in this last respect it will
operate more to the injury of this commonwealth than of any
state in the union; and that by reason of its inequality it is subversive
of the principles of a free government, which requires
every part to contribute an equal proportion. For all these
reasons this system ought to be rejected, even if no better plan
was proposed in the room of it. In case of a rejection we must
remain as we are, with trade extending, resources opening, settlements
enlarging, manufactures increasing, and publick debts
diminishing by fair payment. These are mighty blessings, and
not to be lost by the hasty adoption of a new system. But great
as these benefits are, which we derive from our present system,
it has been shewn, that they may be increased by giving Congress
a limited power to regulate trade, and assigning to them those
branches of the impost on our foreign trade only, which shall be
equal to our proportion of their present annual demands. While
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page084">[pg 084]</span><a name="Pg084" id="Pg084" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the interest is thus provided for, the sale of our lands in a very
few years will pay the principal, and the other resources of the
state will pay our own debt. The present mode of assessing the
continental tax is regulated by the extent of landed property in
each state. By this rule the Massachusetts [sic] has to pay one
eighth. If we adopt the new system, we shall surrender the
whole of our impost and excise, which probably amount to a
third of those duties of the whole continent, and must come in
for about a sixth part of the remaining debt. By this means we
shall be deprived of the benefit arising from the largeness of our
loans to the continent, shall lose our ability to satisfy the just demands
on the state. Under the limitations of revenue and commercial
regulation contained in these papers, the balance will be
largely in our favour; the importance of the great states will be
preserved, and the publick creditors both of the continent and
state will be satisfied without burdening the people. For a more
concise view of my proposal, I have thrown it into the form of a
resolve, supposed to be passed by the convention which is shortly
to set in this town.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“Commonwealth of Massachusetts. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Resolved</span></span>, That the
form of government lately proposed by a federal convention, held in
the city of Philadelphia, is so far injurious to the interests of this
commonwealth, that we are constrained by fidelity to our constituents
to reject it; and we do hereby reject the said proposed
form and every part thereof. But in order that the union of these
states may, as far as possible, be promoted, and the federal business
as little obstructed as may be, we do agree on the part of this
commonwealth, that the following addition be made to the present
articles of confederation:</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“XIV. The United States shall have power to regulate the intercourse
between these states and foreign dominions, under the
following restrictions; viz.: 1st. No treaty, ordinance, or law shall
alienate the whole or part of any state, without the consent of the
legislature of such state. 2d. The United States shall not by
treaty or otherwise give a preference to the ports of one state over
those of another; nor, 3d, create any monopolies or exclusive
companies; nor, 4th, extend the privileges of citizenship to any
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page085">[pg 085]</span><a name="Pg085" id="Pg085" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
foreigner. And for the more convenient exercise of the powers
hereby and by the former articles given, the United States shall
have authority to constitute judicatories, whether supreme or
subordinate, with power to try all piracies and felonies done on
the high seas, and also all civil causes in which a foreign state, or
subject thereof, actually resident in a foreign country and not being
British absentees, shall be one of the parties. They shall also
have authority to try all causes in which ambassadors shall be
concerned. All these trials shall be by jury and in some sea-port
town. All imposts levied by Congress on trade shall be confined
to foreign produce or foreign manufactures imported, and to foreign
ships trading in our harbours, and all their absolute prohibitions
shall be confined to the same articles. All imposts and
confiscations shall be to the use of the state in which they shall
accrue, excepting in such branches as shall be assigned by any
state as a fund for defraying their proportion of the continental.
And no powers shall be exercised by Congress but such as are
expressly given by this and the former articles. And we hereby
authorize our delegates in Congress to sign and ratify an article
in the foregoing form and words, without any further act of this
state for that purpose, provided the other states shall accede to
this proposition on their part on or before the first day of January,
which will be in the year of our Lord 1790. All matters of
revenue being under the controul of the legislature, we recommend
to the general court of this commonwealth, to devise, as
early as may be, such funds arising from such branches of foreign
commerce, as shall be equal to our part of the current charges of
the continent, and to put Congress in possession of the revenue
arising therefrom, with a right to collect it, during such term as
shall appear to be necessary for the payment of the principal of
their debt, by the sale of the western lands.”</span><a id="noteref_23" name="noteref_23" href="#note_23"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">23</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By such an explicit declaration of the powers given to Congress,
we shall provide for all federal purposes, and shall at the
same time secure our rights. It is easier to amend the old confederation,
defective as it has been represented, than it is to correct
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page086">[pg 086]</span><a name="Pg086" id="Pg086" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the new form. For with whatever view it was framed,
truth constrains me to say, that it is insidious in its form,
and ruinous in its tendency. Under the pretence of different
branches of the legislature, the members will in fact be chosen
from the same general description of citizens. The advantages
of a check will be lost, while we shall be continually exposed to
the cabals and corruption of a British election. There cannot be
a more eligible mode than the present, for appointing members of
Congress, nor more effectual checks provided than our separate
state governments, nor any system so little expensive, in case of
our adopting the resolve just stated, or even continuing as we
are. We shall in that case avoid all the inconvenience of concurrent
jurisdictions, we shall avoid the expensive and useless establishments
of the Philadelphia proposition, we shall preserve our
constitution and liberty, and we shall provide for all such institutions
as will be useful. Surely then you cannot hesitate, whether
you will chuse freedom or servitude. The object is now well defined.
By adopting the form proposed by the convention, you
will have the derision of foreigners, internal misery, and the
anathemas of posterity. By amending the present confederation,
and granting limited powers to Congress, you secure the admiration
of strangers, internal happiness, and the blessings and prosperity
of all succeeding generations. Be wise, then, and by preserving
your freedom, prove, that Heaven bestowed it not in
vain. Many will be the efforts to delude the convention. The
mode of judging is itself suspicious, as being contrary to the
antient and established usage of the commonwealth. But since
the mode is adopted, we trust, that the members of that venerable
assembly will not so much regard the greatness of their power,
as the sense and interest of their constituents. And they will do
well to remember that even a mistake in adopting it, will be destructive,
while no evils can arise from a total, and much less,
probably, from such a partial rejection as we have proposed.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I have now gone through my reasonings on this momentous
subject, and have stated the facts and deductions from them, which
you will verify for yourselves. Personal interest was not my object,
or I should have pursued a different line of conduct. Though
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page087">[pg 087]</span><a name="Pg087" id="Pg087" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
I conceived that a man who owes allegiance to the state is bound,
on all important occasions, to propose such inquiries as tend to
promote the publick good; yet I did not imagine it to be any
part of my duty to present myself to the fury of those who appear
to have other ends in view. For this cause, and for this only, I
have chosen a feigned signature. At present all the reports concerning
the writer of these papers are merely conjectural. I
should have been ashamed of my system if it had needed such
feeble support as the character of individuals. It stands on the
firm ground of the experience of mankind. I cannot conclude
this long disquisition better than with a caution derived from the
words of inspiration—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Discern the things of your peace now in the
days thereof, before they be hidden from your eyes</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page088">[pg 088]</span><a name="Pg088" id="Pg088" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, XI.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 398)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, January 8, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
My last address contained the outlines of a system fully adequate
to all the useful purposes of the union. Its object is to
raise a sufficient revenue from the foreign trade, and the sale of
our publick lands, to satisfy all the publick exigencies, and to encourage,
at the same time, our internal industry and manufactures.
It also secures each state in its own separate rights, while the
continental concerns are thrown into the general department.
The only deficiencies that I have been able to discover in the
plan, and in the view of federalists they are very great ones, are,
that it does not allow the interference of Congress in the domestick
concerns of the state, and that it does not render our national
councils so liable to foreign influence. The first of these articles
tends to guard us from that infinite multiplication of officers
which the report of the Convention of Philadelphia proposes.
With regard to the second, it is evidently not of much importance
to any foreign nation to purchase, at a very high price, a majority
of votes in an assembly, whose members are continually exposed
to a recall. But give those members a right to sit six, or
even two years, with such extensive powers as the new system
proposes, and their friendship will be well worth a purchase.
This is the only sense in which the Philadelphia system will render
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page089">[pg 089]</span><a name="Pg089" id="Pg089" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
us more respectable in the eyes of foreigners. In every other
view they lose their respect for us, as it will render us more like
their own degraded models. It is a maxim with them, that every
man has his price. If, therefore, we were to judge of what passes
in the hearts of the federalists when they urge us, as they continually
do, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to be like other nations</span></em>, and when they assign mercenary
motives to the opposers of their plan, we should conclude very
fairly they themselves wish to be provided for at the publick expense.
However that may be, if we look upon the men we shall
find some of their leaders to have formed pretty strong attachments
to foreign nations. Whether those attachments arose from
their being educated under a royal government, from a former
unfortunate mistake in politicks, or from the agencies for foreigners,
or any other cause, is not in my province to determine. But
certain it is that some of the principal fomenters of this plan have
never shown themselves capable of that generous system of policy
which is founded in the affections of freemen. Power and high
life are their idols, and national funds are necessary to support
them.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Some of the principal powers of Europe have already entered
into treaties with us, and that some of the rest have not done it, is
not owing, as is falsely pretended, to the want of power in Congress.
Holland never found any difficulty of this kind from the
multitude of sovereignties in that country, which must all be consulted
on such an occasion. The resentment of Great Britain for
our victories in the late war has induced that power to restrain
our intercourse with their subjects. Probably an hope, the only
solace of the wretched, that their affairs would take a more favourable
turn on this continent, has had some influence on their proceedings.
All their restrictions have answered the end of securing
our independence, by driving us into many valuable manufactures.
Their own colonies in the mean time have languished
for want of an intercourse with these states. The new settlement
in Nova Scotia has miserably decayed, and the West India Islands
have suffered for want of our supplies, and by the loss of
our market. This has affected the revenue; and, however contemptuously
some men may affect to speak of our trade, the supply
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page090">[pg 090]</span><a name="Pg090" id="Pg090" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of six millions of people is an object worth the attention of
any nation upon earth. Interest in such a nation as Britain will
surmount their resentment. However their pride may be stung,
they will pursue after wealth. Increase of revenue to a nation
overwhelmed with a debt of near <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">two hundred and ninety millions</span></em>
sterling is an object to which little piques must give way; and
there is no doubt that their interest consists in securing as much
of our trade as they can.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These are the topicks from which are drawn some of the most
plausible reasons that have been given by the federalists in favour
of their plan, as derived from the sentiments of foreigners. We
have weighed them and found them wanting. That they had not
themselves full confidence in their own reasons at Philadelphia is
evident from the method they took to bias the State Convention.
Messrs. Wilson and M'Kean, two Scottish names, were repeatedly
worsted in the argument. To make amends for their own incapacity,
the gallery was filled with a rabble,<a id="noteref_24" name="noteref_24" href="#note_24"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">24</span></span></a> who shouted their
applause, and these heroes of aristocracy were not ashamed,
though modesty is their national virtue, to vindicate such a violation
of decency. Means not less criminal, but not so flagrantly
indecent, have been frequently mentioned among us to secure a
majority. But those who vote for a price can never sanctify
wrong, and treason will still retain its deformity.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page091">[pg 091]</span><a name="Pg091" id="Pg091" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, XII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 399)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, January 11, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Massachusetts Convention.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gentlemen</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Suffer an individual to lay before you his contemplations on
the great subject that now engages your attention. To you it
belongs, and may Heaven direct your judgment to decide on the
happiness of all future generations, as well as the present.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is universally agreed that the object of every just government
is to render the people happy, by securing their persons and
possessions from wrong. To this end it is necessary that there
should be local laws and institutions; for a people inhabiting
various climates will unavoidably have local habits and different
modes of life, and these must be consulted in making the laws.
It is much easier to adapt the laws to the manners of the people,
than to make manners conform to laws. The idle and dissolute
inhabitants of the south require a different regimen from the
sober and active people of the north. Hence, among other reasons,
is derived the necessity of local governments, who may enact,
repeal, or alter regulations as the circumstances of each part of
the empire may require. This would be the case, even if a very
great state was to be settled at once. But it becomes still more
needful when the local manners are formed, and usages sanctified,
by the practice of a century and a half. In such a case, to attempt
to reduce all to one standard is absurd in itself and cannot
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page092">[pg 092]</span><a name="Pg092" id="Pg092" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
be done but upon the principle of power, which debases the people
and renders them unhappy till all dignity of character is put
away. Many circumstances render us an essentially different
people from the inhabitants of the southern states. The unequal
distribution of property, the toleration of slavery, the ignorance
and poverty of the lower classes, the softness of the climate and
dissoluteness of manners, mark their character. Among us, the
care that is taken of education, small and nearly equal estates,
equality of rights, and the severity of the climate, renders the
people active, industrious and sober. Attention to religion and
good morals is a distinguishing trait in our character. It is plain,
therefore, that we require for our regulation laws which will not
suit the circumstances of our southern brethren, and that laws
made for them would not apply to us. Unhappiness would be
the uniform product of such laws; for no state can be happy
when the laws contradict the general habits of the people, nor can
any state retain its freedom while there is a power to make and
enforce such laws. We may go further, and say, that it is impossible
for any single legislature so fully to comprehend the
circumstances of the different parts of a very extensive dominion
as to make laws adapted to those circumstances.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hence arises in most nations of extensive territory, the necessity
of armies, to cure the defect of the laws. It is actually under the
pressure of such an absurd government, that the Spanish provinces
have groaned for near three centuries; and such will be
our misfortune and degradation, if we ever submit to have all the
business of the empire done by one legislature. The contrary
principle of local legislation by the representatives of the people,
who alone are to be governed by the laws, has raised us to our
present greatness; and an attempt on the part of Great Britain to
invade this right, brought on the revolution, which gave us a separate
rank among the nations. We even declared, that we would
not be represented in the national legislature, because one assembly
was not adequate to the purposes of internal legislation
and taxation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
[<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Remainder next Tuesday.</span></span>]
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page093">[pg 093]</span><a name="Pg093" id="Pg093" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, XIII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 400)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, January 14, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Concluded from our last.</span></span>)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Massachusetts Convention.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gentlemen</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The question then arises, what is the kind of government best
adapted to the object of securing our persons and possessions
from violence? I answer, a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Federal Republick</span></span>. By this kind of
government each state reserves to itself the right of making and
altering its laws for internal regulation, and the right of executing
those laws without any external restraint, while the general concerns
of the empire are committed to an assembly of delegates,
each accountable to his own constituents. This is the happy
form under which we live, and which seems to mark us out as a
people chosen of God. No instance can be produced of any
other kind of government so stable and energetick as the republican.
The objection drawn from the Greek and Roman states
does not apply to the question. Republicanism appears there in
its most disadvantageous form. Arts and domestic employments
were generally committed to slaves, while war was almost the
only business worthy of a citizen. Hence arose their internal
dissensions. Still they exhibited proofs of legislative wisdom
and judicial integrity hardly to be found among their monarchick
neighbors. On the other hand we find Carthage cultivating
commerce, and extending her dominions for the long space of
seven centuries, during which term the internal tranquillity was
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page094">[pg 094]</span><a name="Pg094" id="Pg094" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
never disturbed by her citizens. Her national power was so respectable,
that for a long time it was doubtful whether Carthage
or Rome should rule. In the form of their government they
bore a strong resemblance to each other. Rome might be reckoned
a free state for about four hundred and fifty years. We
have then the true line of distinction between those two nations,
and a strong proof of the hardy materials which compose a republican
government. If there was no other proof, we might
with impartial judges risk the issue upon this alone. But our
proof rests not here. The present state of Europe, and the
vigour and tranquillity of our own governments, after experiencing
this form for a century and an half, are decided proofs in
favour of those governments which encourage commerce. A
comparison of our own country, first with Europe and then with
the other parts of the world, will prove, beyond a doubt, that the
greatest share of freedom is enjoyed by the citizens, so much
more does commerce flourish. The reason is, that every citizen
has an influence in making the laws, and thus they are conformed
to the general interests of the state; but in every other kind of
government they are frequently made in favour of a part of the
community at the expense of the rest.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The argument against republicks, as it is derived from the
Greek and Roman states, is unfair. It goes on the idea that no
other government is subject to be disturbed. As well might we
conclude, that a limited monarchy is unstable, because that
under the feudal system the nobles frequently made war upon
their king, and disturbed the publick peace. We find, however,
in practice, that limited monarchy is more friendly to commerce,
because more friendly to the rights of the subject, than an absolute
government; and that it is more liable to be disturbed than
a republick, because less friendly to trade and the rights of individuals.
There cannot, from the history of mankind, be produced
an instance of rapid growth in extent, in numbers, in arts, and in
trade, that will bear any comparison with our country. This is
owing to what the friends of the new system, and the enemies of
the revolution, for I take them to be nearly the same, would term
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">our extreme liberty</span></em>. Already, have our ships visited every part of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page095">[pg 095]</span><a name="Pg095" id="Pg095" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the world, and brought us their commodities in greater perfection,
and at a more moderate price, than we ever before experienced.
The ships of other nations crowd to our ports, seeking
an intercourse with us. All the estimates of every party make
the balance of trade for the present year to be largely in our
favour. Already have some very useful, and some elegant manufactures
got established among us, so that our country every
day is becoming independent in her resources. Two-thirds of
the continental debt has been paid since the war, and we are in
alliance with some of the most respectable powers of Europe.
The western lands, won from Britain by the sword, are an ample
fund for the principal of all our public debts; and every new sale
excites that manly pride which is essential to national virtue.
All this happiness arises from the freedom of our institutions and
the limited nature of our government; a government that is respected
from principles of affection, and obeyed with alacrity.
The sovereigns of the old world are frequently, though surrounded
with armies, treated with insult; and the despotick monarchies
of the east, are the most fluctuating, oppressive and
uncertain governments of any form hitherto invented. These
considerations are sufficient to establish the excellence of our
own form, and the goodness of our prospects.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Let us now consider the probable effects of a consolidation of
the separate states into one mass; for the new system extends so
far. Many ingenious explanations have been given of it; but
there is this defect, that they are drawn from maxims of the common
law, while the system itself cannot be bound by any such
maxims. A legislative assembly has an inherent right to alter
the common law, and to abolish any of its principles, which are
not particularly guarded in the constitution. Any system therefore
which appoints a legislature, without any reservation of the
rights of individuals, surrenders all power in every branch of legislation
to the government. The universal practice of every government
proves the justness of this remark; for in every doubtful
case it is an established rule to decide in favour of authority.
The new system is, therefore, in one respect at least, essentially
inferior to our state constitutions. There is no bill of rights, and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page096">[pg 096]</span><a name="Pg096" id="Pg096" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
consequently a continental law may controul any of those principles,
which we consider at present as sacred; while not one of
those points, in which it is said that the separate governments
misapply their power, is guarded. Tender acts and the coinage
of money stand on the same footing of a consolidation of power.
It is a mere fallacy, invented by the deceptive powers of Mr.
Wilson, that what rights are not given are reserved. The contrary
has already been shewn. But to put this matter of legislation
out of all doubt, let us compare together some parts of the
book; for being an independent system, this is the only way to
ascertain its meaning.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In article III, section 2, it is declared, that <span class="tei tei-q">“the judicial power
shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this constitution,
the laws of the United States, and treaties made or
which shall be made under their authority.”</span> Among the cases
arising under this new constitution are reckoned, <span class="tei tei-q">“all controversies
between citizens of different states,”</span> which include all kinds
of civil causes between those parties. The giving Congress a
power to appoint courts for such a purpose is as much, there
being no stipulation to the contrary, giving them power to legislate
for such causes, as giving them a right to raise an army, is
giving them a right to direct the operations of the army when
raised. But it is not left to implication. The last clause of article
I, section 8, expressly gives them power <span class="tei tei-q">“to make all laws
which shall be needful and proper for carrying into execution
the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution
in the government of the United States, or in any department
or officer thereof.”</span> It is, therefore, as plain as words can
make it, that they have a right by this proposed form to legislate
for all kinds of causes respecting property between citizens of
different states. That this power extends to all cases between
citizens of the same state, is evident from the sixth article, which
declares all continental laws and treaties to be the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">supreme law</span></em>
of the land, and that all state judges are bound thereby, <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">anything
in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding</span></em>.”</span>
If this is not binding the judges of the separate states in
their own office, by continental rules, it is perfect nonsense.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page097">[pg 097]</span><a name="Pg097" id="Pg097" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There is then a complete consolidation of the legislative powers
in all cases respecting property. This power extends to all cases
between a state and citizens of another state. Hence a citizen,
possessed of the notes of another state, may bring his action, and
there is no limitation that the execution shall be levied on the
publick property of the state; but the property of individuals is
liable. This is a foundation for endless confusion and discord.
This right to try causes between a state and citizens of another
state, involves in it all criminal causes; and a man who has accidentally
transgressed the laws of another state, must be transported,
with all his witnesses, to a third state, to be tried. He
must be ruined to prove his innocence. These are necessary
parts of the new system, and it will never be complete till they
are reduced to practice. They effectually prove a consolidation
of the states, and we have before shewn the ruinous tendency of
such a measure.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By sect. 8 of article I, Congress are to have the unlimited right
to regulate commerce, external and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">internal</span></em>, and may therefore
create monopolies which have been universally injurious to all
the subjects of the countries that have adopted them, excepting
the monopolists themselves. They have also the unlimited right
to imposts and all kinds of taxes, as well to levy as to collect
them. They have indeed very nearly the same powers claimed
formerly by the British parliament. Can we have so soon forgot
our glorious struggle with that power, as to think a moment of
surrendering it now? It makes no difference in principle whether
the national assembly was elected for seven years or for six.
In both cases we should vote to great disadvantage, and therefore
ought never to agree to such an article. Let us make provision
for the payment of the interest of our part of the debt, and we
shall be fairly acquitted. Let the fund be an impost on our foreign
trade, and we shall encourage our manufactures. But if we
surrender the unlimited right to regulate trade, and levy taxes,
imposts will oppress our foreign trade for the benefit of other
states, while excises and taxes will discourage our internal industry.
The right to regulate trade, without any limitations,
will, as certainly as it is granted, transfer the trade of this state
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page098">[pg 098]</span><a name="Pg098" id="Pg098" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to Pennsylvania. That will be the seat of business and of wealth,
while the extremes of the empire will, like Ireland and Scotland,
be drained to fatten an overgrown capital. Under our present
equal advantages, the citizens of this state come in for their full
share of commercial profits. Surrender the rights of taxation
and commercial regulation, and the landed states at the southward
will all be interested in draining our resources; for whatever
can be got by impost on our trade and excises on our
manufactures, will be considered as so much saved to a state inhabited
by planters. All savings of this sort ought surely to be
made in favour of our own state; and we ought never to surrender
the unlimited powers of revenue and trade to uncommercial
people. If we do, the glory of the state from that moment departs,
never to return.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The safety of our constitutional rights consists in having the
business of governments lodged in different departments, and in
having each part well defined. By this means each branch is
kept within the constitutional limits. Never was a fairer line of
distinction than what may be easily drawn between the continental
and state governments. The latter provide for all cases,
whether civil or criminal, that can happen ashore, because all
such causes must arise within the limits of some state. Transactions
between citizens may all be fairly included in this idea, even
although they should arise in passing by water from one state to
another. But the intercourse between us and foreign nations
properly forms the department of Congress. They should have
the power of regulating trade under such limitations as should
render their laws equal. They should have the right of war and
peace, saving the equality of rights, and the territory of each
state. But the power of naturalization and internal regulation
should not be given them. To give my scheme a more systematick
appearance, I have thrown it into the form of a resolve,
which is submitted to your wisdom for amendment, but not as
being perfect.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“Resolved, that the form of government proposed by the federal
convention, lately held in Philadelphia, be rejected on the
part of this commonwealth; and that our delegates in Congress
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page099">[pg 099]</span><a name="Pg099" id="Pg099" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
are hereby authorised to propose on the part of this commonwealth,
and, if the other states for themselves agree thereto, to
sign an article of confederation, as an addition to the present
articles, in the form following, provided such agreement be made
on or before the first day of January, which will be in the year of
our Lord 1790; the said article shall have the same force and
effect as if it had been inserted in the original confederation, and
is to be construed consistently with the clause in the former
articles, which restrains the United States from exercising such
powers as are not expressly given.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“XIV. The United States shall have power to regulate, whether
by treaty, ordinance or law, the intercourse between these
states and foreign dominions and countries, under the following
restrictions. No treaty, ordinance, or law shall give a preference
to the ports of one state over those of another; nor 2d. impair the
territory or internal authority of any state; nor 3d. create any
monopolies or exclusive companies; nor 4th. naturalize any foreigners.
All their imposts and prohibitions shall be confined to
foreign produce and manufactures imported, and to foreign ships
trading in our harbours. All imposts and confiscations shall be
to the use of the state where they shall accrue, excepting only
such branches of impost as shall be assigned by the separate
states to Congress for a fund to defray the interest of their debt,
and their current charges. In order the more effectually to execute
this and the former articles, Congress shall have authority
to appoint courts, supreme and subordinate, with power to try all
crimes, not relating to state securities, between any foreign state,
or subject of such state, actually residing in a foreign country,
and not being an absentee or person who has alienated himself
from these states on the one part, and any of the United States or
citizens thereof on the other part; also all causes in which foreign
ambassadours or other foreign ministers resident here shall be
immediately concerned, respecting the jurisdiction or immunities
only. And the Congress shall have authority to execute the
judgment of such courts by their own affairs. Piracies and felonies
committed on the high seas shall also belong to the department
of Congress for them to define, try, and punish, in the same
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page100">[pg 100]</span><a name="Pg100" id="Pg100" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
manner as the other causes shall be defined, tried, and determined.
All the before-mentioned causes shall be tried by jury
and in some sea-port town. And it is recommended to the general
court at their next meeting to provide and put Congress in
possession of funds arising from foreign imports and ships sufficient
to defray our share of the present annual expenses of the
continent.”</span><a id="noteref_25" name="noteref_25" href="#note_25"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">25</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Such a resolve, explicitly limiting the powers granted, is the
farthest we can proceed with safety. The scheme of accepting
the report of the Convention, and amending it afterwards, is
merely delusive. There is no intention among those who make
the proposition to amend it at all. Besides, if they have influence
enough to get it accepted in its present form, there is no probability
that they will consent to an alteration when possessed of an
unlimited revenue. It is an excellence in our present confederation,
that it is extremely difficult to alter it. An unanimous vote
of the states is required. But this newly proposed form is
founded in injustice, as it proposes that a fictitious consent of
only nine states shall be sufficient to establish it. Nobody can
suppose that the consent of a state is any thing more than a fiction,
in the view of the federalists, after the mobbish influence
used over the Pennsylvania convention. The two great leaders
of the plan, with a modesty of Scotsmen, placed a rabble in the
gallery to applaud their speeches, and thus supplied their want of
capacity in the argument. Repeatedly were Wilson and M'Kean
worsted in the argument by the plain good sense of Findly and
Smilie. But reasoning or knowledge had little to do with the
federal party. Votes were all they wanted, by whatever means
obtained. Means not less criminal have been mentioned among
us. But votes that are bought can never justify a treasonable
conspiracy. Better, far better, would it be to reject the whole,
and remain in possession of present advantages. The authority
of Congress to decide disputes between states is sufficient to prevent
their recurring to hostility: and their different situation,
wants and produce is a sufficient foundation for the most friendly
intercourse. All the arts of delusion and legal chicanery will be
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page101">[pg 101]</span><a name="Pg101" id="Pg101" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
used to elude your vigilance, and obtain a majority. But keeping
the constitution of the state and the publick interest in view,
will be your safety.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
[We are obliged, contrary to our intention, to postpone the remainder
of Agrippa till our next.]
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page102">[pg 102]</span><a name="Pg102" id="Pg102" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, XIV.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 401)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, January 18, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Concluded from our last.</span></span>)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Massachusetts Convention.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gentlemen</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To tell us that we ought to look beyond local interests, and
judge for the good of the empire, is sapping the foundation of a
free state. The first principle of a just government is, that it shall
operate equally. The report of the convention is extremely unequal.
It takes a larger share of power from some, and from
others, a larger share of wealth. The Massachusetts will be
obliged to pay near three times their present proportion
towards continental charges. The proportion is now ascertained
by the quantity of landed property, then it will be by the number
of persons. After taking the whole of our standing revenue, by
impost and excise, we must still be held to pay a sixth part of the
remaining debt. It is evidently a contrivance to help the other
states at our expense. Let us then be upon our guard, and do
no more than the present confederation obliges. While we make
that our beacon we are safe. It was framed by men of extensive
knowledge and enlarged ability, at a time when some of the framers
of the new plan were hiding in the forests to secure their
precious persons. It was framed by men who were always in
favor of a limited government, and whose endeavours Heaven has
crowned with success. It was framed by men whose idols were
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page103">[pg 103]</span><a name="Pg103" id="Pg103" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
not power and high life, but industry and constitutional liberty,
and who are now in opposition to this new scheme of oppression.
Let us then cherish the old confederation like the apple of our eye.
Let us confirm it by such limited powers to Congress, and such
an enlarged intercourse, founded on commercial and mutual want,
with the other states, that our union shall outlast time itself. It
is easier to prevent an evil than to cure it. We ought therefore
to be cautious of innovations. The intrigues of interested politicians
will be used to seduce even the elect. If the vote passes in
favour of the plan, the constitutional liberty of our country is gone
forever. If the plan should be rejected, we always have it in our
power, by a fair vote of the people at large, to extend the authority
of Congress. This ought to have been the mode pursued.
But our antagonists were afraid to risk it. They knew that the
plan would not bear examining. Hence we have seen them insulting
all who were in opposition to it, and answering arguments
only with abuse. They have threatened and they have insulted
the body of the people. But I may venture to appeal to
any man of unbiassed judgment, whether his feelings tell him,
that there is any danger at all in rejecting the plan. I ask not
the palsied or the jaundiced, nor men troubled with bilious or
nervous affections, for they can see danger in every thing. But
I apply to men who have no personal expectations from a change,
and to men in full health. The answer of all such men will be,
that never was a better time for deliberation. Let us then, while
we have it in our power, secure the happiness and freedom of the
present and future ages. To accept of the report of the convention,
under the idea that we can alter it when we please, will be
sporting with fire-brands, arrows and death. It is a system which
must have an army to support it, and there can be no redress but
by a civil war. If, as the federalists say, there is a necessity of
our receiving it, for heaven's sake let our liberties go without our
making a formal surrender. Let us at least have the satisfaction
of protesting against it, that our own hearts may not reproach us
for the meanness of deserting our dearest interests.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Our present system is attended with the inestimable advantage
of preventing unnecessary wars. Foreign influence is assuredly
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page104">[pg 104]</span><a name="Pg104" id="Pg104" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
smaller in our publick councils, in proportion as the members
are subject to be recalled. At present, their right to sit continues
no longer than their endeavours to secure the publick interest.
It is therefore not an object for any foreign power to give a large
price for the friendship of a delegate in Congress. If we adopt
the new system, every member will depend upon thirty thousand
people, mostly scattered over a large extent of country, for his
election. Their distance from the seat of government will make
it extremely difficult for the electors to get information of his
conduct. If he is faithful to his constituents, his conduct will be
misrepresented, in order to defeat his influence at home. Of this
we have a recent instance, in the treatment of the dissenting
members of the late federal convention.<a id="noteref_26" name="noteref_26" href="#note_26"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">26</span></span></a> Their fidelity to their
constituents was their whole fault. We may reasonably expect
similar conduct to be adopted, when we shall have rendered the
friendship of the members valuable to foreign powers, by giving
them a secure seat in Congress. We shall too have all the intrigues,
cabals and bribery practiced, which are usual at elections
in Great Britain. We shall see and lament the want of publick
virtue; and we shall see ourselves bought at a publick market,
in order to be sold again to the highest bidder. We must
be involved in all the quarrels of European powers, and oppressed
with expense, merely for the sake of being like the nations round
about us. Let us then, with the spirit of freemen, reject the
offered system, and treat as it deserves the proposition of men
who have departed from their commission; and let us deliver to
the rising generation the liberty purchased with our blood.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page105">[pg 105]</span><a name="Pg105" id="Pg105" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, XV.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 402)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, January 22, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Massachusetts Convention.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gentlemen</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Truly deplorable, in point of argument, must be that cause,
in whose defence persons of acknowledged learning and ability
can say nothing pertinent. When they undertake to prove that
the person elected is the safest person in the world to control the
exercise of the elective powers of his constituents, we know what
dependence is to be had upon their reasonings. Yet we have
seen attempts to shew, that the fourth section of the proposed constitution
is an additional security to our rights. It may be such
in the view of a Rhode Island family (I think that state is quoted)
who have been of some time in the minority: but it is extraordinary
that an enlightened character<a id="noteref_27" name="noteref_27" href="#note_27"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">27</span></span></a>
in the Massachusetts [convention]
should undertake to prove, that, from a single instance of
abuse in one state, another state ought to resign its liberty. Can
an [sic] man, in the free exercise of his reason, suppose, that he is
perfectly represented in the legislature, when that legislature may
at pleasure alter the time, manner and place of election? By
altering the time they may continue a representive during his
whole life; by altering the manner, they may fill up the vacancies
by their own votes without the consent of the people; and by altering
the place, all the elections may be made at the seat of the
federal government. Of all the powers of government perhaps
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page106">[pg 106]</span><a name="Pg106" id="Pg106" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
this is the most improper to be surrendered. Such an article at
once destroys the whole check which the constituents have upon
their rulers. I should be less zealous upon this subject, if the
power had not been often abused. The senate of Venice, the
regencies of Holland, and the British Parliament have all abused
it. The last have not yet perpetuated themselves; but they have
availed themselves repeatedly of popular commotions to continue
in power. Even at this day we find attempts to vindicate the usurpation
by which they continued themselves from three to seven
years. All the attempts, and many have been made, to return to
triennial elections, have proved abortive. These instances are
abundantly sufficient to shew with what jealousy this right ought
to be guarded. No sovereign on earth need be afraid to declare
his crown elective, while the possessor has the right to regulate
the time, manner, and place of election.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is vain to tell us, that the proposed government guarantees
to each state a republican form. Republicks are divided into
democraticks, and aristocraticks. The establishment of an order
of nobles, in whom should reside all the power of the state, would
be an aristocratick republick. Such has been for five centuries
the government of Venice, in which all the energies of government,
as well as of individuals, have been cramped by a distressing
jealousy that the rulers have of each other. There is nothing
of that generous, manly confidence that we see in the democratick
republicks of our own country. It is a government of force,
attended with perpetual fear of that force. In Great Britain, since
the lengthening of parliaments, all our accounts agree, that their
elections are a continued scene of bribery, riot and tumult; often
a scene of murder. These are the consequences of choosing
seldom, and or extensive districts. When the term is short
nobody will give an high price for a seat. It is an insufficient
answer to these objections to say, that there is no power of government
but may sometimes be applied to bad purposes. Such
a power is of no value unless it is applied to a bad purpose. It
ought always to remain with the people. The framers of our
state constitution were so jealous of this right, that they fixed the
days for election, meeting and dissolving of the legislature, and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page107">[pg 107]</span><a name="Pg107" id="Pg107" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the other officers of government. In the proposed constitution
not one of these points is guarded, though more numerous
and extensive powers are given them than to any state legislature
upon the continent. For Congress is at present possessed of the
direction of the national force, and most other national powers,
and in addition to them are to be vested with all the powers of
the individual states, unrestrained by any declarations of right.
If these things are for the security of our constitutional liberty,
I trust we shall soon see an attempt to prove that the government
by an army will be more friendly to liberty than a system founded
in consent, and that five states will make a majority of thirteen.
The powers of controuling elections, of creating exclusive companies
in trade, of internal legislation and taxations ought, upon
no account, to be surrendered. I know it is a common complaint,
that Congress want more power. But where is the limited
government that does not want it? Ambition is in a
governour what money is to a misar [sic]—.... he can never
accumulate enough. But it is as true in politicks as in morals, he
that is unfaithful in little, will be unfaithful also in much. He
who will not exercise the powers he has, will never properly use
more extensive powers. The framing entirely new systems, is a
work that requires vast attention; and it is much easier to guard
an old one. It is infinitely better to reject one that is unfriendly
to liberty, and rest for a while satisfied with a system that is in
some measure defective, than to set up a government unfriendly
to the rights of states, and to the rights of individuals—one that
is undefined in its powers and operations. Such is the government
proposed by the federal convention, and such, we trust, you
will have the wisdom and firmness to reject.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page108">[pg 108]</span><a name="Pg108" id="Pg108" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, XV.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 403)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, January 25, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To The Massachusetts Convention.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gentlemen</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
That the new system, proposed for your adoption, is not
founded in argument, but in party spirit, is evident from the
whole behaviour of that party, who favour it. The following is
a short, but genuine specimen of their reasoning. The South
Carolina legislature have established an unequal representation,
and will not alter it: therefore Congress should be invested with
an unrestrained power to alter the time, manner and place of
electing members into that body. Directly the contrary position
should have been inferred. An elected assembly made an improper
use of their right to controul elections, therefore such a
right ought not to be lodged with them. It will be abused in ten
instances, for one in which it will serve any valuable purpose. It
is said also that the Rhode Island assembly <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">intend</span></em> to abuse their
power in this respect, therefore we should put Congress in a situation
to abuse theirs. Surely this is not a kind of reasoning that,
in the opinion of any indifferent person, can vindicate the fourth
section. Yet we have heard it publickly advanced as being conclusive.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The unlimited power over trade, domestick as well as foreign,
is another power that will more probably be applied to a bad
than to a good purpose. That our trade was for the last year
much in favour of the commonwealth is agreed by all parties.
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page109">[pg 109]</span><a name="Pg109" id="Pg109" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
The freedom that every man, whether his capital is large or
small, enjoys of entering into any branch that pleases him,
rouses a spirit of industry and exertion, that is friendly to commerce.
It prevents that stagnation of business which generally
precedes publick commotions. Nothing ought to be done to
restrain this spirit. The unlimited power over trade, however,
is exceedingly apt to injure it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In most countries of Europe, trade has been more confined by
exclusive charters. Exclusive companies are, in trade, pretty
much like an aristocracy in government, and produce nearly as
bad effects. An instance of it we have ourselves experienced.
Before the Revolution, we carried on no direct trade to India.
The goods imported from that country came to us through the
medium of an exclusive company. Our trade in that quarter is
now respectable, and we receive several kinds of their goods at
about half the former price. But the evil of such companies does
not terminate there. They always, by the greatness of their capital,
have an undue influence on the government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In a republick, we ought to guard, as much as possible, against
the predominance of any particular interest. It is the object of
government to protect them all. When commerce is left to take
its own course, the advantage of every class will be nearly equal.
But when exclusive privileges are given to any class, it will
operate to the weakening of some other class connected with
them.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Remainder next Tuesday.</span></span>)
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page110">[pg 110]</span><a name="Pg110" id="Pg110" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, XVII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 404)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, January 20, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Massachusetts Convention.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gentlemen</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
As it is essentially necessary to the happiness of a free people,
that the constitution of government should be established in
principles of truth, I have endeavoured, in a series of papers, to
discuss the proposed form with that degree of freedom which becomes
a faithful citizen of the commonwealth. It must be obvious
to the most careless observer that the friends of the new plan
appear to have nothing more in view than to establish it by a
popular current, without any regard to the truth of its principles.
Propositions, novel, erroneous and dangerous, are boldly advanced
to support a system, which does not appear to be founded in, but
in every instance to contradict, the experience of mankind. We
are told that a constitution is in itself a bill of rights; that all
power not expressly given, is reserved; that no powers are given
to the new government which are not already vested in the state
governments, and that it is for the security of liberty that the persons
elected should have the absolute controul over the time,
manner and place of election. These, and an hundred other
things of a like kind, though they have gained the hasty assent
of men, respectable for learning and ability, are false in themselves
and invented merely to serve a present purpose. This will, I
trust, clearly appear from the following considerations:
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page111">[pg 111]</span><a name="Pg111" id="Pg111" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is common to consider man at first as in a state of nature,
separate from all society. The only historical evidence, that the
human species ever actually existed in this state, is derived from
the book of Gen. There it is said, that Adam remained a
while alone. While the whole species was comprehended in his
person was the only instance in which this supposed state of
nature really existed. Ever since the completion of the first
pair, mankind appear as natural to associate with their own
species, as animals of any other kind herd together. Wherever
we meet with their settlements, they are found in clans. We are
therefore justified in saying, that a state of society is the natural
state of man. Wherever we find a settlement of men, we find
also some appearance of government. The state of government
is therefore as natural to mankind as a state of society. Government
and society appear to be co-eval. The most rude and artless
form of government is probably the most ancient. This we
find to be practised among the Indian tribes in America. With
them the whole authority of government is vested in the whole
tribe. Individuals depend upon their reputation of valour and
wisdom to give them influence. Their government is genuinely
democratical. This was probably the first kind of government
among mankind, as we meet with no mention of any other kind,
till royalty was introduced in the person of Nimrod. Immediately
after that time, the Asiatick nations seem to have departed
from the simple democracy, which is still retained by their
American brethren, and universally adopted the kingly form.
We do indeed meet with some vague rumors of an aristocracy
in India so late as the time of Alexander the Great. But such
stories are altogether uncertain and improbable. For in the time
of Abraham, who lived about sixteen hundred years before
Alexander, all the little nations mentioned in the Mosaick history
appear to be governed by kings. It does not appear from any
accounts of the Asiatick kingdoms that they have practised at
all upon the idea of a limited monarchy. The whole power of
society has been delegated to the kings; and though they may
be said to have constitutions of government, because the succession
to the crown is limited by certain rules, yet the people
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page112">[pg 112]</span><a name="Pg112" id="Pg112" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
are not benefitted by their constitutions, and enjoy no share of
civil liberty. The first attempt to reduce republicanism to a system,
appears to be made by Moses when he led the Israelites out
of Egypt. This government stood a considerable time, about
five centuries, till in a frenzy the people demanded a king, that
they might resemble the nations about them. They were dissatisfied
with their judges, and instead of changing the administration,
they madly changed their constitution. However they
might flatter themselves with the idea, that an high-spirited people
could get the power back again when they pleased; they
never did get it back, and they fared like the nations about them.
Their kings tyrannized over them for some centuries, till they
fell under a foreign yoke. This is the history of that nation.
With a change of names, it describes the progress of political
changes in other countries. The people are dazzled with the
splendour of distant monarchies, and a desire to share their glory
induces them to sacrifice their domestick happiness.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
From this general view of the state of mankind it appears that
all the powers of government originally reside in the body of the
people; and that when they appoint certain persons to administer
the government, they delegate all the powers of government not
expressly reserved. Hence it appears that a constitution does
not in itself imply any more than a declaration of the relation
which the different parts of the government bear to each other,
but does not in any degree imply security to the rights of individuals.
This has been the uniform practice. In all doubtful cases
the decision is in favour of the government. It is therefore impertinent
to ask by what right government exercises powers not
expressly delegated. Mr. Wilson, the great oracle of federalism,
acknowledges, in his speech to the Philadelphians,<a id="noteref_28" name="noteref_28" href="#note_28"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">28</span></span></a> the truth of
these remarks, as they respect the state governments, but attempts
to set up a distinction between them and the continental government.
To anybody who will be at the trouble to read the new
system, it is evidently in the same situation as the state constitutions
now possess. It is a compact among the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">people</span></em> for the purposes
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page113">[pg 113]</span><a name="Pg113" id="Pg113" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of government, and not a compact between states. It begins
in the name of the people, and not of the states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It has been shown in the course of this paper, that when people
institute government, they of course delegate all rights not
expressly reserved. In our state constitution the bill of rights
consists of thirty articles. It is evident therefore that the new
constitution proposes to delegate greater powers than are granted
to our own government, sanguine as the person was who denied
it. The complaints against the separate governments, even by
the friends of the new plan, are not that they have not power
enough, but that they are disposed to make a bad use of what
power they have. Surely then they reason badly, when they
purpose to set up a government possess'd of much more extensive
powers than the present, and subjected to much smaller checks.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Bills of rights, reserved by authority of the people, are, I believe,
peculiar to America. A careful observance of the abuse
practised in other countries has had its just effect by inducing
our people to guard against them. We find the happiest consequences
to flow from it. The separate governments know their
powers, their objects, and operations. We are therefore not perpetually
tormented with new experiments. For a single instance
of abuse among us there are thousands in other countries. On
the other hand, the people know their rights, and feel happy in
the possession of their freedom, both civil and political. Active
industry is the consequence of their security, and within one year
the circumstances of the state and of individuals have improved
to a degree never before known in this commonwealth. Though
our bill of rights does not, perhaps, contain all the cases in which
power might be safely reserved, yet it affords a protection to the
persons and possessions of individuals not known in any foreign
country. In some respects the power of government is a little
too confined. In many other countries we find the people resisting
their governours for exercising their power in an unaccustomed
mode. But for want of a bill of rights the resistance is
always, by the principles of their government, a rebellion which
nothing but success can justify. In our constitution we have
aimed at delegating the necessary powers of government and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page114">[pg 114]</span><a name="Pg114" id="Pg114" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
confining their operation to beneficial purposes. At present we
appear to have come very near the truth. Let us therefore have
wisdom and virtue enough to preserve it inviolate. It is a stale
contrivance, to get the people into a passion, in order to make
them sacrifice their liberty. Repentance always comes, but it
comes too late. Let us not flatter ourselves that we shall always
have good men to govern us. If we endeavour to be like other
nations we shall have more bad men than good ones to exercise
extensive powers. That circumstance alone will corrupt them.
While they fancy themselves the viceregents of God, they will
resemble him only in power, but will always depart from his
wisdom and goodness.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page115">[pg 115]</span><a name="Pg115" id="Pg115" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Agrippa, XVIII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Gazette,
(Number 406)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, February 5, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Massachusetts Convention.</span></span>
</p>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-hi" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-style: italic">Gentlemen</span></span>,</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In my last address I ascertained, from historical records, the
following principles: that, in the original state of government, the
whole power resides in the whole body of the nation, that when
a people appoint certain persons to govern them, they delegate
their whole power; that a constitution is not in itself a bill of
rights; and that, whatever is the form of government, a bill of
rights is essential to the security of the persons and property of
the people. It is an idea favourable to the interest of mankind
at large, that government is founded in compact. Several instances
may be produced of it, but none is more remarkable than our
own. In general, I have chosen to apply to such facts as are in
the reach of my readers. For this purpose I have chiefly confined
myself to examples drawn from the history of our own
country, and to the Old Testament. It is in the power of every
reader to verify examples thus substantiated. Even in the remarkable
arguments on the fourth section, relative to the power
over election I was far from stating the worst of it, as it respects
the adverse party. A gentleman, respectable in many points,
but more especially for his systematick and perspicuous reasoning
in his profession, has repeatedly stated to the Convention,
among his reasons in favour of that section, that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the Rhode Island
assembly have for a considerable time past had a bill lying on their
</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page116">[pg 116]</span><a name="Pg116" id="Pg116" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-style: italic">
table for altering the manner of elections for representatives in that
state</span></em>.<a id="noteref_29" name="noteref_29" href="#note_29"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">29</span></span></a>
He has stated it with all the zeal of a person who believed
his argument to be a good one. But surely a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">bill lying
on a table</span></em> can never be considered as any more than an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">intention</span></em>
to pass it, and nobody pretends that it ever actually did pass. It
is in strictness only the intention of a part of the assembly, for
nobody can aver that it ever will pass. I write not with an intention
to deceive, but that the whole argument may be stated
fairly. Much eloquence and ingenuity have been employed in
shewing that side of the argument in favor of the proposed constitution,
but it ought to be considered that if we accept it upon mere
verbal explanations, we shall find ourselves deceived. I appeal to
the knowledge of every one, if it does not frequently happen,
that a law is interpreted in practice very differently from the intention
of the legislature. Hence arises the necessity of acts to
amend and explain former acts. This is not an inconvenience in
the common and ordinary business of legislation, but is a great
one in a constitution. A constitution is a legislative act of the
whole people. It is an excellence that it should be permanent,
otherwise we are exposed to perpetual insecurity from the fluctuation
of government. We should be in the same situation as
under absolute government, sometimes exposed to the pressure of
greater, and sometimes unprotected by the weaker power in the
sovereign.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is now generally understood that it is for the security of the
people that the powers of the government should be lodged in
different branches. By this means publick business will go on
when they all agree, and stop when they disagree. The advantage
of checks in government is thus manifested where the concurrence
of different branches is necessary to the same act, but
the advantage of a division of business is advantageous in other
respects. As in every extensive empire, local laws are necessary
to suit the different interests, no single legislature is adequate to
the business. All human capacities are limited to a narrow
space, and as no individual is capable of practising a great variety
of trades, no single legislature is capable of managing all the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page117">[pg 117]</span><a name="Pg117" id="Pg117" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
variety of national and state concerns. Even if a legislature was
capable of it, the business of the judicial department must, from
the same cause, be slovenly done. Hence arises the necessity of
a division of the business into national and local. Each department
ought to have all the powers necessary for executing its
own business, under such limitations as tend to secure us from
any inequality in the operations of government. I know it is
often asked against whom in a government by representation is a
bill of rights to secure us? I answer, that such a government is
indeed a government by ourselves; but as a just government protects
all alike, it is necessary that the sober and industrious part
of the community should be defended from the rapacity and violence
of the vicious and idle. A bill of rights, therefore, ought to
set forth the purposes for which the compact is made, and serves
to secure the minority against the usurpation and tyranny of the
majority. It is a just observation of his excellency, doctor
Adams, in his learned defence of the American constitutions that
unbridled passions produce the same effect, whether in a king,
nobility, or a mob. The experience of all mankind has proved
the prevalence of a disposition to use power wantonly. It is
therefore as necessary to defend an individual against the majority
in a republick as against the king in a monarchy. Our state constitution
has wisely guarded this point. The present confederation
has also done it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I confess that I have yet seen no sufficient reason for not
amending the confederation, though I have weighed the argument
with candour; I think it would be much easier to amend it
than the new constitution. But this is a point on which men of
very respectable character differ. There is another point in
which nearly all agree, and that is, that the new constitution
would be better in many respects if it had been differently framed.
Here the question is not so much what the amendments ought
to be, as in what manner they shall be made; whether they
shall be made as conditions of our accepting the constitution, or
whether we shall first accept it, and then try to amend it. I can
hardly conceive that it should seriously be made a question. If
the first question, whether we will receive it as it stands, be
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page118">[pg 118]</span><a name="Pg118" id="Pg118" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
negatived, as it undoubtedly ought to be, while the conviction
remains that amendments are necessary; the next question will
be, what amendments shall be made? Here permit an individual,
who glories in being a citizen of Massachusetts, and who is
anxious that her character may remain undiminished, to propose
such articles as appear to him necessary for preserving the rights
of the state. He means not to retract anything with regard to
the expediency of amending the old confederation, and rejecting
the new one totally; but only to make a proposition which he
thinks comprehends the general idea of all parties. If the new
constitution means no more than the friends of it acknowledge,
they certainly can have no objection to affixing a declaration in
favor of the rights of states and of citizens, especially as a majority
of the states have not yet voted upon it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“Resolved, that the constitution lately proposed for the United
States be received only upon the following conditions:</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“1. Congress shall have no power to alter the time, place or
manner of elections, nor any authority over elections, otherwise
than by fining such state as shall neglect to send its representatives
or senators, a sum not exceeding the expense of supporting
its representatives or senators one year.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“2. Congress shall not have the power of regulating the intercourse
between the states, nor to levy any direct tax on polls or
estates, or any excise.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“3. Congress shall not have power to try causes between a
state and citizens of another state, nor between citizens of different
states; nor to make any laws relative to the transfer of property
between those parties, nor any other matter which shall
originate in the body of any state.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“4. It shall be left to every state to make and execute its own
laws, except laws impairing contracts, which shall not be made
at all.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“5. Congress shall not incorporate any trading companies, nor
alienate the territory of any state. And no treaty, ordinance or
law of the United States shall be valid for these purposes.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“6. Each state shall have the command of its own militia.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“7. No continental army shall come within the limits of any
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page119">[pg 119]</span><a name="Pg119" id="Pg119" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
state, other than garrison to guard the publick stores, without
the consent of such states in time of peace.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“8. The president shall be chosen annually and shall serve but
one year, and shall be chosen successively from the different
states, changing every year.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“9. The judicial department shall be confined to cases in which
ambassadours are concerned, to cases depending upon treaties,
to offences committed upon the high seas, to the capture of
prizes, and to cases in which a foreigner residing in some foreign
country shall be a party, and an American state or citizen shall
be the other party, provided no suit shall be brought upon a state
note.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“10. Every state may emit bills of credit without making them
a tender, and may coin money, of silver, gold or copper, according
to the continental standard.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“11. No powers shall be exercised by Congress or the president
but such as are expressly given by this constitution and not
excepted against by this declaration. And any officer of the
United States offending against an individual state shall be held
accountable to such state, as any other citizen would be.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“12. No officer of Congress shall be free from arrest for debt
[but] by authority of the state in which the debt shall be due.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“13. Nothing in this constitution shall deprive a citizen of any
state of the benefit of the bill of rights established by the constitution
of the state in which he shall reside, and such bill of rights
shall be considered as valid in any court of the United States
where they shall be pleaded.</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“14. In all those causes which are triable before the continental
courts, the trial by jury shall be held sacred.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These at present appear to me the most important points to be
guarded. I have mentioned a reservation of excise to the separate
states, because it is necessary, that they should have some
way to discharge their own debts, and because it is placing them
in an humiliating &amp; disgraceful situation to depute them to transact
the business of international government without the means
to carry it on. It is necessary also, as a check on the national
government, for it has hardly been known that any government
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page120">[pg 120]</span><a name="Pg120" id="Pg120" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
having the powers of war, peace, and revenue, has failed to engage
in needless and wanton expense. A reservation of this
kind is therefore necessary to preserve the importance of the state
governments: without this the extremes of the empire will in a
very short time sink into the same degradation and contempt
with respect to the middle state as Ireland, Scotland, &amp; Wales,
are in with regard to England. All the men of genius and wealth
will resort to the seat of government, that will be center of revenue,
and of business, which the extremes will be drained to
supply.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This is not mere vision, it is justified by the whole course of
things. We shall, therefore, if we neglect the present opportunity
to secure ourselves, only increase the number of proofs already
too many, that mankind are incapable of enjoying their
liberty. I have been the more particular in stating the amendments
to be made, because many gentlemen think it would be
preferable to receive the new system with corrections. I have
by this means brought the corrections into one view, and shown
several of the principal points in which it is unguarded. As it is
agreed, at least professedly, on all sides, that those rights should
be guarded, it is among the inferior questions in what manner it
is done, provided it is absolutely and effectually done. For my
own part, I am fully of opinion that it would be best to reject
this plan, and pass an explicit resolve, defining the powers of
Congress to regulate the intercourse between us and foreign nations,
under such restrictions as shall render their regulations
equal in all parts of the empire. The impost, if well collected,
would be fully equal to the interest of the foreign debt, and the
current charges of the national government. It is evidently for
our interest that the charges should be as small as possible. It is
also for our interest that the western lands should, as fast as possible,
be applied to the purpose of paying the home debt. Internal
taxation and that fund have already paid two-thirds of the
whole debt, notwithstanding the embarrassments usual at the end
of a war.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We are now rising fast above our difficulties; everything at
home has the appearance of improvement, government is well
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page121">[pg 121]</span><a name="Pg121" id="Pg121" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
established, manufactures increasing rapidly, and trade expanding.
Till since the peace we never sent a ship to India, and the
present year, it is said, sends above a dozen vessels from this state
only, to the countries round the Indian ocean. Vast quantities
of our produce are exported to those countries. It has been so
much the practice of European nations to farm out this branch of
trade, that we ought to be exceedingly jealous of our right. The
manufactures of the state probably exceed in value one million
pounds for the last year. Most of the useful and some ornamental
fabricks are established. There is great danger of these improvements
being injured unless we practice extreme caution at
setting out. It will always be for the interest of the southern
states to raise a revenue from the more commercial ones. It is
said that the consumer pays it. But does not a commercial state
consume more foreign goods than a landed one? The people
are more crowded, and of consequence the land is less able to
support them. We know it is to be a favourite system to raise
the money where it is. But the money is to be expended at another
place, and is therefore so much withdrawn annually from
our stock. This is a single instance of the difference of interest;
it would be very easy to produce others. Innumerable as the
differences of manners, and these produce differences in the laws.
Uniformity in legislation is of no more importance than in religion.
Yet the framers of this new constitution did not even think
it necessary that the president should believe that there is a God,
although they require an oath of him. It would be easy to shew
the propriety of a general declaration upon that subject. But this
paper is already extended to so far [sic].
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Another reason which I had in stating the amendments to be
made, was to shew how nearly those who are for admitting the
system with the necessary alterations, agree with those who are
for rejecting this system and amending the confederation. In
point of convenience, the confederation amended would be infinitely
preferable to the proposed constitution. In amending the
former, we know the powers granted, and are subject to no perplexity;
but in reforming the latter, the business is excessively
intricate, and great part of the checks on Congress are lost. It
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page122">[pg 122]</span><a name="Pg122" id="Pg122" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
is to be remembered too, that if you are so far charmed with eloquence,
and misled by fair representations and charitable constructions,
as to adopt an undefined system, there will be no saying
afterwards that you were mistaken, and wish to correct it.
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">It will then be the constitution of our country, and entitled to defence.</span></em>
If Congress should chuse to avail themselves of a popular
commotion to continue in being, as the fourth section justifies,
and as the British parliament has repeatedly done, the only answer
will be, that it is the constitution of our country, and the
people chose it. It is therefore necessary to be exceedingly critical.
Whatsoever way shall be chosen to secure our rights, the
same resolve ought to contain the whole system of amendment.
If it is rejected, the resolve should contain the amendations of the
old system; and if accepted, it should contain the corrections of
the new one.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrippa.</span></span>
</p>

<div class="tei tei-tb"><hr style="width: 50%" /></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">A writer in the Gazette of 29th January, under the signature of Captain
M</span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic; vertical-align: super">c</span></span><span style="font-style: italic">Daniel,
having with civility and apparent candour, called for an explanation
of what was said in one of my former papers, I have chosen to mention him with
respect, as the only one of my reviewers who deserves an answer.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page123">[pg 123]</span><a name="Pg123" id="Pg123" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc7" id="toc7"></a>
<a name="pdf8" id="pdf8"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Replies To The Strictures Of A Landholder, By Elbridge Gerry.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In
The Massachusetts Centinel,<br />
And<br />
The American Herald,<br />
January-April 1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page125">[pg 125]</span><a name="Pg125" id="Pg125" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The refusal of Gerry to sign or support the Constitution, being
the only northern member of the federal convention to do so,
made him the general target of attack by the federal writers of
New England. To most of these Gerry paid no attention, but
the charges of <span class="tei tei-q">“A Landholder”</span> were so positive, and so evidently
written by a fellow member of the federal convention, that an
answer was necessary.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To neither of the two pieces here printed did Gerry put his
name, but the subject and internal evidence are both conclusive
that they were written by him. Not being able to find a copy of
the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">American Herald</span></span>, I have been compelled to reprint the
second article from the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">New York Journal</span></span>. For more on this
subject see the letters of A Landholder and of Luther Martin in
this collection.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page127">[pg 127]</span><a name="Pg127" id="Pg127" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Reply To A Landholder, I.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Massachusetts Centinel,
(Number 32 of Volume VIII)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Saturday, January 5, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Mr. Russell</span></span>:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
You are desired to inform the publick from good authority,
that Mr. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Gerry</span></span>, by giving his dissent to the proposed
Constitution, could have no motives for preserving an office, for he
holds none under the United States, or any of them; that he has
not, as has been asserted, exchanged Continental for State Securities,
and if he had, it would have been for his interest to have
supported the new system, because thereby the states are restrained
from impairing the obligation of contracts, and by a
transfer of such securities, they may be recovered in the new
federal court; that he never heard, in the Convention, a motion
made, much less did make any, <span class="tei tei-q">“for the redemption of the old
continental money;”</span> but that he proposed the public debt should
be made neither better nor worse by the new system, but stand
precisely on the same ground by the Articles of Confederation;
that had there been such a motion, he was not interested in it, as
he did not then, neither does he now, own the value of ten pounds
in continental money; that he neither was called on for his reasons
for not signing, but stated them fully in the progress of the
business. His objections are chiefly contained in his letter to the
Legislature; that he believes his colleagues men of too much
honour to assert what is not truth; that his reasons in the Convention
<span class="tei tei-q">“were totally different from those which he published,”</span>
that his only motive for dissenting from the Constitution, was a
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page128">[pg 128]</span><a name="Pg128" id="Pg128" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
firm persuasion that it would endanger the liberties of America;
that if the people are of a different opinion, they have a right to
adopt; but he was not authorized to an act, which appeared to
him was a surrender of their liberties; that a representative of a
free state, he was bound in honour to vote according to his idea
of her true interest, and that he should do the same in similar
circumstances.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cambridge, January 3, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page129">[pg 129]</span><a name="Pg129" id="Pg129" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Reply To A Landholder, II.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New York Journal,
(Number 2282)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Wednesday, April 30, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
From the American Herald, printed at Boston.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Mr. Greenleaf</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
As the Connecticut Landholder's publications are dispersed
throughout the state, it will be useful for the sake of truth to
publish the following.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Public.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
An elegant writer, under the signature of <span class="tei tei-q">“A Landholder,”</span>
having in a series of publications, with a modesty and delicacy
peculiar to himself, undertaken to instruct members of legislatures,
executives, and conventions, in their duty respecting the
new constitution, is, in stating facts, unfortunate, in being repeatedly
detected in errors; but his perseverance therein does honor
<span class="tei tei-q">“to his magnanimity,”</span> and reminds me of Dr. Sangerado (in Gil
Blas) who being advised to alter his practice, as it was founded
on false principles and destructive to his patients, firmly determined
to pursue it, because he had written a book in support of
it. Had our learned author, the modern Sangerado, confined
himself to facts and to reasoning on the constitution, he might
have continued to write without interruption from its opposers,
until by instructing others, he had obtained that instruction which
he seems to need, or a temporary relief from the inenviable malady,
the cacoethes scribendi; but his frequent misrepresentations
having exposed him to suspicions that as a disciple of Mandeville
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page130">[pg 130]</span><a name="Pg130" id="Pg130" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
he was an advocate for vice, or that to correct his curiosity
some humourist has palmed on him a spurious history of the
proceedings of the federal convention, and exhibited his credulity
as a subject of ridicule, it is proper to set him right in facts,
which, in almost every instance he has misstated.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In a late address to the honorable Luther Martin, Esquire, the
Landholder has asserted, that Mr. Gerry <span class="tei tei-q">“uniformly opposed Mr.
Martin's principles,”</span> but this is a circumstance wholly unknown
to Mr. Gerry, until he was informed of it by the Connecticut
Landholder; indeed Mr. Gerry from the first acquaintance with
Mr. Martin, has <span class="tei tei-q">“uniformly had a friendship for him.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This writer has also asserted, <span class="tei tei-q">“that the day Mr. Martin took
his seat in convention, without requesting information, or to be
let into the reasons of the adoption of what he might not approve,
he opened against them in a speech which held during
two days.”</span> But the facts are, that Mr. Martin had been a considerable
time in convention before he spoke; that when he entered
into the debates he appeared not to need <span class="tei tei-q">“information,”</span> as he
was fully possessed of the subject; and that his speech, if published,
would do him great honor.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Another assertion of this famous writer is, that Mr. Gerry in
<span class="tei tei-q">“a sarcastical reply, admired the strength of Mr. Martin's lungs,
and his profound knowledge in the first principles of government;”</span>
that <span class="tei tei-q">“this reply”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“left him a prey to the most humiliating
reflections; but these did not teach him to bound his future
speeches by the lines of moderation; for the very next day he exhibited,
without a blush, another specimen of eternal volubility.”</span>
This is so remote from the truth, that no such reply was made by
Mr. Gerry to Mr. Martin, or to any member of the convention;
on the contrary, Mr. Martin, on the first day he spoke, about the
time of adjournment, signified to the convention that the heat of
the season, and his indisposition prevented his proceeding, and
the house adjourned without further debate, or a reply to Mr.
Martin from any member whatever.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Again, the Landholder has asserted that Mr. Martin voted <span class="tei tei-q">“an
appeal should lay to the supreme judiciary of the United States
for the correction of all errors both in law and fact,”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“agreed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page131">[pg 131]</span><a name="Pg131" id="Pg131" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to the clause that declares nine states to be sufficient to put the
government in motion;”</span> and in a note says, <span class="tei tei-q">“Mr. Gerry agreed
with Mr. Martin on these questions.”</span> Whether there is any truth
in the assertions as they relate to Mr. Martin, he can best determine;
but as they respect Mr. Gerry, they reverse the facts; for
he not only voted against the first proposition (which is not stated
by the Landholder, with the accuracy requisite for a writer on government)
but contended for jury trials in civil cases, and declared
his opinion, that a federal judiciary with the powers above mentioned,
would be as oppressive and dangerous, as the establishment
of a star-chamber, and as to the clause that <span class="tei tei-q">“declares nine
states to be sufficient to put the government in motion,”</span> Mr.
Gerry was so much opposed to it, as to vote against it in the first
instance, and afterwards to move for a reconsideration of it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Landholder having in a former publication asserted <span class="tei tei-q">“that
Mr. Gerry introduced a motion, respecting the redemption of old
continental money”</span> and the public having been informed by a
paragraph in the Massachusetts Centinel, No. 32, of vol. 8, as
well as by the honorable Mr. Martin, that neither Mr. Gerry, or
any other member, had introduced such a proposition, the Landholder
now says that <span class="tei tei-q">“out of 126 days, Mr. Martin attended only
66,”</span> and then enquires <span class="tei tei-q">“whether it is to be presumed that Mr.
Martin could have been minutely informed, of all that happened
in convention, and committees of convention, during the sixty
days of absence?”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“Why is it that we do not see Mr. McHenry's
verification of his assertion, who was of the committee
for considering a provision for the debts of the union?”</span> But if
these enquiries were intended for subterfuges, unfortunately for
the Landholder, they will not avail him: for, had Mr. Martin not
been present at the debates on this subject, the fact is, that Mr.
Gerry was not on a committee with Mr. McHenry, or with any
other person, for considering a provision for the debts of the
union, or any provision that related to the subject of old continental
money; neither did he make any proposition, in convention,
committee, or on any occasion, to any member of convention
or other person, respecting the redemption of such money;
and the assertions of the Landholder to the contrary, are altogether
destitute of the shadow of truth.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page132">[pg 132]</span><a name="Pg132" id="Pg132" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Landholder addressing Mr. Martin, further says, <span class="tei tei-q">“Your
reply to my second charge against Mr. Gerry, may be soon dismissed:
compare his letter to the legislature of his state, with
your defence, and you will find, that you have put into his mouth,
objections different from anything it contains, so that if your representation
be true, his must be false.”</span> The objections referred
to, are those mentioned by Mr. Martin, as being made by Mr.
Gerry, against the supreme power of Congress over the militia.
Mr. Gerry, in his letter to the legislature, states as an objection,
<span class="tei tei-q">“That some of the powers of the federal legislature are ambiguous,
and others (meaning the unlimited power of Congress, to
keep up a standing army, in time of peace, and their entire controul
of the militia) are indefinite and dangerous.”</span> Against both
these did Mr. Gerry warmly contend, and why his representations
must be false, if Mr. Martin's are true, which particularized
what Mr. Gerry's stated generally, can only be discovered by
such a profound reasoner, as the Connecticut Landholder.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The vanity of this writer, in supposing that his charges would
be the subject of constitutional investigation, can only be equalled
by his impertinence, in interfering with the politics of other states,
or by his ignorance, in supposing a state convention could take
cognizance of such matters as he calls charges, and that Mr.
Gerry required a formal defence, or the assistance of his colleagues,
to defeat the unprovoked and libellous attacks of the
Landholder, or any other unprincipled reviler.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The landholder says: <span class="tei tei-q">“That Mr. Martin thought the deputy
attorney-general of the United States, for the state of Maryland,
destined for a different character, and that inspired him with the
hope that he might derive from a desperate opposition, what he
saw no prospect of gaining by a contrary conduct;”</span> but the landholder
ventures to predict, <span class="tei tei-q">“that though Mr. Martin was to double
his efforts he would fail in his object.”</span> By this we may form
some estimate of the patriotism of the landholder, for, whilst he
so readily resolves Mr. Martin's conduct into a manœuvre for
office, he gives too much reason to suppose, that he himself has
no idea of any other motive in conducting politicks. But how
can the landholder ascertain, that <span class="tei tei-q">“Mr. Martin thought”</span> the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page133">[pg 133]</span><a name="Pg133" id="Pg133" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
office mentioned <span class="tei tei-q">“destined for a different character?”</span> Was the
landholder present at the destination? If so, it was natural for
him, knowing there was a combination against Mr. Martin (however
remote this gentleman was from discovering it) to suppose
his accidental opposition to the complotters, proceeded from a
discovery of the plot. Surely the landholder must have some
reason for his conjecture respecting the motives of Mr. Martin's
conduct, or to be subject to the charge of publishing calumny,
knowing it to be such. If then, this great statesman was in a
secret, which has been long impenetrable, he is now entitled to
the honor of giving the public the most important information
they have received, concerning the origin of the new constitution,
and having candidly informed them who is not, he ought to inform
who is to fill that office, and all others of the new federal
government. It may then, in some measure be ascertained, what
individuals have supported the constitution on principles of patriotism,
and who under this guise have been only squabbling for
office. Perhaps we shall find that the landholder is to have the
contract for supplying the standing army under the new government,
and that many others, who have recurred to abuse on this
occasion, have some such happy prospects; indeed the landholder
puts it beyond a doubt, if we can believe him, that it was
determined in the privy council of this federal convention, that
however Mr. Martin might advocate the new constitution, he
should not have the office mentioned; for if this was not the case,
how can the landholder so roundly assert that Mr. Martin could
have no prospect by a contrary conduct of gaining the office, and
so remarkably sanguine is the landholder, that the members of
the privy council would be senators of the new Congress, in
which case the elections would undoubtedly be made according
to the conventional list of nominations, as that he ventures to
predict, though Mr. Martin was to double his efforts, he would
fail in his object. Thus whilst this blazing star of federalism is
taking great pains to hold up Mr. Gerry and Mr. Mason, as having
held private meetings <span class="tei tei-q">“to aggrandize old Massachusetts and
the antient dominion”</span> he has confessed enough to shew that his
private meetings were solely to aggrandize himself.
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page135">[pg 135]</span><a name="Pg135" id="Pg135" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc9" id="toc9"></a>
<a name="pdf10" id="pdf10"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Letters Of A Landholder, Written By Oliver Ellsworth.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The Connecticut Courant<br />
And<br />
The American Mercury,<br />
November, 1787-March, 1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page137">[pg 137]</span><a name="Pg137" id="Pg137" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The letters of a Landholder were so obviously written by a
a member of the federal convention, that their authorship could
not long remain a secret. They were published simultaneously in
the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Connecticut Courant</span></span> at Hartford
and the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">American Mercury</span></span>
at Litchfield, and this so clearly indicated Oliver Ellsworth as
the writer that they were at once credited to his pen.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The letters had a very wide circulation, numbers being reprinted
as far north as New Hampshire, and as far south as
Maryland. They called out several replies, three of which, by
Gerry, Williams and Martin, are printed in this collection.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page139">[pg 139]</span><a name="Pg139" id="Pg139" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Landholder, I.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1189)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, November 5, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Holders and Tillers of Land.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The writer of the following passed the first part of his life in
mercantile employments, and by industry and economy acquired
a sufficient sum on retiring from trade to purchase and stock a
decent plantation, on which he now lives in the state of a farmer.
By his present employment he is interested in the prosperity of
agriculture, and those who derive a support from cultivating the
earth. An acquaintance with business has freed him from many
prejudices and jealousies, which he sees in his neighbors, who
have not intermingled with mankind, nor learned by experience
the method of managing an extensive circulating property. Conscious
of an honest intention he wishes to address his brethren
on some political subjects which now engage the public attention,
and will in the sequel greatly influence the value of landed property.
The new constitution for the United States is now before
the public, the people are to determine, and the people at large
generally determine right, when they have had means of information.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It proves the honesty and patriotism of the gentlemen who
composed the general Convention, that they chose to submit their
system to the people rather than the legislatures, whose decisions
are often influenced by men in the higher departments of government,
who have provided well for themselves and dread any
change least they should be injured by its operation. I would
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page140">[pg 140]</span><a name="Pg140" id="Pg140" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
not wish to exclude from a State Convention those gentlemen who
compose the higher branches of the assemblies in the several
states, but choose to see them stand on an even floor with their
brethren, where the artifice of a small number cannot negative a
vast majority of the people.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This danger was foreseen by the Federal Convention, and they
have wisely avoided it by appealing directly to the people. The
landholders and farmers are more than any other men concerned
in the present decision whether the proposed alteration is best
they are to determine; but that an alteration is necessary an
individual may assert. It may be assumed as a fixed truth that
the prosperity and riches of the farmer must depend on the prosperity,
and good national regulation of trade. Artful men may
insinuate the contrary—tell you let trade take care of itself, and
excite your jealousy against the merchant because his business
leads him to wear a gayer coat, than your economy directs.
But let your own experience refute such insinuations. Your
property and riches depend on a ready demand and generous
price for the produce you can annually spare. When and where
do you find this? Is it not where trade flourishes, and when the
merchant can freely export the produce of the country to such
parts of the world as will bring the richest return? When the
merchant doth not purchase, your produce is low, finds a dull
market—in vexation you call the trader a jocky, and curse the
men whom you ought to pity. A desire of gain is common to
mankind, and the general motive to business and industry. You
cannot expect many purchases when trade is restricted, and your
merchants are shut out from nine-tenths of the ports in the world.
While you depend on the mercy of foreign nations, you are the
first persons who will be humbled. Confined to a few foreign
ports they must sell low, or not at all; and can you expect they
will greedily buy in at a high price, the very articles which they
must sell under every restriction.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Every foreign prohibition on American trade is aimed in the
most deadly manner against the holders and tillers of the land,
and they are the men made poor. Your only remedy is such a
national government as will make the country respectable; such
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page141">[pg 141]</span><a name="Pg141" id="Pg141" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
a supreme government as can boldly meet the supremacy of
proud and self-interested nations. The regulation of trade ever
was and ever will be a national matter. A single state in the
American union cannot direct much less control it. This must
be a work of the whole, and requires all the wisdom and force of
the continent, and until it is effected our commerce may be insulted
by every overgrown merchant in Europe. Think not the
evil will rest on your merchants alone; it may distress them, but
it will destroy those who cultivate the earth. Their produce will
bear a low price, and require bad pay; the laborer will not find
employment; the value of lands will fall, and the landholder become
poor.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
While our shipping rots at home by being prohibited from
ports abroad, foreigners will bring you such articles and at such
price as they please. Even the necessary article of salt has the
present year, been chiefly imported in foreign bottoms, and you
already feel the consequence, your flax-seed in barter has not returned
you more than two-thirds of the usual quantity. From
this beginning learn what is to come.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Blame not our merchants, the fault is not in them but in the
public. A Federal government of energy is the only means
which will deliver us, and now or never is your opportunity to
establish it, on such a basis as will preserve your liberty and
riches. Think not that time without your own exertions will
remedy the disorder. Other nations will be pleased with your
poverty; they know the advantage of commanding trade, and
carrying in their own bottoms. By these means they can govern
prices and breed up a hardy race of seamen, to man their
ships of war when they wish again to conquer you by arms. It
is strange the holders and tillers of the land have had patience so
long. They are men of resolution as well as patience, and will
I presume be no longer deluded by British emissaries, and those
men who think their own offices will be hazarded by any change
in the constitution. Having opportunity, they will coolly demand
a government which can protect what they have bravely defended
in war.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page142">[pg 142]</span><a name="Pg142" id="Pg142" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Landholder, II.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1190)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, November 12, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Holder and Tillers of Land.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gentlemen</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
You were told in the late war that peace and Independence
would reward your toil, and that riches would accompany the
establishment of your liberties, by opening a wider market, and
consequently raising the price of such commodities as America
produces for exportation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Such a conclusion appeared just and natural. We had been
restrained by the British to trade only with themselves, who often
re-exported to other nations, at a high advance, the raw materials
they have procured from us. This advance we designed to
realize, but our expectation has been disappointed. The produce
of the country is in general down to the old price, and bids fair
to fall much lower. It is time for those who till the earth in the
sweat of their brow to enquire the cause. And we shall find it
neither in the merchant or farmer, but in a bad system of policy
and government, or rather in having no system at all. When we
call ourselves an independent nation it is false, we are neither a
nation, nor are we independent. Like thirteen contentious neighbors
we devour and take every advantage of each other, and are
without that system of policy which gives safety and strength,
and constitutes a national structure. Once we were dependent
only on Great Britain, now we are dependent on every petty state
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page143">[pg 143]</span><a name="Pg143" id="Pg143" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in the world and on every custom house officer of foreign ports.
If the injured apply for redress to the assemblies of the several
states, it is in vain, for they are not, and cannot be known abroad.
If they apply to Congress, it is also vain, for however wise and
good that body may be, they have not power to vindicate either
themselves or their subjects.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Do not my countrymen fall into a passion on hearing these
truths, nor think your treatment unexampled. From the beginning
it hath been the case that people without policy will find
enough to take advantage of their weakness, and you are not the
first who have been devoured by their wiser neighbours, but perhaps
it is not too late for a remedy, we ought at least to make a
trial, and if we still die shall have this consolation in our last
hours, that we tried to live.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I can foresee that several classes of men will try to alarm your
fears, and however selfish their motives, we may expect that liberty,
the encroachments of power, and the inestimable privileges
of dear posterity will with them be fruitful topicks of argument.
As holy scripture is used in the exorcisms of Romish priests to
expel imaginary demons; so the most sacred words will be conjured
together to oppose evils which have no existence in the
new constitution, and which no man dare attempt to carry into
execution, among a people of so free a spirit as the Americans.
The first to oppose a federal government will be the old friends
Great Britain, who in their hearts cursed the prosperity of your
arms, and have ever since delighted in the perplexity of your
councils. Many of these men are still among us, and for several
years their hopes of a reunion with Britain have been high.
They rightly judge that nothing will so soon effect their wishes
as the deranged state we are now in, if it should continue. They
see that the merchant is weary of a government which cannot
protect his property, and that the farmer finding no benefit from
the revolution, begins to dread much evil; and they hope the
people will soon supplicate the protection of their old masters.
We may therefore expect that all the policy of these men will
center in defeating those measures which will protect the people,
and give system and force to American councils. I was lately
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page144">[pg 144]</span><a name="Pg144" id="Pg144" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in a circle where the new constitution was discussed. All but
one man approved. He was full of trembling for the liberties of
poor America. It was strange! It was wondorous strange to
see his concern! After several of his arguments had been refuted
by an ingenious farmer in the company, but, says he, it is against
the treaty of peace, we received independence from Great Britain
on condition of our keeping the old constitution. Here the man
came out! We had beat the British with a bad frame of government,
and with a good one he feared we should eat them up.
Debtors in desperate circumstances, who have not resolution to
be either honest or industrious, will be the next men to take the
alarm. They have long been upheld by the property of their
creditors and the mercy of the public, and daily destroy a thousand
honest men who are unsuspicious. Paper money and tender
acts, is the only atmosphere in which they can breathe, and live.
This is now so generally known that by being a friend to such
measures a man effectually advertises himself as a bankrupt.
The opposition of these we expect, but for the sake of all honest
and industrious debtors, we most earnestly wish the proposed
constitution may pass, for whatever gives a new spring to business
will extricate them from their difficulties.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There is another kind of people will be found in the opposition.
Men of much self importance and supposed skill in politics, who
are not of sufficient consequence to obtain public employment,
but can spread jealousies in the little districts of country where
they are placed. These are always jealous of men in place and
of public measures, and aim at making themselves consequential
by distrusting every one in the higher offices of society.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is a strange madness of some persons, immediately to distrust
those who are raised by the free suffrages of the people, to
sustain powers which are absolutely necessary for public safety.
Why were they elevated but for a general reputation of wisdom
and integrity; and why should they be distrusted, until by ignorance
or some base action they have forfeited a right to our confidence?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To fear a general government or energetic principles least it
should create tyrants, when without such a government all have
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page145">[pg 145]</span><a name="Pg145" id="Pg145" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
an opportunity to become tyrants and avoid punishment, is fearing
the possibility of one act of oppression, more than the real
exercise of a thousand. But in the present case, men who have
lucrative and influential state offices, if they act from principles of
self-interest, will be tempted to oppose an alteration, which would
doubtless be beneficial to the people. To sink from a controlment
of finance, or any other great department of the state, thro'
want of ability or opportunity to act a part in the federal system,
must be a terrifying consideration. Believe not those who insinuate
that this is a scheme of great men to grasp more power.
The temptation is on the other side. Those in great offices never
wish to hazard their places by such a change. This is the
scheme of the people, and those high and worthy characters who
in obedience to the public voice offer the proposed amendment
of our federal constitution thus esteemed it, or they would have
determined state Conventions as the tribunal of ultimate decision.
This is the last opportunity you may have to adopt a government
which gives all protection to personal liberty, and at the same
time promises fair to afford you all the advantages of a sovereign
empire. While you deliberate with coolness, be not duped by
the artful surmises of such as from their own interest or prejudice
are blind to the public good.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page146">[pg 146]</span><a name="Pg146" id="Pg146" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Landholder, III.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1191)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, November 19, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Holders and Tillers of Land.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gentlemen</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When we rushed to arms for preventing British usurpation, liberty
was the argument of every tongue.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This word would open all the resources of the country and
draw out a brigade of militia rapidly as the most decisive orders
of a despotic government. Liberty is a word which, according
as it is used, comprehends the most good and the most evil of
any in the world. Justly understood it is sacred next to those
which we appropriate in divine adoration; but in the mouths of
some it means anything, which enervate a necessary government;
excite a jealousy of the rulers who are our own choice, and keep
society in confusion for want of a power sufficiently concentered to
promote its good. It is not strange that the licentious should tell
us a government of energy is inconsistent with liberty, for being
inconsistent with their wishes and their vices, they would have us
think it contrary to human happiness. In the state this country
was left by the war, with want of experience in sovereignty, and
the feelings which the people then had; nothing but the scene
we had passed thro' could give a general conviction that an internal
government of strength is the only means of repressing external
violence, and preserving the national rights of the people
against the injustice of their own brethren. Even the common
duties of humanity will gradually go out of use, when the constitution
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page147">[pg 147]</span><a name="Pg147" id="Pg147" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and laws of a country do not insure justice from the public
and between individuals. American experience, in our present
deranged state, hath again proved these great truths, which
have been verified in every age since men were made and became
sufficiently numerous to form into public bodies. A government
capable of controlling the whole, and bringing its force to
a point, is one of the prerequisites for national liberty. We combine
in society, with an expectation to have our persons and
properties defended against unreasonable exactions either at home
or abroad. If the public are unable to protest against the unjust
impositions of foreigners, in this case we do not enjoy our natural
rights, and a weakness of government is the cause. If we
mean to have our natural rights and properties protected, we
must first create a power which is able to do it, and in our case
there is no want of resources, but a civil constitution which may
draw them out and point their force.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The present question is, shall we have such a constitution or
not? We allow it to be a creation of power; but power when
necessary for our good is as much to be desired as the food we
eat or the air we breathe. Some men are mightily afraid of giving
power lest it should be improved for oppression; this is doubtless
possible, but where is the probability? The same objection
may be made against the constitution of every state in the union,
and against every possible mode of government; because a
power of doing good always implies a power to do evil if the
person or party be disposed.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The right of the legislature to ordain laws binding on the
people, gives them a power to make bad laws.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The right of the judge to inflict punishment, gives him both
power and opportunity to oppress the innocent; yet none but
crazy men will from thence determine that it is best to have
neither a legislature nor judges.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If a power to promote the best interest of the people, necessarily
implies a power to do evil, we must never expect such a constitution
in theory as will not be open in some respects to the objections
of carping and jealous men. The new Constitution is
perhaps more cautiously guarded than any other in the world,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page148">[pg 148]</span><a name="Pg148" id="Pg148" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and at the same time creates a power which will be able to protect
the subject; yet doubtless objections may be raised, and so
they may against the constitution of each state in the union. In
Connecticut the laws are the constitution by which the people
are governed, and it is generally allowed to be the most free and
popular in the thirteen states. As this is the state in which I live
and write, I will instance several things which with a proper coloring
and a spice of jealousy appear most dangerous to the natural
rights of the people, yet they have never been dangerous in
practice, and are absolutely necessary at some times to prevent
much greater evil.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The right of taxation or of assessing and collecting money out of
the people, is one of those powers which may prove dangerous
in the exercise, and which by the new constitution is vested solely
in representatives chosen for that purpose. But by the laws of
Connecticut, this power called so dangerous may be exercised by
selectmen of each town, and this not only without their consent
but against their express will, where they have considered the
matter, and judge it improper. This power they may exercise
when and so often as they judge necessary! Three justices of the
quorum may tax a whole county in such sums as they think
meet, against the express will of all the inhabitants. Here we see
the dangerous power of taxation vested in the justices of the
quorum and even in selectmen, men whom we should suppose as
likely to err and tyrannize as the representatives of three millions
of people in solemn deliberation, and amenable to the vengeance of
their constituents, for every act of injustice. The same town officers
have equal authority where personal liberty is concerned, in
a matter more sacred than all the property in the world, the disposal
of your children. When they judge fit, with the advice of
one justice of the peace, they may tear them from the parent's embrace,
and place them under the absolute control of such masters
as they please; and if the parent's reluctance excites their resentment,
they may place him and his property under overseers.
Fifty other instances fearfull as these might be collected from the
laws of the state, but I will not repeat them lest my readers
should be alarmed where there is no danger. These regulations
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page149">[pg 149]</span><a name="Pg149" id="Pg149" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
are doubtless best; we have seen much good and no evil come
from them. I adduce these instances to shew, that the most free
constitution when made the subject of criticism may be exhibited
in frightful colors, and such attempts we must expect against that
now proposed. If, my countrymen, you wait for a constitution
which absolutely bars a power of doing evil, you must wait long,
and when obtained it will have no power of doing good. I allow
you are oppressed, but not from the quarter that jealous and
wrongheaded men would insinuate. You are oppressed by the
men, who to serve their own purposes would prefer the shadow
of government to the reality. You are oppressed for the want of
power which can protect commerce, encourage business, and create
a ready demand for the productions of your farms. You are
become poor; oppression continued will make wise men mad.
The landholders and farmers have long borne this oppression, we
have been patient and groaned in secret, but can promise for ourselves
no longer; unless relieved, madness may excite us to actions
we now dread.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page150">[pg 150]</span><a name="Pg150" id="Pg150" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, IV.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1192)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, November 26, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Remarks on the objections made by the Hon. Elbridge Gerry, to
the new Constitution.</span></span><a id="noteref_30" name="noteref_30" href="#note_30"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">30</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Landholders and Farmers.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To censure a man for an opinion in which he declares himself
honest, and in a matter of which all men have a right to judge, is
highly injurious; at the same time, when the opinions even of
honorable men are submitted to the people, a tribunal before
which the meanest citizen hath a right to speak, they must abide
the consequence of public stricture. We are ignorant whether
the honorable gentlemen possesses state dignities or emoluments
which will be endangered by the new system, or hath motives of
personality to prejudice his mind and throw him into the opposition;
or if it be so, do not wish to evade the objections by such
a charge. As a member of the General Convention, and deputy
from a great state, this honorable person hath a right to speak
and be heard. It gives pleasure to know the extent of what may
be objected or even surmised, by one whose situation was the
best to espy danger, and mark the defective parts of the constitution
if any such there be. Mr. Gerry, tho' in the character of an
objector, tells us <span class="tei tei-q">“he was fully convinced that to preserve the
union an efficient government was indispensibly necessary, and
that it would be difficult to make proper amendments to the old
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page151">[pg 151]</span><a name="Pg151" id="Pg151" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
articles of confederation,”</span> therefore by his own confession there was
an indispensible necessity of a system, in many particulars entirely
new. He tells us further <span class="tei tei-q">“that if the people reject this altogether,
anarchy may ensue,”</span> and what situation can be pictured more
awful than a total dissolution of all government? Many defects
in the constitution had better be risked than to fall back into that
state of rude violence, in which every man's hand is against his
neighbor, and there is no judge to decide between them, or
power of justice to control. But we hope to shew that there are
no alarming defects in the proposed structure of government, and
that while a public force is created, the liberties of the people
have every possible guard.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Several of the honourable Gentlemen's objections are expressed
in such vague and indecisive terms, that they rather deserve the
name of insinuations, and we know not against what particular
parts of the system they are pointed. Others are explicit, and if
real deserve serious attention. His first objection is <span class="tei tei-q">“that there
is no adequate provision for representation of the people.”</span> This
must have respect either to the number of representatives, or to
the manner in which they are chosen. The proper number to
constitute a safe representation is a matter of judgment, in which
honest and wise men often disagree. Were it possible for all the
people to convene and give their personal assent, some would
think this the best mode of making laws, but in the present instance
it is impracticable. In towns and smaller districts where
all the people may meet conveniently and without expense this is
doubtless preferable. The state representation is composed of
one or two from every town and district, which composes an assembly
not so large as to be unwieldy in acting, nor so expensive
as to burden the people. But if so numerous a representation
were made from every part of the United States, with our
present population, the new Congress would consist of three
thousand men; with the population of Great Britain, to which we
may arrive in half a century, of ten thousand; and with the population
of France, which we shall probably equal in a century
and a half, of thirty thousand.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Such a body of men might be an army to defend the country
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page152">[pg 152]</span><a name="Pg152" id="Pg152" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in case of foreign invasion, but not a legislature, and the expense
to support them would equal the whole national revenue. By
the proposed constitution the new Congress will consist of nearly
one hundred men; when our population is equal to Great Britain
of three hundred men, and when equal to France of nine hundred.
Plenty of Lawgivers! why any gentlemen should wish for
more is not conceivable.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Considering the immense territory of America, the objection
with many will be on the other side; that when the whole is
populated it will constitute a legislature unmanageable by its
numbers. Convention foreseeing this danger, have so worded
the article, that if the people should at any future time judge
necessary, they may diminish the representation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
As the state legislatures have to regulate the internal policy of
every town and neighborhood, it is convenient enough to have
one or two men, particularly acquainted with every small district
of country, its interests, parties and passions. But the federal
legislature can take cognizance only of national questions and interests
which in their very nature are general, and for this purpose
five or ten honest and wise men chosen from each state;
men who have had previous experience in state legislation, will
be more competent than an hundred. From an acquaintance
with their own state legislatures, they will always know the sense
of the people at large, and the expense of supporting such a
number will be as much as we ought to incur.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If the Hon. gentleman, in saying <span class="tei tei-q">“there is not adequate provision
for the representation of the people,”</span> refers to the manner
of choosing them, a reply to this is naturally blended with its
second objection, that <span class="tei tei-q">“they would have no security for the right
of election.”</span> It is impossible to conceive what greater security
can be given, by any form of words, than we here find.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The federal representatives are to be chosen by the votes of the
people. Every freeman is an elector. The same qualification
which enables you to vote for state representatives, gives you a
federal voice. It is a right you cannot lose, unless you first
annihilate the state legislature, and declare yourself incapable of
electing, which is a degree of infatuation improbable as a second
deluge to drown the world.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page153">[pg 153]</span><a name="Pg153" id="Pg153" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Your own assemblies are to regulate the formalities of this
choice, and unless they betray you, you cannot be betrayed.
But perhaps it may be said, Congress have a power to control
this formality as to the time and places of electing, and we allow
they have: but this objection which at first looks frightful was
designed as a guard to the privileges of the electors. Even state
assemblies may have their fits of madness and passion, this tho'
not probable is possible.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We have a recent instance in the state of Rhode Island, where
a desperate junto are governing contrary to the sense of a great
majority of the people. It may be the case in any other state,
and should it happen, that the ignorance or rashness of the state
assemblies, in a fit of jealousy, should deny you this sacred right,
the deliberate justice of the continent is enabled to interpose and
restore you a federal voice. This right is therefore more inviolably
guarded than it can be by the government of your state, for
it is guaranteed by the whole empire. Tho' out of the order in
which the Hon. gentleman proposes his doubts, I wish here to
notice some questions which he makes. The proposed plan
among others he tells us involves these questions: <span class="tei tei-q">“Whether the
several state governments, shall be so altered as in effect to be
dissolved? Whether in lieu of the state governments the national
constitution now proposed shall be substituted?”</span> I wish for sagacity
to see on what these questions are founded. No alteration
in the state governments is even now proposed, but they are to
remain identically the same that they are now. Some powers are
to be given into the hands of your federal representatives, but
these powers are all in their nature general, such as must be exercised
by the whole or not at all, and such as are absolutely
necessary; or your commerce, the price of your commodities,
your riches and your safety, will be the sport of every foreign adventurer.
Why are we told of the dissolution of our state governments,
when by this plan they are indissolubly linked? They
must stand or fall, live or die together. The national legislature
consists of two houses, a senate and house of representatives.
The senate is to be chosen by the assemblies of the particular
states; so that if the assemblies are dissolved, the senate dissolves
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page154">[pg 154]</span><a name="Pg154" id="Pg154" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
with them. The national representatives are to be chosen by the
same electors, and under the same qualifications, as choose the
state representatives; so that if the state representation be dissolved,
the national representation is gone of course.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
State representation and government is the very basis of the
congressional power proposed. This is the most valuable link in
the chain of connection, and affords double security for the rights
of the people. Your liberties are pledged to you by your own
state, and by the power of the whole empire. You have a voice
in the government of your own state, and in the government of
the whole. Were not the gentleman on whom the remarks are
made very honorable, and by the eminence of office raised above
a suspicion of cunning, we should think he had, in this instance,
insinuated merely to alarm the fears of the people. His other
objections will be mentioned in some future number of the:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Landholder</span></span>.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page155">[pg 155]</span><a name="Pg155" id="Pg155" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, V.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1193)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, December 3, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Continuation of Remarks on the Hon. Elbridge Gerry's Objections
to the new Constitution.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Landholders and Farmers.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is unhappy both for Mr. Gerry and the public, that he was
not more explicit in publishing his doubts. Certainly this must
have been from inattention, and not thro' any want of ability; as
all his honorable friends allow him to be a politician even of metaphysical
nicety.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In a question of such magnitude, every candid man will consent
to discuss objections, which are stated with perspicuity; but to
follow the honorable writer into the field of conjecture, and combat
phantoms, uncertain whether or not they are the same which
terrified him, is a task too laborious for patience itself. Such
must be the writer's situation in replying to the next objection,
<span class="tei tei-q">“that some of the powers of the legislature are ambiguous, and
others indefinite and dangerous.”</span> There are many powers given
to the legislature; if any of them are dangerous, the people have
a right to know which they are, and how they will operate, that
we may guard against the evil. The charge of being ambiguous
and indefinite may be brought against every human composition,
and necessarily arises from the imperfection of language. Perhaps
no two men will express the same sentiment in the same manner,
and by the same words; neither do they connect precisely the
same ideas with the same words. From hence arises an ambiguity
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page156">[pg 156]</span><a name="Pg156" id="Pg156" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in all language, with which the most perspicuous and precise
writers are in a degree chargeable. Some persons never attain to
the happy art of perspicuous expression, and it is equally true
that some persons thro' a mental defect of their own, will judge
the most correct and certain language of others to be indefinite
and ambiguous. As Mr. Gerry is the first and only man who has
charged the new Constitution with ambiguousness, is there not
room to suspect that his understanding is different from other
men's, and whether it be better or worse, the Landholder presumes
not to decide.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is an excellency of this Constitution that it is expressed with
brevity, and in the plain, common language of mankind.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Had it swelled into the magnitude of a volume, there would
have been more room to entrap the unwary, and the people who
are to be its judges would have had neither patience nor opportunity
to understand it. Had it been expressed in the scientific language
of law, or those terms of art which we often find in political
compositions, to the honorable gentleman it might have appeared
more definite and less ambiguous; but to the great body of the
people altogether obscure, and to accept it they must leap into
the dark.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The people to whom in this case the great appeal is made, best
understand those compositions which are concise and in their
own language. Had the powers given to the legislature been
loaded with provisos, and such qualifications as a lawyer who is
so cunning as even to suspect himself, would probably have intermingled;
there would have been much more of a deception in the
case. It would not be difficult to shew that every power given
to the legislature is necessary for national defence and justice, and
to protect the rights of the people who create this authority for
their own advantage; but to consider each one particularly would
exceed the limits of my design.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I shall, therefore, select two powers given them, which have
been more abused to oppress and enslave mankind, than all the
others with which this or any legislature on earth is cloathed—the
right of taxation or of collecting money from the people;
and of raising and supporting armies.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page157">[pg 157]</span><a name="Pg157" id="Pg157" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These are the powers which enable tyrants to scourge their
subjects; and they are also the very powers by which good rulers
protect the people against the violence of wicked and overgrown
citizens, and invasion by the rest of mankind. Judge candidly
what a wretched figure the American empire will exhibit in the
eye of other nations, without a power to array and support a
military force for its own protection. Half a dozen regiments
from Canada or New-Spain, might lay whole provinces under
contribution, while we were disputing who has power to pay and
raise an army. This power is also necessary to restrain the violence
of seditious citizens. A concurrence of circumstances frequently
enables a few disaffected persons to make great revolutions,
unless government is vested with the most extensive powers
of self-defence. Had Shays, the malcontent of Massachusetts,
been a man of genius, fortune and address, he might have conquered
that state, and by the aid of a little sedition in the other
states, and an army proud by victory, become the monarch and
tyrant of America. Fortunately he was checked; but should
jealousy prevent vesting these powers in the hands of men
chosen by yourselves, and who are under every constitutional
restraint, accident or design will in all probability raise up some
future Shays to be the tyrant of your children.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
A people cannot long retain their freedom, whose government
is incapable of protecting them.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The power of collecting money from the people, is not to be
rejected because it has sometimes been oppressive.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Public credit is as necessary for the prosperity of a nation as
private credit is for the support and wealth of a family.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We are this day many millions poorer than we should have
been had a well arranged government taken place at the conclusion
of the war. All have shared in this loss, but none in so great
proportion as the landholders and farmers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The public must be served in various departments. Who
will serve them without a meet recompense? Who will
go to war and pay the charges of his own warfare? What man
will any longer take empty promises of reward from those, who
have no constitutional power to reward or means of fulfilling
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page158">[pg 158]</span><a name="Pg158" id="Pg158" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
them? Promises have done their utmost, more than they ever
did in any other age or country. The delusive bubble has broke,
and in breaking has beggared thousands, and left you an unprotected
people; numerous without force, and full of resources but
unable to command one of them. For these purposes there
must be a general treasury, with a power to replenish it as often
as necessity requires. And where can this power be more safely
vested, than in the common legislature, men chosen by yourselves
from every part of the union, and who have the confidence
of their several states; men who must share in the burdens they
impose on others; men who by a seat in Congress are incapable
of holding any office under the states, which might prove a
temptation to spoil the people for increasing their own income?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We find another objection to be <span class="tei tei-q">“that the executive is blended
with and will have an undue influence over the legislature.”</span> On
examination you will find this objection unfounded. The supreme
executive is vested in a President of the United States;
every bill that hath passed the senate and representatives, must
be presented to the president, and if he approve it becomes law.
If he disapproves, but makes no return within ten days, it still
becomes law. If he returns the bill with his objections, the senate
and representatives consider it a second time, and if two-thirds
of them adhere to the first resolution it becomes law notwithstanding
the president's dissent. We allow the president
hath an influence, tho' strictly speaking he hath not a legislative
voice; and think such an influence must be salutary. In the
president all the executive departments meet, and he will be a
channel of communication between those who make and those
who execute the laws. Many things look fair in theory which in
practice are impossible. If lawmakers, in every instance, before
their final decree, had the opinion of those who are to execute
them, it would prevent a thousand absurd ordinances, which are
solemnly made, only to be repealed, and lessen the dignity of
legislation in the eyes of mankind.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The vice-president is not an executive officer while the president
is in discharge of his duty, and when he is called to preside
his legislative voice ceases. In no other instance is there even
the shadow of blending or influence between the two departments.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page159">[pg 159]</span><a name="Pg159" id="Pg159" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We are further told <span class="tei tei-q">“that the judicial departments, or those
courts of law, to be instituted by Congress, will be oppressive.”</span>
We allow it to be possible, but from whence arises the probability
of this event? State judges may be corrupt, and juries may be
prejudiced and ignorant, but these instances are not common;
and why shall we suppose they will be more frequent under a
national appointment and influence, when the eyes of a whole
empire are watching for their detection?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Their courts are not to intermeddle with your internal policy,
and will have cognizance only of those subjects which are placed
under the control of a national legislature. It is as necessary
there should be courts of law and executive officers, to carry into
effect the laws of the nation, as that there be courts and officers to
execute the laws made by your state assemblies. There are many
reasons why their decisions ought not to be left to courts instituted
by particular states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
A perfect uniformity must be observed thro' the whole union,
or jealousy and unrighteousness will take place; and for a uniformity
one judiciary must pervade the whole. The inhabitants
of one state will not have confidence in judges appointed by the
legislature of another state, in which they have no voice. Judges
who owe their appointment and support to one state, will be unduly
influenced, and not reverence the laws of the union. It will
at any time be in the power of the smallest state, by interdicting
their own judiciary, to defeat the measures, defraud the revenue,
and annul the most sacred laws of the whole empire. A legislative
power, without a judicial and executive under their own control,
is in the nature of things a nullity. Congress under the old
confederation had power to ordain and resolve, but having no
judicial or executive of their own, their most solemn resolves
were totally disregarded. The little state of Rhode Island was
purposely left by Heaven to its present madness, for a general
conviction in the other states, that such a system as is now proposed
is our only preservation from ruin. What respect can any
one think would be paid to national laws, by judicial and executive
officers who are amenable only to the present assembly of Rhode
Island? The rebellion of Shays and the present measures of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page160">[pg 160]</span><a name="Pg160" id="Pg160" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Rhode Island ought to convince us that a national legislature,
judiciary and executive, must be united, or the whole is but a
name; and that we must have these, or soon be hewers of wood
and drawers of water for all other people.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In all these matters and powers given to Congress, their ordinances
must be the supreme law of the land, or they are nothing.
They must have authority to enact any laws for executing their
own powers, or those powers will be evaded by the artful and
unjust, and the dishonest trader will defraud the public of its revenue.
As we have every reason to think this system was honestly
planned, we ought to hope it may be honestly and justly
executed. I am sensible that speculation is always liable to
error. If there be any capital defects in this constitution, it is
most probable that experience alone will discover them. Provision
is made for an alteration if, on trial, it be found necessary.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When your children see the candor and greatness of mind,
with which you lay the foundation, they will be inspired with
equity to furnish and adorn the superstructure.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page161">[pg 161]</span><a name="Pg161" id="Pg161" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, VI.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1194)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, December 10, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
He that is first in his own cause seemeth just; but his neighbor cometh and searcheth
him.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Landholders and Farmers:</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The publication of Col. Mason's<a id="noteref_31" name="noteref_31" href="#note_31"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">31</span></span></a>
reasons for not signing the
new Constitution, has extorted some truths that would otherwise
in all probability have remained unknown to us all. His reasons,
like Mr. Gerry's, are most of them <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ex post facto</span></span>, have been revised
in New Y——k by R. H. L.<a id="noteref_32" name="noteref_32" href="#note_32"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">32</span></span></a>
and by him brought into their present
artful and insidious form. The factious spirit of R. H. L., his
implacable hatred to General Washington, his well-known intrigues
against him in the late war, his attempts to displace him
and give the command of the American army to General Lee, is
so recent in your minds it is not necessary to repeat them. He
is supposed to be the author of most of the scurrility poured out
in the New-York papers against the new constitution.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Just at the close of the Convention, whose proceedings in general
were zealously supported by Mr. Mason, he moved for a
clause that no navigation act should ever be passed but with the
consent of two thirds of both branches;<a id="noteref_33" name="noteref_33" href="#note_33"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">33</span></span></a>
urging that a navigation
act might otherwise be passed excluding foreign bottoms from
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page162">[pg 162]</span><a name="Pg162" id="Pg162" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
carrying American produce to market, and throw a monopoly of
the carrying business into the hands of the eastern states who
attend to navigation, and that such an exclusion of foreigners
would raise the freight of the produce of the southern states, and
for these reasons Mr. Mason would have it in the power of the
southern states to prevent any navigation act. This clause, as
unequal and partial in the extreme to the southern states, was
rejected; because it ought to be left on the same footing with
other national concerns, and because no state would have a right
to complain of a navigation act which should leave the carrying
business equally open to them all. Those who preferred cultivating
their lands would do so; those who chose to navigate and
become carriers would do that. The loss of this question determined
Mr. Mason against the signing the doings of the convention,
and is undoubtedly among his reasons as drawn for the
southern states; but for the eastern states this reason would not
do.<a id="noteref_34" name="noteref_34" href="#note_34"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">34</span></span></a>
It would convince us that Mr. Mason preferred the subjects
of every foreign power to the subjects of the United States who
live in New-England; even the British who lately ravaged Virginia—that
Virginia, my countrymen, where your relations lavished
their blood—where your sons laid down their lives to secure
to her and us the freedom and independence in which we
now rejoice, and which can only be continued to us by a firm,
equal and effective union. But do not believe that the people of
Virginia are all thus selfish: No, there is a Washington, a Blair,
a Madison and a Lee, (not R. H. L.) and I am persuaded there is
a majority of liberal, just and federal men in Virginia, who, whatever
their sentiments may be of the new constitution, will despise
the artful injustice contained in Col. Mason's reasons as published
in the Connecticut papers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The President of the United States has no council, etc.</span></span>, says Col.
Mason. His proposed council<a id="noteref_35" name="noteref_35" href="#note_35"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">35</span></span></a> would have been expensive—they
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page163">[pg 163]</span><a name="Pg163" id="Pg163" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
must constantly attend the president, because the president
constantly acts. This council must have been composed of great
characters, who could not be kept attending without great salaries,
and if their opinions were binding on the president his responsibility
would be destroyed—if divided, prevent vigor and
dispatch—if not binding, they would be no security. The states
who have had such councils have found them useless, and complain
of them as a dead weight. In others, as in England, the
supreme executive advises when and with whom he pleases; if
any information is wanted, the heads of the departments who are
always at hand can best give it, and from the manner of their appointment
will be trustworthy. Secrecy, vigor, dispatch and responsibility,
require that the supreme executive should be one
person, and unfettered otherwise than by the laws he is to execute.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">There is no Declaration of Rights.</span></em> Bills of Rights were introduced
in England when its kings claimed all power and jurisdiction,
and were considered by them as grants to the people. They
are insignificant since government is considered as originating
from the people, and all the power government now has is a
grant from the people. The constitution they establish with
powers limited and defined, becomes now to the legislator and
magistrate, what originally a bill of rights was to the people. To
have inserted in this constitution a bill of rights for the states,
would suppose them to derive and hold their rights from the federal
government, when the reverse is the case.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">There is to be no ex post facto laws.</span></em> This was moved by Mr.
Gerry and supported by Mr. Mason,<a id="noteref_36" name="noteref_36" href="#note_36"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">36</span></span></a> and is exceptional only as
being unnecessary; for it ought not to be presumed that government
will be so tyrannical, and opposed to the sense of all modern
civilians, as to pass such laws: if they should, they would be
void.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">The general legislature is restrained from prohibiting the further
importation of slaves for twenty odd years.</span></em> But every state legislature
may restrain its own subjects; but if they should not, shall
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page164">[pg 164]</span><a name="Pg164" id="Pg164" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
we refuse to confederate with them? their consciences are their
own, tho' their wealth and strength are blended with ours. Mr.
Mason has himself about three hundred slaves, and lives in Virginia,
where it is found by prudent management they can breed
and raise slaves faster than they want them for their own use, and
could supply the deficiency in Georgia and South Carolina; and
perhaps Col. Mason may suppose it more humane to breed than
import slaves—those imported having been bred and born free,
may not so tamely bear slavery as those born slaves, and from
their infancy inured to it; but his objections are not on the side
of freedom, nor in compassion to the human race who are slaves,
but that such importations render the United States weaker,
more vulnerable, and less capable of defence. To this I readily
agree, and all good men wish the entire abolition of slavery, as
soon as it can take place with safety to the public, and for the
lasting good of the present wretched race of slaves. The only
possible step that could be taken towards it by the convention
was to fix a period after which they should not be imported.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">There is no declaration of any kind to preserve the liberty of the
press, etc.</span></em> Nor is liberty of conscience, or of matrimony, or of
burial of the dead; it is enough that congress have no power to
prohibit either, and can have no temptation. This objection is
answered in that the states have all the power originally, and
congress have only what the states grant them.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">The judiciary of the United States is so constructed and extended
as to absorb and destroy the judiciaries of the several states;
thereby rendering law as tedious, intricate and expensive, and justice
as unattainable by a great part of the community, as in England;
and enable the rich to oppress and ruin the poor.</span></em> It extends
only to objects and cases specified, and wherein the national peace
or rights, or the harmony of the states is concerned, and not to
controversies between citizens of the same state (except where
they claim under grants of different states); and nothing hinders
but the supreme federal court may be held in different districts,
or in all the states, and that all the cases, except the few in which
it has original and not appellate jurisdiction, may in the first instance
be had in the state courts and those trials be final except
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page165">[pg 165]</span><a name="Pg165" id="Pg165" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in cases of great magnitude; and the trials be by jury also in
most or all the causes which were wont to be tried by them, as
congress shall provide, whose appointment is security enough for
their attention to the wishes and convenience of the people. In
chancery courts juries are never used, nor are they proper in admiralty
courts, which proceed not by municipal laws, which they
may be supposed to understand, but by the civil law and law of
nations.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Mr. Mason deems the president and senate's power to make
treaties dangerous, because they become laws of the land. If the
president and his proposed council had this power, or the president
alone, as in England and other nations is the case, could the
danger be less?—or is the representative branch suited to the making
of treaties, which are often intricate, and require much negotiation
and secrecy? The senate is objected to as having too
much power, and bold unfounded assertions that they will destroy
any balance in the government, and accomplish what usurpation
they please upon the rights and liberties of the people; to
which it may be answered, they are elective and rotative, to the
mass of the people; the populace can as well balance the senatorial
branch there as in the states, and much better than in England,
where the lords are hereditary, and yet the commons preserve
their weight; but the state governments on which the constitution
is built will forever be security enough to the people
against aristocratic usurpations:—The danger of the constitution
is not aristocracy or monarchy, but anarchy.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I intreat you, my fellow citizens, to read and examine the
new constitution with candor—examine it for yourselves: you
are, most of you, as learned as the objector, and certainly as
able to judge of its virtues or vices as he is. To make the
objections the more plausible, they are called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The objections of
the Hon. George Mason, etc.</span></span>—They may possibly be his, but be
assured they were not those made in convention, and being
directly against what he there supported in one instance ought
to caution you against giving any credit to the rest; his violent
opposition to the powers given congress to regulate trade, was an
open decided preference of all the world to you. A man governed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page166">[pg 166]</span><a name="Pg166" id="Pg166" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
by such narrow views and local prejudices, can never be
trusted; and his pompous declaration in the House of Delegates
in Virginia that no man was more federal than himself, amounts
to no more than this, <span class="tei tei-q">“Make a federal government that will secure
Virginia all her natural advantages, promote all her interests
regardless of every disadvantage to the other states, and I will
subscribe to it.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It may be asked how I came by my information respecting
Col. Mason's conduct in convention, as the doors were shut? To
this I answer, no delegate of the late convention will contradict
my assertions, as I have repeatedly heard them made by others
in presence of several of them, who could not deny their truth.
Whether the constitution in question will be adopted by the
United States in our day is uncertain; but it is neither aristocracy
or monarchy can grow out of it, so long as the present descent of
landed estates last, and the mass of the people have, as at present,
a tolerable education; and were it ever so perfect a scheme of
freedom, when we become ignorant, vicious, idle, and regardless
of the education of our children, our liberties will be lost—we
shall be fitted for slavery, and it will be an easy business to reduce
us to obey one or more tyrants.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page167">[pg 167]</span><a name="Pg167" id="Pg167" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, VII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1195)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, December 17, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Landholders and Farmers.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I have often admired the spirit of candour, liberality, and justice,
with which the Convention began and completed the important
object of their mission. <span class="tei tei-q">“In all our deliberation on this
subject,”</span> say they, <span class="tei tei-q">“we kept steadily in our view, that which appears
to us the greatest interest of every true American, the
consolidation of our union, in which is involved our prosperity,
felicity, safety, perhaps our national existence. This important
consideration, seriously and deeply impressed on our minds, led
each state in the Convention to be less rigid on points of inferior
magnitude, than might otherwise have been expected;
and thus the Constitution which we now present, is the result of
a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and concession,
which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensible.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Let us, my fellow citizens, take up this constitution with the
same spirit of candour and liberality; consider it in all its parts;
consider the important advantages which may be derived from
it; let us obtain full information on the subject, and then weigh
these objections in the balance of cool impartial reason. Let us
see if they be not wholly groundless; but if upon the whole they
appear to have some weight, let us consider well, whether they be
so important, that we ought on account of them to reject the
whole constitution. Perfection is not the lot of human institutions;
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page168">[pg 168]</span><a name="Pg168" id="Pg168" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that which has the most excellencies and fewest faults, is
the best that we can expect.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Some very worthy persons, who have not had great advantages
for information, have objected against that clause in the
constitution which provides, that no religious test shall ever be required
as a qualification to any office or public trust under the
United States.<a id="noteref_37" name="noteref_37" href="#note_37"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">37</span></span></a>
They have been afraid that this clause is unfavorable
to religion. But my countrymen, the sole purpose and effect
of it is to exclude persecution, and to secure to you the important
right of religious liberty. We are almost the only people in the
world, who have a full enjoyment of this important right of
human nature. In our country every man has a right to worship
God in that way which is most agreeable to his conscience. If
he be a good and peaceable person he is liable to no penalties or
incapacities on account of his religious sentiments; or in other
words, he is not subject to persecution.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But in other parts of the world, it has been, and still is, far different.
Systems of religious error have been adopted, in times of
ignorance. It has been the interest of tyrannical kings, popes,
and prelates, to maintain these errors. When the clouds of ignorance
began to vanish, and the people grew more enlightened,
there was no other way to keep them in error, but to prohibit
their altering their religious opinions by severe persecuting laws.
In this way persecution became general throughout Europe. It
was the universal opinion that one religion must be established
by law; and that all who differed in their religious opinions,
must suffer the vengeance of persecution. In pursuance of this
opinion, when popery was abolished in England, and the Church
of England was established in its stead, severe penalties were inflicted
upon all who dissented from the established church. In
the time of the civil wars, in the reign of Charles I., the presbyterians
got the upper hand, and inflicted legal penalties upon all
who differed from them in their sentiments respecting religious
doctrines and discipline. When Charles II. was restored, the
Church of England was likewise restored, and the presbyterians
and other dissenters were laid under legal penalties and incapacities.
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page169">[pg 169]</span><a name="Pg169" id="Pg169" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
It was in this reign, that a religious test was established
as a qualification for office; that is, a law was made requiring
all officers civil and military (among other things) to
receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the
usage of the Church of England, written [within?] six months
after their admission to office under the penalty of 500£ and disability
to hold the office. And by another statute of the same
reign, no person was capable of being elected to any office relating
to the government of any city or corporation, unless, within
a twelvemonth before, he had received the sacrament according
to the rites of the Church of England. The pretence for making
these severe laws, by which all but churchmen were made incapable
of any office civil or military, was to exclude the papists;
but the real design was to exclude the protestant dissenters.
From this account of test-laws, there arises an unfavorable presumption
against them. But if we consider the nature of them
and the effects which they are calculated to produce, we shall
find that they are useless, tyrannical, and peculiarly unfit for the
people of this country.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
A religious test is an act to be done, or profession to be made,
relating to religion (such as partaking of the sacrament according
to certain rites and forms, or declaring one's belief of certain doctrines,)
for the purpose of determining whether his religious
opinions are such, that he is admissable to a publick office. A
test in favour of any one denomination of Christians would be to
the last degree absurd in the United States. If it were in favour
of either congregationalists, presbyterians, episcopalians, baptists,
or quakers, it would incapacitate more than three-fourths of the
American citizens for any publick office; and thus degrade them
from the rank of freemen. There need no argument to prove that
the majority of our citizens would never submit to this indignity.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If any test-act were to be made, perhaps the least exceptionable
would be one, requiring all persons appointed to office to declare,
at the time of their admission, their belief in the being of a God,
and in the divine authority of the scriptures. In favour of such a
test, it may be said, that one who believes these great truths, will
not be so likely to violate his obligations to his country, as one
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page170">[pg 170]</span><a name="Pg170" id="Pg170" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
who disbelieves them; we may have greater confidence in his
integrity. But I answer: His making a declaration of such a
belief is no security at all. For suppose him to be an unprincipled
man, who believes neither the word nor the being of God;
and to be governed merely by selfish motives; how easy is it for
him to dissemble! how easy is it for him to make a public declaration
of his belief in the creed which the law prescribes; and excuse
himself by calling it a mere formality. This is the case
with the test-laws and creeds in England. The most abandoned
characters partake of the sacrament, in order to qualify themselves
for public employments. The clergy are obliged by law to
administer the ordinance unto them, and thus prostitute the most
sacred office of religion, for it is a civil right in the party to receive
the sacrament. In that country, subscribing to the thirty-nine
articles is a test for administration into holy orders. And it
is a fact, that many of the clergy do this, when at the same time
they totally disbelieve several of the doctrines contained in them.
In short, test-laws are utterly ineffectual: they are no security at
all; because men of loose principles will, by an external compliance,
evade them. If they exclude any persons, it will be honest
men, men of principle, who will rather suffer an injury, than act
contrary to the dictates of their consciences. If we mean to have
those appointed to public offices, who are sincere friends to religion,
we, the people who appoint them, must take care to choose
such characters; and not rely upon such cob-web barriers as test-laws
are.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But to come to the true principle by which this question ought
to be determined: The business of a civil government is to protect
the citizen in his rights, to defend the community from hostile
powers, and to promote the general welfare. Civil government
has no business to meddle with the private opinions of
the people. If I demean myself as a good citizen, I am accountable,
not to man, but to God, for the religious opinions which I
embrace, and the manner in which I worship the supreme being.
If such had been the universal sentiments of mankind, and they
had acted accordingly, persecution, the bane of truth and nurse
of error, with her bloody axe and flaming hand, would never
have turned so great a part of the world into a field of blood.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page171">[pg 171]</span><a name="Pg171" id="Pg171" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But while I assert the rights of religious liberty, I would not
deny that the civil power has a right, in some cases, to interfere
in matters of religion. It has a right to prohibit and punish
gross immoralities and impieties; because the open practice of
these is of evil example and detriment. For this reason, I
heartily approve of our laws against drunkenness, profane swearing,
blasphemy, and professed atheism. But in this state, we
have never thought it expedient to adopt a test-law; and yet I
sincerely believe we have as great a proportion of religion and
morality, as they have in England, where every person who holds
a public office, must either be a saint by law, or a hypocrite by
practice. A test-law is the parent of hypocrisy, and the offspring
of error and the spirit of persecution. Legislatures have
no right to set up an inquisition, and examine into the private
opinions of men. Test-laws are useless and ineffectual, unjust
and tyrannical; therefore the Convention have done wisely in
excluding this engine of persecution, and providing that no religious
test shall ever be required.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page172">[pg 172]</span><a name="Pg172" id="Pg172" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, VIII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1196)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, December 24, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Hon. Elbridge Gerry, Esquire.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sir</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When a man in public life first deviates from the line of truth
and rectitude, an uncommon degree of art and attention becomes
necessary to secure him from detection. Duplicity of conduct in
him requires more than double caution, a caution which his
former habits of simplicity have never furnished him the means
of calculating; and his first leap into the region of treachery and
falsehood is often as fatal to himself as it was designed to be to
his country. Whether you and Mr. Mason may be ranked in
this class of transgressors I pretend not to determine. Certain it
is, that both your management and his for a short time before
and after the rising of the federal convention impress us with a
favorable opinion, that you are great novices in the arts of dissimulation.
A small degree of forethought would have taught
you both a much more successful method of directing the rage
of resentment which you caught at the close of the business at
Philadelphia, than the one you took. You ought to have considered
that you reside in regions very distant from each other,
where different parts were to be acted, and then made your cast
accordingly.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Mr. Mason was certainly wrong in telling the world that he
acted a double part—he ought not to have published two setts of
reasons for his dissent to the constitution. His New England
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page173">[pg 173]</span><a name="Pg173" id="Pg173" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
reasons would have come better from you. He ought to have
contented himself with haranguing in the southern states, that it
was too popular, and was calculated too much for the advantage
of the eastern states. At the same time you might have come
on, and in the Coffee-House at New York you might have found
an excellent sett of objections ready made to your hand, a sett
that with very little alteration would have exactly suited the latitude
of New England, the whole of which district ought most
clearly to have been submitted to your protection and patronage.
A Lamb, a Willet, a Smith, a Clinton, a Yates,<a id="noteref_38" name="noteref_38" href="#note_38"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">38</span></span></a> or any other
gentleman whose salary is paid by the state impost, as they had
six months the start of you in considering the subject, would
have furnished you with a good discourse upon the <span class="tei tei-q">“liberty of
the press,”</span> the <span class="tei tei-q">“bill of rights,”</span> the <span class="tei tei-q">“blending of the executive and
legislative,”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“internal taxation,”</span> or any other topic which you
did not happen to think of while in convention.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is evident that this mode of proceeding would have been
well calculated for the security of Mr. Mason; he there might
have vented his antient enmity against the independence of
America, and his sore mortification for the loss of his favorite
motion respecting the navigation act, and all under the mask of
sentiments, which with a proper caution in expressing them,
might have gained many adherents in his own state. But,
although Mr. Mason's conduct might have been easily guarded
in this particular, your character would not have been entirely
safe even with the precaution above mentioned. Your policy,
Sir, ought to have led you one step farther back. You have been
so precipitate and unwary in your proceedings, that it will be impossible
to set you right, even in idea, without recurring to
previous transactions and recalling to your view the whole history
of your conduct in the convention, as well as the subsequent
display of patriotism contained in your publication. I undertake
this business, not that I think it possible to help you out of your
present embarrassments; but, as those transactions have evidently
slipt your memory, the recollection of the blunder into which
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page174">[pg 174]</span><a name="Pg174" id="Pg174" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
your inexperience has betrayed you, may be of eminent service
in forming future schemes of popularity, should the public ever
give you another opportunity to traduce and deceive them.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
You will doubtless recollect the following state of facts—if you
do not, every member of the convention will attest them—that
almost the whole time during the setting of the convention, and
until the constitution had received its present form, no man was
more plausible and conciliating upon every subject than Mr.
Gerry—he was willing to sacrifice every private feeling and opinion—to
concede every state interest that should be in the least
incompatible with the most substantial and permanent system
of general government—that mutual concession and unanimity
were the whole burden of his song; and although he originated
no idea himself, yet there was nothing in the system as it now
stands to which he had the least objection—indeed, Mr. Gerry's
conduct was agreeably surprising to all his acquaintance, and
very unlike that turbulent obstinacy of spirit which they had
formerly affixed to his character. Thus stood Mr. Gerry, till
toward the close of the business, he introduced a motion respecting
the redemption of the old Continental Money—that it should
be placed upon a footing with other liquidated securities of the
United States.<a id="noteref_39" name="noteref_39" href="#note_39"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">39</span></span></a>
As Mr. Gerry was supposed to be possessed of
large quantities of this species of paper, his motion appeared to be
founded in such barefaced selfishness and injustice, that it at once
accounted for all his former plausibility and concession, while the
rejection of it by the convention inspired its author with the utmost
rage and intemperate opposition to the whole system he had
formerly praised. His resentment could no more than embarrass
and delay the completion of the business for a few days; when he
refused signing the constitution and was called upon for his reasons.
These reasons were committed to writing by one of his
colleagues and likewise by the Secretary, as Mr. Gerry delivered
them.<a id="noteref_40" name="noteref_40" href="#note_40"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">40</span></span></a> These reasons were totally different from those which
he has published, neither was a single objection which is contained
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page175">[pg 175]</span><a name="Pg175" id="Pg175" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in his letter to the legislature of Massachusetts ever
offered by him in convention.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Now, Mr. Gerry, as this is generally known to be the state of
facts, and as neither the reasons which you publish nor those retained
on the Secretary's files can be supposed to have the least
affinity to truth, or to contain the real motives which induced
you to withhold your name from the constitution, it appears to me
that your plan was not judiciously contrived. When we act
without principle, we ought to be prepared against embarrassments.
You might have expected some difficulties in realizing
your continental money; indeed the chance was rather against
your motion, even in the most artful shape in which it could have
been proposed. An experienced hand would therefore have laid
the whole plan beforehand, and have guarded against a disappointment.
You should have begun the business with doubts,
and expressed your sentiments with great ambiguity upon every
subject as it passed. This method would have secured you
many advantages. Your doubts and ambiguities, if artfully managed,
might have passed, like those of the Delphic Oracle, for
wisdom and deliberation; and at the close of the business you
might have acted either for or against the constitution, according
to the success of your motion, without appearing dishonest or inconsistent
with yourself. One farther precaution would have
brought you off clear.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Instead of waiting till the convention rose, before you consulted
your friends at New York, you ought to have applied
to them at an earlier period, to know what objections you should
make. They could have instructed you as well in August as
October.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
With these advantages you might have past for a complete
politician, and your duplicity might never have been detected.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The enemies of America have always been extremely unfortunate
in concerting their measures. They have generally betrayed
great ignorance of the true spirit and feeling of the country,
and they have failed to act in concert with each other. This
is uniformly conspicuous, from the first Bute Parliament in London
to the last Shays Parliament at Pelham.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page176">[pg 176]</span><a name="Pg176" id="Pg176" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The conduct of the enemies of the new constitution compares
with that of the other enemies above mentioned only in two particulars,
its object and its tendency.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Its object was self interest built on the ruins of the country,
and its tendency is the disgrace of its authors and the final prosperity
of the same country they meant to depress. Whether the
constitution will be adopted at the first trial in the conventions
of nine states is at present doubtful. It is certain, however, that
its enemies have great difficulties to encounter arising from their
disunion: in the different states where the opposition rages the
most, their principles are totally opposite to each other, and their
objections discordant and irreconcilable, so that no regular system
can be formed among you, and you will betray each other's
motives.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In Massachusetts the opposition began with you, and from
motives most pitifully selfish and despicable, you addressed yourself
to the feelings of the Shays faction, and that faction will be
your only support. In New York the opposition is not to this
constitution in particular, but to the federal impost, it is confined
wholly to salary-men and their connections, men whose salary
is paid by the state impost. This class of citizens are endeavoring
to convince the ignorant part of the community that
an annual income of fifty thousand pounds, extorted from the
citizens of Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Jersey, is a great
blessing to the state of New York. And although the regulation
of trade and other advantages of a federal government
would secure more than five times that sum to the people of that
state, yet, as this would not come through the same hands, these
men find fault with the constitution. In Pennsylvania the old
quarrel respecting their state constitution has thrown the state
into parties for a number of years. One of these parties happened
to declare for the new federal constitution, and this was
a sufficient motive for the other to oppose it; the dispute there is
not upon the merits of the subject, but it is their old warfare carried
on with different weapons, and it was an even chance that
the parties had taken different sides from what they have taken,
for there is no doubt but either party would sacrifice the whole
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page177">[pg 177]</span><a name="Pg177" id="Pg177" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
country to the destruction of their enemies. In Virginia the opposition
wholly originated in two principles; the madness of
Mason, and the enemity of the Lee faction to General Washington.
Had the General not attended the convention nor given his
sentiments respecting the constitution, the Lee party would undoubtedly
have supported it, and Col. Mason would have vented
his rage to his own negroes and to the winds. In Connecticut,
our wrongheads are few in number and feeble in their influence.
The opposition here is not one-half so great to the federal government
as it was three years ago to the federal impost, and the
faction, such as it is, is from the same blindfold party.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I thought it my duty to give you these articles of information,
for the reasons above mentioned. Wishing you more caution
and better success in your future manœuvers, I have the honor
to be, Sir, with great respect, your very humble servant.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page178">[pg 178]</span><a name="Pg178" id="Pg178" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, IX.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1197)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, December 31, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Hon. Gentlemen chosen to serve in the State
Convention.</span><a id="noteref_41" name="noteref_41" href="#note_41"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; font-variant: small-caps; vertical-align: super">41</span></span></a></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gentlemen</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When the deputies of a free people are met to deliberate on a
constitution for their country; they must find themselves in a
solemn situation. Few persons realize the greatness of this business,
and none can certainly determine how it will terminate. A
love of liberty in which we have all been educated, and which
your country expects on you to preserve sacred, will doubtless
make you careful not to lay such foundations as will terminate
in despotism. Oppression and a loss of liberty arise from very
different causes, and which at first blush appear totally different
from another.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If you had only to guard against vesting an undue power in
certain great officers of state your work would be comparatively
easy. This some times occasions a loss of liberty, but the
history of nations teacheth us that for one instance from this
cause, there are ten from the contrary, a want of necessary power
in some public department to protect and to preserve the true
interests of the people. America is at this moment in ten-fold
greater danger of slavery than ever she was from the councils
of a British monarchy, or the triumph of British arms. She
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page179">[pg 179]</span><a name="Pg179" id="Pg179" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
is in danger from herself and her own citizens, not from giving
too much, but from denying all power to her rulers—not from a
constitution on despotic principles, but from having no constitution
at all. Should this great effort to organize the empire prove
abortive, heaven only knows the situation in which we shall find
ourselves; but there is reason to fear it will be troublesome enough.
It is awful to meet the passions of a people who not only believe
but feel themselves uncontrouled—who not finding from government
the expected protection of their interests, tho' otherwise
honest, become desperate, each man determining to share by the
spoils of anarchy, what he would wish to acquire by industry under
an efficient national protection. It becomes the deputies of
the people to consider what will be the consequence of a miscarriage
in this business. Ardent expectation is waiting for its
issue—all allow something is necessary—thousands of sufferers
have stifled their rights in reverence to the public effort—the industrious
classes of men are waiting with patience for better
times, and should that be rejected on which they make dependance,
will not the public convulsion be great? Or if the civil
state should survive the first effects of disappointment, what will
be the consequences of slower operations? The men who have
done their best to give relief, will despair of success, and gloomily
determine that greater sufferings must open the eyes of the
deluded—the men who oppose, tho' they may claim a temporary
triumph, will find themselves totally unable to propose, and much
less to adopt a better system; the narrowness of policy that they
have pursued will instantly appear more ridiculous than at present,
and the triumph will spoil that importance, which nature designed
them to receive not by succeeding, but by impeding
national councils. These men cannot, therefore, be the saviours
of their country. While those who have been foremost in the
political contention disappear either thro' despondence or neglect,
every man will do what is right in his own eyes and his hand
will be against his neighbor—industry will cease—the states will
be filled with jealousy—some opposing and others endeavoring
to retaliate—a thousand existing factions, and acts of public injustice,
thro' the temporary influence of parties, will prepare the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page180">[pg 180]</span><a name="Pg180" id="Pg180" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
way for chance to erect a government, which might now be established
by deliberate wisdom. When government thus arises,
it carries an iron hand.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Should the states reject a union upon solid and efficient principles,
there needs but some daring genius to step forth, and
impose an authority which future deliberation never can correct.
Anarchy, or a want of such government as can protect the interests
of the subjects against foreign and domestic injustice, is the
worst of all conditions. It is a condition which mankind will
not long endure. To avoid its distress they will resort to any
standard which is erected, and bless the ambitious usurper as a
messenger sent by heaven to save a miserable people. We must
not depend too much on the enlightened state of the country; in
deliberation this may preserve us, but when deliberation proves
abortive, we are immediately to calculate on other principles, and
enquire to what may the passions of men lead them, when they
have deliberated to the utmost extent of patience, and been foiled
in every measure, by a set of men who think their emoluments
more safe upon a partial system, than upon one which regards
the national good.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Politics ought to be free from passion—we ought to have
patience for a certain time with those who oppose a federal system.
But have they not been indulged until the state is on the
brink of ruin, and they appear stubborn in error? Have they
not been our scourge and the perplexers of our councils for
many years? Is it not thro' their policy that the state of New
York draws an annual tribute of forty thousand pounds from the
citizens of Connecticut? Is it not by their means that our foreign
trade is ruined, and the farmer unable to command a just
price for his commodities? The enlightened part of the people
have long seen their measures to be destructive, and it is only
the ignorant and jealous who give them support. The men who
oppose this constitution are the same who have been unfederal
from the beginning. They were as unfriendly to the old confederation
as to the system now proposed, but bore it with more patience
because it was wholly inefficacious. They talk of amendments—of
dangerous articles which must be corrected—that
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page181">[pg 181]</span><a name="Pg181" id="Pg181" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
they will heartily join in a safe plan of federal government;
but when we look on their past conduct can we think them sincere?
Doubtless their design is to procrastinate, and by this
carry their own measures; but the artifice must not succeed.
The people are now ripe for a government which will do justice
to their interests, and if the honourable convention deny them,
they will despair of help. They have shewn a noble spirit in appointing
their first citizens for this business—when convened
you will constitute the most august assembly that were ever collected
in the State, and your duty is the greatest that can be expected
from men, the salvation of your country. If coolness and
magnanimity of mind attend your deliberations, all little objections
will vanish, and the world will be more astonished by your
political wisdom than they were by the victory of your arms.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page182">[pg 182]</span><a name="Pg182" id="Pg182" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, X.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Maryland Journal,
(Number 1016)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, February 29, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Maryland Journal, etc.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Honourable Luther Martin, Esq.</span></span><a id="noteref_42" name="noteref_42" href="#note_42"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">42</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sir</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I have just met with your performance in favour of the Honourable
Mr. Gerry, published in the Maryland Journal of the 18th
January, 1788. As the Public may be ignorant of the Sacrifice
you have made of your resentments on this occasion, you will
excuse me for communicating what your extreme modesty must
have induced you to conceal. You, no doubt, remember that
you and Mr. Gerry never voted alike in Convention, except in
the instances I shall hereafter enumerate. He uniformly opposed
your principles, and so far did you carry your abhorrence of his
politics, as to inform certain members to be on their guard
against his wiles, so that, he and Mr. Mason held private meetings,
where plans were concerted <span class="tei tei-q">“to aggrandise, at the expence
of the small States, Old Massachusetts and the Ancient Dominion.”</span>
After having thus opposed him and accused him, to appear
his Champion and intimate acquaintance, has placed you
beyond the reach of ordinary panegyric. Having done this justice
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page183">[pg 183]</span><a name="Pg183" id="Pg183" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to your magnanimity, I cannot resist drawing the veil of the
Convention a little farther aside; not, I assure you, with any intention
to give pain to your Constituents, but merely to induce
them to pity you for the many piercing mortifications you met
with in the discharge of your duty. The day you took your
seat<a id="noteref_43" name="noteref_43" href="#note_43"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">43</span></span></a>
must be long remembered by those who were present; nor
will it be possible for you to forget the astonishment your behaviour
almost instantaneously produced. You had scarcely
time to read the propositions which had been agreed to after the
fullest investigation, when, without requesting information, or to
be let into the reasons of the adoption of what you might not approve,
you opened against them in a speech which held during
two days, and which might have continued two months, but for
those marks of fatigue and disgust you saw strongly expressed
on whichever side of the house you turned your mortified eyes.
There needed no other display to fix your character and the rank
of your abilities, which the Convention would have confirmed by
the most distinguished silence, had not a certain similarity in
genius provoked a sarcastic reply from the pleasant Mr. Gerry;
in which he admired the strength of your lungs and your profound
knowledge in the first principles of government; mixing
and illustrating his little remarks with a profusion of those hems,
that never fail to lengthen out and enliven his oratory. This
reply (from your intimate acquaintance), the match being so equal
and the contrast so comic, had the happy effect to put the house
in good humor, and leave you a prey to the most humiliating reflections.
But this did not teach you to bound your future
speeches by the lines of moderation; for the very next day you
exhibited without a blush another specimen of eternal volubility.
It was not, however, to the duration of your speeches you owed
the perfection of your reputation. You, alone, advocated the political
heresy, that the people ought not to be trusted with the
election of representatives.<a id="noteref_44" name="noteref_44" href="#note_44"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">44</span></span></a>
You held the jargon, that notwithstanding
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page184">[pg 184]</span><a name="Pg184" id="Pg184" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
each state had an equal number of votes in the Senate;
yet the states were unequally represented in the Senate. You
espoused the tyrannic principle, that where a State refused to
comply with a requisition of Congress for money, that an army
should be marched into its bowels, to fall indiscriminately upon
the property of the innocent and the guilty, instead of having it
collected as the Constitution proposed, by the mild and equal
operation of laws. One hour you sported the opinion that Congress,
afraid of the militia resisting their measures, would neither
arm nor organize them, and the next, as if men required no time
to breathe between such contradictions, that they would harass
them by long and unnecessary marches, till they wore down their
spirit and rendered them fit subjects for despotism. You, too,
contended that the powers and authorities of the new Constitution
must destroy the liberties of the people; but that the same
powers and authorities might be safely trusted with the Old Congress.
You cannot have forgotten, that by such ignorance in
politics and contradictory opinions, you exhausted the politeness
of the Convention, which at length prepared to slumber when
you rose to speak; nor can you have forgotten, you were only
twice appointed a member of a Committee, or that these appointments
were made merely to avoid your endless garrulity, and if
possible, lead you to reason, by the easy road of familiar conversation.
But lest you should say that I am a record only of the
bad, I shall faithfully recognize whatever occurred to your advantage.
You originated that clause in the Constitution which
enacts, that <span class="tei tei-q">“This Constitution and the laws of the United States
Which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made
or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States,
shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every
State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or the
law of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.”</span> You voted
that an appeal should lay to the Supreme Judiciary of the United
States, for the correction of all errors, both in law and fact. You
also agreed to the clause that declares nine States to be sufficient
to put the government in motion.<a id="noteref_45" name="noteref_45" href="#note_45"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">45</span></span></a> These are among the greater
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page185">[pg 185]</span><a name="Pg185" id="Pg185" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
positive virtues you exhibited in the Convention; but it would
be doing you injustice were I to omit those of a negative nature.
Since the publication of the Constitution, every topic of vulgar
declamation has been employed to persuade the people, that it
will destroy the trial by jury, and is defective for being without a
bill of rights. You, sir, had more candour in the Convention
than we can allow to those declaimers out of it; there you never
signified by any motion or expression whatever, that it stood in
need of a bill of rights, or in any wise endangered the trial by
jury. In these respects the Constitution met your entire approbation;
for had you believed it defective in these essentials, you
ought to have mentioned it in Convention, or had you thought it
wanted further guards, it was your indispensable duty to have
proposed them. I hope to hear that the same candour that influenced
you on this occasion, has induced you to obviate any
improper impressions such publications may have excited in
your constituents, when you had the honor to appear before the
General Assembly.<a id="noteref_46" name="noteref_46" href="#note_46"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">46</span></span></a>
From such high instances of your approbation
(for every member, like you, had made objections to parts
of the Constitution) the Convention were led to conclude that
you would have honored it with your signature, had you not
been called to Maryland upon some indispensable business; nor
ought it to be withheld from you, that your colleagues informed
many Gentlemen of the House, that you told them you intended
to return before its completion. Durst I proceed beyond these
facts, to which the whole Convention can witness, I would ask
you why you changed your opinion of the Constitution after
leaving Philadelphia. I have it from good authority that you
complained to an intimate acquaintance, that nothing grieved
you so much as the apprehension of being detained in Maryland
longer than you could wish; for that you had rather lose one
hundred guineas, than not have your name appear to the Constitution.
But as this circumstance seems to have been overlooked
when you composed your defence of Mr. Gerry, you may have
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page186">[pg 186]</span><a name="Pg186" id="Pg186" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
your recollection of it revived by applying to Mr. Young, of
Spruce street, Philadelphia, to whom you made your complaint.
But leaving this curious piece of human vanity to such further
investigation as you may think it deserves, let us come to those
matters more particularly between us. You have said, that you
never heard Mr. Gerry, or any other member, introduce a proposition
for the redemption of Continental money according to
its nominal or any other value; nor did you ever hear that such
a proposition had been offered to the Convention, or had been
thought of. That the Public may clearly comprehend what degree
of credit ought to be given to this kind of evidence, they
should know the time you were absent from the Convention, as
well as the time you attended. If it should appear that you were
only a few days absent, when unimportant business was the
object, they will conclude in your favour, provided they entertain
a good opinion of your veracity; on the other hand, should it
appear that you were absent nearly half the session, however
your veracity may be esteemed, they must reject your evidence.
As you have not stated this necessary information, I shall do it
for you. The Session of Convention commenced the 14th of
May, and ended the 17th of September, which makes 126 days.
You took your seat the 10th of June,<a id="noteref_47" name="noteref_47" href="#note_47"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">47</span></span></a>
and left it the 4th of September,
of which period you were absent at Baltimore ten days,
and as many at New York, so that you attended only 66 days
out of 126. Now, sir, is it to be presumed that you could have
been minutely informed of all that happened in Convention, and
committees of Convention, during the 60 days of your absence?
or does it follow by any rule of reasoning or logic, that because
a thing did not happen in the 66 days you were present, that it
did not happen in the 60 days which you did not attend? Is it
anywise likely that you could have heard what passed, especially
during the last 13 days, within which period the Landholder has
fixed the apostacy of Mr. Gerry? or if it is likely that your particular
intimacy with Mr. Gerry would stimulate to inquiries respecting
his conduct, why is it that we do not see Mr. McHenry's
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page187">[pg 187]</span><a name="Pg187" id="Pg187" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
verification of your assertion, who was of the Committee
for considering a proposition for the debts of the union? Your
reply to my second charge against this gentleman may be soon
dismissed. Compare his letter to the Legislature of his State
with your defence, and you will find that you have put into his
mouth objections different from anything it contains, so that if
your representation be true, his must be false. But there is
another circumstance which militates against your new friend.
Though he was face to face with his colleagues at the State Convention
of Massachusetts,<a id="noteref_48" name="noteref_48" href="#note_48"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">48</span></span></a>
he has not ventured to call upon them
to clear him either of this charge, or that respecting the Continental
money. But as the Public seemed to require that something
should be said on this occasion, an anonymous writer
denies that he made such a motion, and endeavours to abate the
force of my second allegation, merely by supposing that <span class="tei tei-q">“his
colleagues were men of too much honor to assert that his reasons
in Convention were totally different from those which he has published.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But alas, his colleagues would not acquit him in this way, and
he was of too proud a spirit to ask them to do it in person.<a id="noteref_49" name="noteref_49" href="#note_49"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">49</span></span></a>
Hence the charge remains on its original grounds, while you, for
want of proper concert, have joined his accusers and reduced him
to the humiliating necessity of endeavouring to stifle your justification.
These points being dismissed, it remains only to reconcile
the contradictory parts you have acted on the great political
stage. You entered the convention without a sufficient knowledge
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page188">[pg 188]</span><a name="Pg188" id="Pg188" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in the science of government, where you committed a succession
of memorable blunders, as the work advanced. Some
rays of light penetrated your understanding, and enabled you (as
has been shown) to assist in raising some of its pillars, when the
desire of having your name enrolled with the other laborers
drew from you that remarkable complaint so expressive of vanity
and conviction. But self-interest soon gained the ascendant,
you quickly comprehended the delicacy of your situation, and
this restored your first impressions in all their original force.
You thought the Deputy Attorney General of the United States
for the state of Maryland, destined for a different character, and
that inspired you with the hope that you might derive from a
desperate opposition what you saw no prospect of gaining by a
contrary conduct. But I will venture to predict, that though
you were to double your efforts, you would fail in your object.
I leave you now to your own reflections, under a promise, however,
to give my name to the public, should you be able to procure
any indifferent testimony to contradict a single fact I have
stated.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
February, 1788.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page189">[pg 189]</span><a name="Pg189" id="Pg189" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, X.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
[This number duplicates the preceding one, for an explanation of which see the
foot-note to the first Number X.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span>]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1206)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, March 3, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of New Hampshire.</span></span><a id="noteref_50" name="noteref_50" href="#note_50"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">50</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The opposition in your state to the new federal constitution, is
an event surprising to your New England brethren, yet we are
not disposed to criminate a people, which made such gallant
efforts in the establishment of the American Empire. It is the
prerogative of freemen to determine their own form of government,
and if this constitution is not addressed to your interest,
if it is not calculated to preserve your freedom and make you
glorious, we wish you not to accept it. We have fought by your
side, we have long been connected in interest, and with many of
you by consanguinity, and wish that you may share with us in all
the benefits of a great and free empire. Brethren who differ in
their opinions how a common interest may be best governed,
ought to deliberate with coolness, and not wantonly accuse each
other, either of folly or design. Massachusetts and Connecticut
have decidedly judged the new government well calculated not
only for the whole but for the northern states. Either you or
these states have judged wrong. Your interests are similar to
theirs, and cannot be separated from them without counteracting
nature.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page190">[pg 190]</span><a name="Pg190" id="Pg190" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If there be any one state more interested than the others in
the adoption of this system, it is New Hampshire. Your local
situation, which can never be altered, is a solemn argument in its
favor. Tho' separated from the government of Britain at no less
price than the blood of your bravest sons, you border on her dominions.
She is your enemy, and wishes nothing more than your
submission to her laws, and to the will of her proud servants.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Her force may easily be pointed thro' your whole territory
and a few regiments would effectually banish resistance. New
Hampshire, tho' growing in population, and amongst the first
states in personal bravery, cannot yet stand alone. Should a disunion
of the states tempt Britain to make another effort for recovering
her former greatness, you will be the first to fall under
her sway. In such case you will have nothing to expect from
the other states. Dispirited with a fruitless attempt to unite in
some plan of general government and protection, they will say,
let the dissenting states abide the consequence of their own false
opinions. Though such a reply might not be wise, it would be
exactly comfortable to what we have ever found in human nature;
and nature will have its course, let policy be what it may. You
are the northern barrier of the United States, and by your situation,
must first meet any hostile animosity from that quarter designed
against any part of them. It is certainly for the interest
of a barrier country, to have a general government on such efficient
principles, as can point the force of the whole for its relief
when attacked. The old constitution could not do this; that now
under consideration, if accepted, we trust will produce a circulation
of riches and the powers of protection to the most extreme
parts of the body. On these principles it has generally been
said that New Hampshire and Georgia would be amongst the
first in adopting. Georgia has done it, not, perhaps, because
they were more wise than New Hampshire, but being pressed
with a dangerous war in the very moment of decision, they felt
its necessity; and feeling is an argument none can resist. Trust
not to any complaisance of those British provinces on your
northern borders, or those artful men who govern them, who
were selected on purpose to beguile your politicks, and divide and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page191">[pg 191]</span><a name="Pg191" id="Pg191" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
weaken the union. When the hour for a permanent connection
between the states is past, the teeth of the lion will be again
made bare, and you must be either devoured, or become its
jackal to hunt for prey in the other states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We believe those among you who are opposed to the system,
as honest and brave as any part of the community, and cannot
suspect them of any design against American Independence; but
such persons ought to consider what will be the probable consequence
of their dissent; and whether this is not the only hour in
which this community can be saved from a condition, which
is, on all hands, allowed to be dangerous and unhappy. There
are certain critical periods in which nations, as well as individuals,
who have fallen into perplexity, by a wise exertion may save
themselves and be glorious. Such is the present era in American
policy, but if we do not see the hour of our salvation, there is no
reason to expect that heaven will repeat it. The unexpected harmony
of the federal Convention—their mutual condescension in
the reconcilement of jarring interests and opposing claims between
the several States—the formation of a system so efficient in appearance,
at the same time so well guarded against an oppression
of the subject—the concurring sentiments of a vast majority thro'
the United States, of those persons who have been most experienced
in policy, and most eminent in wisdom and virtue; are
events which must be attributed to the special influence of heaven.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To be jealous of our liberties is lawful, but jealously in excess
is a deliriam [sic] of the imagination, by no means favourable to
liberty. If you would be free and happy a power must be created
to protect your persons and properties; otherwise you are
slaves to all mankind. Your British neighbors have long known
these truths, and will not fail by their emissaries to seminate such
jealousies as favor their own designs.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To prophesy evil is ungrateful business; but forgive me when
I predict, that the adoption of this Constitution is the only probable
means of saving the greatest part of your State from becoming
an appendage of Canada or Nova Scotia. In some future
paper I shall assign other reasons why New Hampshire, more
than any other State, is interested in this event.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page192">[pg 192]</span><a name="Pg192" id="Pg192" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, XI.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1207)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, March 10, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of New Hampshire.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Those who wish to enjoy the blessings of society must be willing
to suffer some restraint of personal liberty, and devote some
part of their property to the public that the remainder may be
secured and protected. The cheapest form of government is not
always best, for parsimony, though it spends little, generally gains
nothing. Neither is that the best government which imposes the
least restraint on its subjects; for the benefit of having others restrained
may be greater than the disadvantage of being restrained
ourselves. That is the best form of government which returns
the greatest number of advantages in proportion to the disadvantages
with which it is attended.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Measured by this rule, the state of New Hampshire cannot expect
a Constitution preferable to that now proposed for the union.
In point of defence it gives you the whole force of the empire, so
arranged as to act speedily and in concert, which is an article of
greatest importance to the frontier states. With the present
generation of men, national interest is the measure by which war
or peace are determined; and when we see the British nation, by
a late treaty, paying an enormous annual subsidy to the little
principality of Hesse-Cassel for the purpose of retaining her in
military alliance, it should teach us the necessity of those parts in
the Constitution which enable the efficient force of the whole to
be opposed to an invasion of any part.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page193">[pg 193]</span><a name="Pg193" id="Pg193" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
A national revenue and the manner of collecting it is another
very interesting matter, and here the citizens of New Hampshire
have better terms offered them, than their local situation can ever
enable them to demand or enforce. Impost and duties on trade,
which must be collected in the great importing towns, are the
means by which an American revenue will be principally, and
perhaps wholly raised. But a point of your state comes near the
sea, and that point so situated that it never can collect commerce,
and become an emporium for the whole state. Nineteen parts in
twenty of New Hampshire are greatly inland, so that local situation
necessitates you to be an agricultural people; and this is
not a hard necessity, if you now form such a political connection
with other states, as will entitle you to a just share in that revenue
they raise on commerce. New York, the trading towns on Connecticut
River, and Boston, are the sources from which a great
part of your foreign supplies will be obtained, and where your
produce will be exposed for market.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In all these places an impost is collected, of which, as consumers,
you pay a share without deriving any public benefit. You
cannot expect any alteration in the private systems of these
states, unless effected by the proposed governments, neither to
remedy the evil can you command trade from the natural channels,
but must sit down contented under the burden, if the present
hour of deliverance be not accepted. This argument alone,
if there were no other, ought to decide you in favour of adoption.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It has been said that you object to the number of inhabitants
being a ratio to determine your proportion of the national expence—that
your lands are poor, but the climate favourable to
population, which will draw a share of expence beyond your ability
to pay. I do not think this objection well founded. Long
experience hath taught that the number of industrious inhabitants
in any climate is not only the strength, but the wealth of a
state, and very justly measures their ability of defraying public
expences, without encroaching on the necessary support of life.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If a great proportion of your lands are barren, you ought likewise
to remember another rule of nature; that the population
and fertility in many tracts of country will be proportioned to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page194">[pg 194]</span><a name="Pg194" id="Pg194" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
each other. Accidental causes for a short time may interrupt
the rule, but they cannot be of dangerous continuance. Force
may controul a despotic government, and commerce may interrupt
it in an advantageous situation for trade; but from the first
of these causes you have no reason to fear, and the last, should it
happen, will increase wealth with numbers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The fishery is a source of wealth and an object of immense
consequence to all the eastern coasts. The jealousy of European
nations ought to teach us its value. So far as you become
a navigating people, the fishery should be an object of your first
attention. It cannot flourish until patronized and protected by
the general government. All the interests of navigation and
commerce must be protected by the union or come to ruin, and
in our present system where is the power to do it?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When Americans are debarred the fishery, as will soon be the
case unless a remedy is provided, all the eastern shores will become
miserably poor.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Your forests embosom an immense quantity of timber for ship-building
and the lumber trade, but of how little value at present
you cannot be ignorant, and the value cannot increase until
American navigation and commerce are placed on a respectable
footing, which no single state can do for itself. The embarrassments
of trade lower the price of your produce, which with the
distance of transportation almost absorbs the value; and when by
a long journey we have arrived at the place of market, even the
finest of your grain will not command cash, at that season of the
year most convenient for you to transport. Hence arises that
scarcity of specie of which you complain. Your interest is intimately
connected with that of the most commercial states, and
you cannot separate it. When trade is embarrassed the merchant
is the first to complain, but the farmer in event bears more
than his share of the loss.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Let the citizens of New Hampshire candidly consider these
facts, and they must be convinced that no other state is so much
interested in adopting that system of government now under consideration.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page195">[pg 195]</span><a name="Pg195" id="Pg195" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Landholder presents his most respectful compliments to
Hon W. Williams,<a id="noteref_51" name="noteref_51" href="#note_51"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">51</span></span></a>
and begs leave to remind him that many dispensations
in this world, which have the appearance of judgment,
are designed in goodness. Such was the short address to you,
and though at first it might excite an exquisite sensibility of injury,
will in its consequence prove to your advantage, by giving
you an honorable opportunity to come out and declare your sentiments
to the people. It had been represented in several parts
of the state, to the great surprise of your friends, that you wished
some religious test as an introduction to office, but as you have
explained the matter, it is only a religious preamble which you
wish—against preambles we have no animosity. Every man
hath a sovereign right to use words in his own sense, and when
he hath explained himself, it ought to be believed that he uses
them conscientiously. The Landholder, for the sake of his honourable
friend, regrets that he denies his having used his name
publicly as a writer, for, though the honourable gentleman doubtless
asserts the truth, there are a great number of those odd people
who really think they were present on that occasion, and
have such a strong habit of believing their senses, that they will
not be convinced even by evidence which is superior to all sense.
But it must be so in this imperfect world.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. S. The Landholder begs his honourable friend not to be
surprised at his former address, as he can assure him most seriously,
that he does not even conjecture by whom it was written.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page196">[pg 196]</span><a name="Pg196" id="Pg196" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, XII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1208)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, March 17, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Rhode Island Friends of Paper Money, Tender Acts
and Anti-federalism.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The singular system of policy adopted by your state, no
longer excites either the surprise or indignation of mankind.
There are certain extremes of iniquity, which are beheld with patience,
from a fixed conviction that the transgressor is inveterate,
and that his example from its great injustice hath no longer a
seducing influence. Milton's lapse of the angels and their expulsion
from Heaven, produces deeper regret in a benevolent mind
than all the evil tricks they have played or torments they have
suffered since the bottomless pit became their proper home.
Something similar to this is excited in beholding the progress of
human depravity. Our minds cannot bear to be always pained;
the Creator hath, therefore wisely provided that our tender sentiments
should subside, in those desperate cases where there is no
longer a probability that any effort to which we may be excited,
will have a power to reclaim. But though our benevolence is no
longer distressed with the injustice of your measures, as philosophers
above the feelings of passion, we can speculate on them to
our advantage. The sentiment thrown out by some of our adventurous
divines, that the permission of sin is the highest display
of supreme wisdom, and the greatest blessing to the universe,
is most successfully illustrated by the effects of your general
policy.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page197">[pg 197]</span><a name="Pg197" id="Pg197" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In point of magnitude, your little state bears much the same
proportion to the united American empire, as the little world
doth to the immense intelligent universe; and if the apostacy of
man hath conveyed such solemn warning and instruction to the
whole, as your councils have to every part of the union, no one
will doubt the usefulness of Adam's fall. At the commencement
of peace, America was placed in a singular situation. Fear of a
common danger could no longer bind us together; patriotism
had done its best and was wearied with exertion rewarded only
by ingratitude—our federal system was inadequate for national
government and justice, and from inexperience the great body
of the people were ignorant what consequences should flow from
the want of them. Experiments in public credit, though ruinous
to thousands, and a disregard to the promises of government
had been pardoned in the moment of extreme necessity, and
many honest men did not realize that a repetition of them in an
hour less critical would shake the existence of society. Men
full of evil and desperate fortune were ready to propose every
method of public fraud that can be effected by a violation of public
faith and depreciating promises. This poison of the community
was their only preservation from deferred poverty, and
from prisons appointed to be the reward of indolence and
knavery. An easement of the poor and necessitous was plead as
a reason for measures which have reduced them to more extreme
necessity. Most of the states have had their prejudices against
an efficient and just government, and have made their experiments
in a false policy; but it was done with a timorous mind,
and seeing the evil they have receded. A sense of subordination
and moral right was their check. Most of the people were convinced,
and but few remained who wished to establish iniquity by
law. To silence such opposition as might be made to the new
constitution, it was fit that public injustice should be exhibited in
its greatest degree and most extreme effects. For this end
Heaven permitted your apostacy from all the principles of good
and just government. By your system we see unrighteousness in
the essence, in effects, and in its native miseries. The rogues of
every other state blush at the exhibition, and say you have betrayed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page198">[pg 198]</span><a name="Pg198" id="Pg198" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
them by carrying the matter too far. The very naming of
your measures is a complete refutation of anti-federalism, paper
money and tender acts, for no man chooses such company in argument.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The distress to which many of your best citizens are reduced—the
groans of ruined creditors, of widows and orphans, demonstrates
that unhappiness follows vice by the unalterable laws of
nature and society. I did not mention the stings of conscience,
but the authors of public distress ought to remember that there
is a world where conscience will not sleep.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Is it now at length time to consider. The great end for which
your infatuation was permitted is now become complete. The
whole union has seen and fears, and while history gives true information,
no other people will ever repeat the studied process of
fraud. You may again shew the distorted features of injustice,
but never in more lively colors, or by more able hands than has
been done already. As virtue and good government has derived all
possible advantage from your experiment, and every other state
thanks you for putting their own rogues and fools out of countenance,
begin to have mercy on yourselves. You may not expect
to exist in this course any longer than is necessary for public
good; and there is no need that such a kind of warning as
you set before us should be eternal. Secure as you may feel in
prosecuting what all the rest of mankind condemn, the hour of
your political revolution is at hand. The cause is within to
yourselves, and needs but the permission of your neighbors to take
its full effect. Every moral and social law calls for a review, and
a volume of penal statutes cannot prevent it. They are in the first
instance nullified by injustice, and five years hence not a man in
your territories will presume their vindication. Passion and obstinacy,
which were called in to aid injustice, have had their
reign, and can support you no longer. By a change of policy
give us evidence that you are returned to manhood and honour.
The inventors of such councils can never be forgiven in this
world, but the people at large who acted by their guidance may
break from the connection and restore themselves to virtue.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There are among you legislators eminent, through the union
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page199">[pg 199]</span><a name="Pg199" id="Pg199" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
for their wisdom and integrity. Penetrated with grief and astonishment
they stand in silence, waiting the return of your reason.
They are the only men who can remove the impassable gulph
that is between you and the rest of mankind. In your situation
there must be some sacrifice. It is required by the necessity
of the case, and for the dignity of government. You have
guilty victims enough for whom even benevolence will not
plead; let them make the atonement and save your state. The
large body of a people are rarely guilty of any crime greater than
indiscretion, in following those who have no qualification to lead
but an unblushing assurance infraud. Acknowledge the indiscretion,
and leave those whom you have followed into the quicksands
of death to the infamy prepared for them, and from which they
cannot be reserved. Your situation admits no compounding of
opposite systems, or halving with justice, but to make the cure
there must be an entire change of measures. The Creator of
nature and its laws made justice as necessary for nations as for
individuals, and this necessity hath been sealed by the fate of all
obstinate offenders. If you will not hear your own groans, nor
feel the pangs of your own torture, it must continue until removed
by a political annihilation. Such as do not pity themselves cannot
be long be pitied.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Determined that our feelings shall be no longer wounded by
any thing to which despair may lead you, with philosophic coolness
we wait to continue our speculations on the event.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page200">[pg 200]</span><a name="Pg200" id="Pg200" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Landholder, XIII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Connecticut Courant,
(Number 1209)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, March 24, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The attempt to amend our federal Constitution, which for some
time past hath engrossed the public regard, is doubtless become
an old and unwelcome topic to many readers, whose opinions are
fixed, or who are concerned for the event. There are other subjects
which claim a share of attention, both from the public and
from private citizens. It is good government which secures the
fruits of industry and virtue; but the best system of government
cannot produce general happiness unless the people are virtuous,
industrious and economical.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The love of wealth is a passion common to men, and when
justly regulated it is conducive to human happiness. Industry
may be encouraged by good laws; wealth may be protected by
civil regulations; but we are not to depend on these to create it
for us, while we are indolent and luxurious. Industry is most
favourable to the moral virtue of the world; it is therefore wisely
ordered by the Author of Nature, that the blessings of this world
should be acquired by our own application in some business useful
to society; so that we have no reason to expect any climate
or soil will be found, or any age take place, in which plenty and
wealth will be spontaneously produced. The industry and
labour of a people furnish a general rule to measure their wealth,
and if we use the means we may promise ourselves the reward.
The present state of America will limit the greatest part of its inhabitants
to agriculture; for as the art of tilling the earth is
easily acquired, the price of land low, and the produce immediately
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page201">[pg 201]</span><a name="Pg201" id="Pg201" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
necessary for life, greater encouragement to this is offered
here than in any country on earth. But still suffer me to enquire
whether we are not happily circumstanced and actually able to
manage some principal manufactories with success, and increase
our wealth by increasing the labour of the people, and saving the
surplus of our earnings for a better purpose than to purchase the
labour of the European nations. It is a remark often made, and
generally believed, that in a country so new as this, where the
price of land is low and the price of labour high, manufactories
cannot be conducted with profit. This may be true of some manufactures,
but of others it is grossly false. It is now in the power
of New England to make itself more formidable to Great Britain
by rivaling some of her principal manufactures, than ever it was
by separating from her government. Woolen cloaths, the principal
English manufacture, may more easily be rivaled than any
other. Purchasing all the materials and labour at the common
price of the country, cloths of three-quarters width, may be fabricated
for six shillings per yard, of fineness and beauty equal to
English cloths of six quarters width, which fell at twenty shillings.
The cost of our own manufacture is little more than half
of the imported, and for service it is allowed to be much preferable.
It is found that our wool is of equal quality with the English,
and that what we once supposed the defect in our wool, is
only a deficiency in cleaning, sorting and dressing it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It gives me pleasure to hear that a number of gentlemen in
Hartford and the neighboring towns are forming a fund for the
establishment of a great woolen manufactory. The plan will
doubtless succeed; and be more profitable to the stockholders
that money deposited in trade. As the manufacture of cloths is
introduced, the raising of wool and flax, the raw materials, will
become an object of the farmer's attention.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sheep are the most profitable part of our stock, and the breed
is much sooner multiplied than horses or cattle. Why do not
our opulent farmers avail themselves of the profit? An experience
would soon convince them there is no better method of advancing
property, and their country would thank them for the
trial. Sheep are found to thrive and the wool to be of good
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page202">[pg 202]</span><a name="Pg202" id="Pg202" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
quality in every part of New England, but as this animal delights
in grazing, and is made healthy by coming often to the earth,
our sea-coasts with the adjacent country, where snow is of short
continuance, are particularly favourable to their propagation.
Our hilly coasts were designed by nature for this, and every part
of the country that abounds in hills ought to make an experiment
by which they will be enriched.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In Connecticut, the eastern and southern counties, with the
highlands on Connecticut river towards the sea, ought to produce
more wool than would cloath the inhabitants of the state.
At present the quantity falls short of what is needed by our own
consumption; if a surplusage could be produced, it would find a
ready market and the best pay.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The culture of flax, another principal material for manufacturing,
affords great profit to the farmer. The seed of this crop
when it succeeds will pay the husbandman for his labour, and return
a better ground-rent than many other crops which are cultivated.
The seed is one of our best articles for remittance and
exportation abroad. Dressing and preparing the flax for use is
done in the most leisure part of the year, when labour is cheap,
and we had better work for sixpence a day and become wealthy,
than to be idle and poor.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is not probable the market can be overstocked, or if it should
chance for a single season to be the case, no article is more
meliorated by time, or will better pay for keeping by an increase
of quality. A large flax crop is one most certain sign of a thrifty
husbandman. The present method of agriculture in a course of
different crops is well calculated to give the husbandman a sufficiency
of flax ground, as it is well known that this vegetable will
not thrive when sown successively in the same place.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The nail manufacture might be another source of wealth to
the northern states. Why should we twice transport our own
iron, and pay other nations for labour which our boys might perform
as well? The art of nail-making is easily acquired. Remittances
have actually been made from some parts of the state in
this article; the example is laudable, and ought to be imitated.
The sources of wealth are open to us, and there needs but industry
to become as rich as we are free.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Landholder.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page203">[pg 203]</span><a name="Pg203" id="Pg203" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc11" id="toc11"></a>
<a name="pdf12" id="pdf12"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">A Letter To The Landholder. By William Williams.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The American Mercury,<br />
February 1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page205">[pg 205]</span><a name="Pg205" id="Pg205" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This letter was occasioned by the following communication,
which was printed in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Connecticut Courant</span></span> for Monday, February
4, 1788, (number 1202):
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Hon. William Williams, Esq.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sir</span></span>:—Whenever one man makes a charge against another,
reason and justice require that he should be able to support the
charge. In some late publications, I have offered my sentiments
on the new constitution, have adduced some arguments in favour
of it, and answered objections to it. I did not wish to enter into
a controversy with any man. But I am unwilling to have accusations
publickly thrown out against me, without an opportunity
to answer them. In the late convention, when a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">religious test</span></em> was
the subject of debate, you took the liberty of saying <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">that the
Landholder</span></em> (in treating of the same subject) <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">had missed the point;
that he had raised up a man of straw, and kicked it over again</span></em>.
Now, Sir, I wish this matter may be fairly cleared up. I wish to
know, what is the real point? Who and what the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">real</span></em> man is?
Or in other words, what a religious test is? I certainly have a
right to expect that you will answer these questions, and let me
know wherein I am in the wrong. Perhaps you may show that
my ideas on the subject are erroneous. In order to do this, it
would not be amiss to offer a few reasons and arguments. You
doubtless had such as were convincing, at least to yourself,
though you happen to omit them at the time of the debate. If
you will shew that I am in the wrong, I will candidly acknowledge
my mistake. If on the contrary you should be unable to
prove your assertions, the public will judge, whether <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">you or I
have missed the point</span></em>; and which of us has <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">committed the crime of
making a man of straw</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Not doubting but you will have the candour to come to an explanation
on this subject,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I am, Sir, your humble servant,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">The Landholder</span></span>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
From The Landholder's statement printed at page 195 of this
volume, it appears that this signature was employed by another
man, in this instance.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page207">[pg 207]</span><a name="Pg207" id="Pg207" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Letter Of William Williams.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The American Mercury,
(Number 88)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, February 11th, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Mr. Babcock</span></span>:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Since the Federal Constitution has had so calm, dispassionate
and so happy an issue, in the late worthy Convention of this
State; I did not expect any members of that hon. body to be
challenged in a News-paper, and especially by name, and by
anonymous writers, on account of their opinion, or decently expressing
their sentiments relative to the great subject then under
consideration, or any part of it. Nor do I yet see the propriety,
or happy issue of such a proceeding. However as a gentleman
in your Paper feels uneasy, that every sentiment contained in his
publications, (tho' in general they are well written) is not received
with perfect acquiescence and submission, I will endeavour
to satisfy him, or the candid reader, by the same channel,
that I am not so reprehensible as he supposes, in the matter
refer'd to. When the clause in the 6th article, which provides
that <span class="tei tei-q">“no religious test should ever be required as a
qualification to any office or trust, &amp;c.”</span> came under consideration,
I observed I should have chose that sentence and anything
relating to a religious test, had been totally omitted rather than
stand as it did, but still more wished something of the kind
should have been inserted, but with a reverse sense, so far as to
require an explicit acknowledgment of the being of a God, his
perfections and his providence, and to have been prefixed to, and
stand as, the first introductory words of the Constitution, in the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page208">[pg 208]</span><a name="Pg208" id="Pg208" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
following or similar terms, viz. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">We the people of the United
States, in a firm belief of the being and perfections of the one living
and true God, the creator and supreme Governour of the world, in
his universal providence and the authority of his laws; that he will
require of all moral agents an account of their conduct; that all
rightful powers among men are ordained of, and mediately derived
from God; therefore in a dependence on his blessing and acknowledgment
of his efficient protection in establishing our Independence,
whereby it is become necessary to agree upon and settle a Constitution
of federal government for ourselves</span></span>, and in order to form a
more perfect union &amp;c., as it is expressed in the present introduction,
do ordain &amp;c., and instead of none, that no other religious
test should ever be required &amp;c., and that supposing, but not
granting, this would <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">be no security at all</span></em>, that it would make
hypocrites, &amp;c. yet this would not be a sufficient reason against
it; as it would be a public declaration against, and disapprobation
of men, who did not, even with sincerity, make such a profession,
and they must be left to the searcher of hearts; that it
would however, be the voice of the great body of the people, and
an acknowledgment proper and highly becoming them to express
on this great and only occasion, and according to the course of
Providence, one mean of obtaining blessings from the most high.
But that since it was not, and so difficult and dubious to get inserted,
I would not wish to make it a capital objection; that I
had no more idea of a religious test, which should restrain offices
to any particular sect, class, or denomination of men or
Christians in the long list of diversity, than to regulate their bestowments
by the stature or dress of the candidate, nor did I
believe one sensible catholic man in the state wished for such a
limitation; and that therefore the News-Paper observations, and
reasonings (I named no author) against a test, in favour of any
one denomination of Christians, and the sacrilegious injunctions
of the test laws of England &amp;c., combatted objections which did
not exist, and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">was building up a man of straw and knocking him
down again</span></em>. These are the same and only ideas and sentiments
I endeavoured to communicate on that subject, tho' perhaps not
precisely in the same terms; as I had not written, nor preconceived
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page209">[pg 209]</span><a name="Pg209" id="Pg209" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
them, except the proposed test, and whether there is any
reason in them or not, I submit to the public.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I freely confess such a test and acknowledgment would have
given me great additional satisfaction; and I conceive the arguments
against it, on the score of hypocrisy, would apply with
equal force against requiring an oath from any officer of the
united or individual states; and with little abatement, to any oath
in any case whatever; but divine and human wisdom, with universal
experience, have approved and established them as useful,
and a security to mankind.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I thought it was my duty to make the observations, in this behalf,
which I did, and to bear my testimony for God; and that
it was also my duty to say <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the Constitution</span></span>, with this, and some
other faults of another kind, was yet too wise and too necessary
to be rejected.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">W. Williams.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. S.—I could not have suspected the Landholder (if I know
him) to be the author of the piece referred to; but if he or any
other is pleased to reply, without the signature of his proper
name, he will receive no further answer or notice from me.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Feb. 2d, 1788.
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page211">[pg 211]</span><a name="Pg211" id="Pg211" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc13" id="toc13"></a>
<a name="pdf14" id="pdf14"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Letters Of A Countryman. Written By Roger Sherman.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The New Haven Gazette,<br />
November-December, 1787.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page213">[pg 213]</span><a name="Pg213" id="Pg213" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the file of The New Haven Gazette formerly owned by
Simeon Baldwin, an intimate friend, and afterwards executor of
Roger Sherman, it is noted by the former that the essays of A
Countryman were written by the latter.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Following this series are two essays written by Sherman under
a different signature, after the adoption of the Constitution, which
are an interesting contrast to these. It will be noted in the first
of these, that Sherman alludes to what he <span class="tei tei-q">“had endeavored to
show in a former piece.”</span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page215">[pg 215]</span><a name="Pg215" id="Pg215" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Countryman, I.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New Haven Gazette,
(Number 39)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, November 14, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People of Connecticut.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
You are now called on to make important alterations in your
government, by ratifying the new federal constitution.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There are, undoubtedly, such advantages to be expected from
this measure, as will be sufficient inducement to adopt the proposal,
provided it can be done without sacrificing more important
advantages, which we now do or may possess. By a wise provision
in the constitution of man, whenever a proposal is made
to change any present habit or practice, he much more minutely
considers what he is to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">lose</span></em> by the alterations, what effect it is to
have on what he at present possesses, than what is to be <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hoped</span></em>
for in the proposed expedient.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thus people are justly cautious how they exchange present
advantages for the hope of others in a system not yet experienced.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hence all large states have dreaded a division into smaller
parts, as being nearly the same thing as ruin; and all smaller
states have predicted endless embarrassment from every attempt
to unite them into larger. It is no more than probable that if
any corner of this State of ten miles square, was now, and long
had been independent of the residue of the State, that they would
consider a proposal to unite them to the other parts of the State,
as a violent attempt to wrest from them the only security for their
persons or property. They would lament how little security they
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page216">[pg 216]</span><a name="Pg216" id="Pg216" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
should derive from sending one or two members to the legislature
at Hartford &amp; New Haven, and all the evils that the Scots predicted
from the proposed union with England, in the beginning
of the present century, would be thundered with all the vehemence
of American politics, from the little ten miles district. But surely
no man believes that the inhabitants of this district would be less
secure when united to the residue of the State, than when independent.
Does any person suppose that the people would be
more safe, more happy, or more respectable, if every town in this
State was independent, and had no State government?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Is it not certain that government would be weak and irregular,
and that the people would be poor and contemptible? And still
it must be allowed, that each town would entirely surrender its
boasted independence if they should unite in State government,
and would retain only about one-eightieth part of the administration
of their own affairs.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Has it ever been found, that people's property or persons were
less regarded and less protected in large states than in small?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Have not the Legislature in large states been as careful not to
over-burden the people with taxes as in small? But still it must
be admitted, that a single town in a small state holds a greater
proportion of the authority than in a large.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If the United States were one single government, provided the
constitution of this extensive government was as good as the
constitution of this State now is, would this part of it be really in
greater danger of oppression or tyranny, than at present? It is
true that many people who are <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">great men</span></em> because they go to
Hartford to make laws for us once or twice in a year, would then
be no greater than their neighbours, as much fewer representatives
would be chosen. But would not the people be as safe,
governed by their representatives assembled in New York or
Philadelphia, as by their representatives assembled in Hartford
or New Haven? Many instances can be quoted, where people
have been unsafe, poor and contemptible, because they were governed
only in small bodies; but can any instance be found where
they were less safe for uniting? Has not every instance proved
somewhat similar to the so much dreaded union between England
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page217">[pg 217]</span><a name="Pg217" id="Pg217" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and Scotland, where the Scots, instead of becoming a poor,
despicable, dependent people, have become much more secure,
happy, and respectable? If then, the constitution is a good one,
why should we be afraid of uniting, even if the Union was to be
much more complete and entire than is proposed?
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page218">[pg 218]</span><a name="Pg218" id="Pg218" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Countryman, II.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New Haven Gazette,
(Number 40)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, November 22, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People of Connecticut.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is fortunate that you have been but little distressed with that
torrent of impertinence and folly, with which the newspaper politicians
have over whelmed many parts of our country.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is enough that you should have heard, that one party has
seriously urged, that we should adopt the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">New Constitution</span></em> because
it has been approved by <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Washington</span></em>
and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Franklin</span></em>: and the
other, with all the solemnity of apostolic address to
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Men</span></em>, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Brethren</span></em>,
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Fathers</span></em>, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Friends and Countryman</span></em>, have urged that we should
reject, as dangerous, every clause thereof, because that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Washington</span></em>
is more used to command as a soldier, than to reason as a
politician—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Franklin is old</span></em>, others are <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">young</span></em>—and
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Wilson</span></em> is
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">haughty</span></em>.<a id="noteref_52" name="noteref_52" href="#note_52"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">52</span></span></a>
You are too well informed to decide by the opinion of
others, and too independent to need a caution against undue influence.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Of a very different nature, tho' only one degree better than the
other reasoning, is all that sublimity of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">nonsense</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">alarm</span></em>,
that has been thundered against it in every shape of
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">metaphoric terror</span></em>,
on the subject of a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">bill of rights</span></em>, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">liberty of the press</span></em>,
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">rights of conscience</span></em>, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">rights of taxation and election</span></em>,
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">trials in the vicinity</span></em>, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">freedom
of speech</span></em>, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">trial by jury</span></em>, and a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">standing army</span></em>.
These last are
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page219">[pg 219]</span><a name="Pg219" id="Pg219" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
undoubtedly important points, much too important to depend on
mere paper protection. For, guard such privileges by the strongest
expressions, still if you leave the legislative and executive
power in the hands of those who are or may be disposed to deprive
you of them—you are but slaves. Make an absolute monarch—give
him the supreme authority, and guard as much as
you will by bills of rights, your liberty of the press, and trial by
jury;—he will find means either to take them from you, or to
render them useless.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The only real security that you can have for all your important
rights must be in the nature of your government. If you
suffer any man to govern you who is not strongly interested in
supporting your privileges, you will certainly lose them. If you
are about to trust your liberties with people whom it is necessary
to bind by stipulation, that they shall not keep a standing army,
your stipulation is not worth even the trouble of writing. No
bill of rights ever yet bound the supreme power longer than the
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">honeymoon</span></em> of a new married couple, unless the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">rulers were
interested</span></em> in preserving the rights; and in that case they have always
been ready enough to declare the rights, and to preserve them
when they were declared.—The famous English <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Magna Charta</span></span>
is but an act of parliament, which every subsequent parliament
has had just as much constitutional power to repeal and annul,
as the parliament which made it had to pass it at first. But the
security of the nation has always been, that their government was
so formed, that at least <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one branch</span></em> of their legislature must be
strongly interested to preserve the rights of the nation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
You have a bill of rights in Connecticut (i. e.) your legislature
many years since enacted that the subjects of this state should
enjoy certain privileges. Every assembly since that time, could,
by the same authority, enact that the subjects should enjoy none
of those privileges; and the only reason that it has not long since
been so enacted, is that your legislature were as strongly interested
in preserving those rights as any of the subjects; and this
is your only security that it shall not be so enacted at the next
session of assembly: and it is security enough.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Your General Assembly under your present constitution are
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page220">[pg 220]</span><a name="Pg220" id="Pg220" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
supreme. They may keep troops on foot in the most profound
peace, if they think proper. They have heretofore abridged the
trial by jury in some cases, and they can again in all. They can
restrain the press, and may lay the most burdensome taxes if they
please, and who can forbid? But still the people are perfectly
safe that not one of these events shall take place so long as the
members of the General Assembly are as much interested, and interested
in the same manner, as the other subjects.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
On examining the new proposed constitution, there can be no
question but that there is authority enough lodged in the proposed
Federal Congress, if abused, to do the greatest injury.
And it is perfectly idle to object to it, that there is no bill of
rights, or to propose to add to it a provision that a trial by jury
shall in no case be omitted, or to patch it up by adding a stipulation
in favor of the press, or to guard it by removing the paltry
objection to the right of Congress to regulate the time and manner
of elections.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If you cannot prove by the best of all evidence, viz., by the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">interest
of the rulers</span></em>, that this authority will not be abused, or at
least that those powers are not more likely to be abused by the
Congress, than by those who now have the same powers, you
must by no means adopt the constitution:—No, not with all the
bills of rights and with all the stipulations in favor of the people
that can be made.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But if the members of Congress are to be interested just as you
and I are, and just as the members of our present legislatures are
interested, we shall be just as safe, with even supreme power (if
that were granted) in Congress, as in the General Assembly. If
the members of Congress can take no improper step which will
not affect them as much as it does us, we need not apprehend
that they will usurp authorities not given them to injure that
society of which they are a part.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The sole question, (so far as any apprehension of tyranny and
oppression is concerned) ought to be, how are Congress formed?
how far have you a control over them? Decide this, and then
all the questions about their power may be dismissed for the
amusement of those politicians whose business it is to catch flies,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page221">[pg 221]</span><a name="Pg221" id="Pg221" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
or may occasionally furnish subjects for <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">George Bryan's</span></span> Pomposity,
or the declamations of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cato</span></span>—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">An Old
Whig</span></span>—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Son of
Liberty</span></span>—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Brutus</span></span>—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Brutus
junior</span></span>—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">An Officer of the Continental Army</span></span>,—the
more contemptible <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Timoleon</span></span>, and the residue of that rabble
of writers.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page222">[pg 222]</span><a name="Pg222" id="Pg222" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Countryman, III.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New Haven Gazette,
(Number 41)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, November 29, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People of Connecticut.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The same thing once more—I am a plain man, of few words;
for this reason perhaps it is, that when I have said a thing I love
to repeat it. Last week I endeavored to evince, that the only
surety you could have for your liberties must be in the nature of
your government; that you could derive no security from bills of
rights, or stipulations, on the subject of a standing army, the liberty
of the press, trial by jury, or on any other subject. Did you
ever hear of an absolute monarchy, where those rights which are
proposed by the pigmy politicians of this day, to be secured by
stipulation, were ever preserved? Would it not be mere trifling
to make any such stipulations, in any absolute monarchy?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
On the other hand, if your interest and that of your rulers are
the same, your liberties are abundantly secure. Perhaps the
most secure when their power is most complete. Perhaps a provision
that they should never raise troops in time of peace, might
at some period embarrass the public concerns and endanger the
liberties of the people. It is possible that in the infinite variety
of events, it might become improper strictly to adhere to any one
provision that has ever been proposed to be stipulated. At all
events, the people have always been perfectly safe without any
stipulation of the kind, when the rulers were interested to make
them safe; and never otherwise.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
No people can be more secure against any oppression in their
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page223">[pg 223]</span><a name="Pg223" id="Pg223" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
rulers than you are at present; and no rulers can have more supreme
and unlimited authority than your general assembly have.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When you consult on the subject of adopting the new constitution,
you do not enquire whether the powers therein contained
can be safely lodged in any hands whatever. For not only those
very powers, but all other powers, are already in the general assembly.—The
enquiry is, whether Congress is by this new
constitution so formed that a part of the power now in the general
assembly would be as well lodged in Congress. Or, as was
before said, it depends on how far the members are under your
control; and how far their interest and yours are the same; to
which careful attention must be given.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page224">[pg 224]</span><a name="Pg224" id="Pg224" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Countryman, IV.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New Haven Gazette,
(Number 42)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, December 6, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People of Connecticut.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If the propriety of trusting your government in the hands of
your representatives was now a perfectly new question, the expediency
of the measure might be doubted. A very great portion
of the objections which we daily find made against
adopting the new constitution (and which are just as weighty
objections against our present government, or against any government
in existence) would doubtless have their influence; and
perhaps would determine you against trusting the powers of
sovereignty out of your own hands.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The best theory, the best philosophy on the subject, would be
too uncertain for you to hazard your freedom upon.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But your freedom, in that sense of the expression (if it could be
called sense), is already totally gone. Your Legislature is not
only supreme in the usual sense of the word, but they have <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">literally,
all the powers of society</span></em>. Can you—can you <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">possibly</span></em> grant
anything new? Have you any power which is not already
granted to your General Assembly? You are indeed called on to
say whether a part of the powers now exercised by the General
Assembly, shall not, in future, be exercised by Congress. And
it is clearly much better for your interest, that Congress should
experience those powers than that they should continue in the
General Assembly, provided you can trust Congress as safely as
the General Assembly.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page225">[pg 225]</span><a name="Pg225" id="Pg225" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
What forms your security under the General Assembly?
Nothing save that the interest of the members is the same as
yours. Will it be the same with Congress? There are essentially
only two differences between the formation of Congress and
of your General Assembly. One is,—that Congress are to
govern a much larger tract of country, and a much greater number
of people, consequently your proportion of the government
will be much smaller than at present. The other difference is—that
the members of Congress when elected, hold their
places for two, four and six years, and the members of Assembly
only six and twelve months.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The first of these differences was discussed pretty fully in the
first number, (when there was no idea of proceeding thus far on
the subject), and has all the force as an objection against the powers
of Congress, that it would have if applied to a proposal to
give up the sovereignty of the several towns of the state, (if such
sovereignty had existed,) and unite in state government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It would be only a repetition to enter into a consideration of
this difference between Congress and your Assembly.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It has been suggested that the six or eight members which we
shall send to Congress will be men of property, who can little
feel any burthens they may lay on society. How far is this idea
supported by experience? As the members are to pay their
proportion, will they not be as careful of laying too great burthens
as poorer people? Are they less careful of their money than
the poor? This objection would be much stronger against
trusting the power out of your hands at all. If the several towns
were now independent, this objection would be much more forcible
against uniting in state government, and sending one or two
of your most wealthy men to Hartford or New Haven, to vote
away your money. But this you have tried, and found that assemblies
of representatives are less willing to vote away money
than even their constituents. An individual of any tolerable economy,
pays all his debts, and perhaps has money beforehand. A
small school district, or a small parish, will see what sum they
want, and usually provide sufficiently for their wants, and often
have a little money at interest.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page226">[pg 226]</span><a name="Pg226" id="Pg226" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Town voters are partly representatives, i. e. many people pay
town taxes who have no right to vote, but the money they vote
away is principally their own. The towns in this state tax themselves
less willingly than smaller bodies. They generally however
tax themselves sufficiently to nearly pay the demands against
them within the year, very seldom raise money beforehand by
taxes. The General Assembly of this state could never be induced
to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">attempt</span></em> to do more than pay the annual interest of what
they owe, and occasionally sink very small parts of the principal,
and they never in fact did thus much, and we are all witnesses
that they are full as careful of the public money as we can wish.
It never was a complaint that they were too ready to allow individuals
large sums. A man who has a claim against a town,
and applies to a town-meeting, is very likely to obtain justice:
but he who has a claim against the state, and applies to the General
Assembly, stands but a poor chance to obtain justice. Some
rule will be found to exclude his claim,—or to lessen it,—or he
will be paid in a security—not worth half the money.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
You have uniformly experienced that your representatives are
as careful, if not more so, of your money, than you yourselves
are in your town-meetings; but still your representatives are
generally men of property, and those of them who are most independent,
and those whom you have sent to Congress, have not
been by any means the least careful.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page227">[pg 227]</span><a name="Pg227" id="Pg227" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Countryman, V.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New Haven Gazette,
(Number 44)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, December 20, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the People of Connecticut.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
You do not hate to read Newspaper Essays on the new constitution,
more than I hate to write them. Then <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">we will be short</span></em>—which
I have often found the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">best</span></em> expression in a dull sermon,
except the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">last</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Whether the mode of election pointed out in the proposed constitution
is well calculated to support the principles which were
designed to be established in the different branches of the legislature,
may perhaps be justly doubted:—and may perhaps in some
future day be discussed.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The design undoubtedly was, that the house of representatives
should be a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">popular</span></em> assembly,—that the senate should, in its nature,
be somewhat more permanent, and that the two houses
should be completely independent of each other. These <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">principles</span></em>
are right—for the present we will suppose they will be supported—there
then remains to be considered no considerable difference
between the constitutional government which is proposed,
and your present government, except that the time for which you
choose your present rulers is only for six and twelve months, and
the time for which you are to choose your continental rulers is
for two, four and six years.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The convention were mistaken if they supposed they should
lessen the evils of tumultuous elections by making elections less
frequent. But are your liberties endangered by this measure?
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page228">[pg 228]</span><a name="Pg228" id="Pg228" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Philosophy may mislead you. Ask experience. Are not the
liberties of the people of England as safe as yours?—They are
not as free as yours, because much of their government is in the
hands of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hereditary majesty</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">nobility</span></em>. But is not that part
of the government which is under the control of the commons exceedingly
well guarded? But still the house of commons is only a
third branch—the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">only</span></em> branch who are appointed by the people—and
they are chosen but once in <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">seven years</span></em>. Is there then any
danger to be apprehended from the length of time that your rulers
are to serve? when none are to serve more than six years—one
whole house but two years, and your President but
four.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The great power and influence of an hereditary monarch of
Britain has spread many alarms, from an apprehension that the
commons would sacrifice the liberties of the people to the money
or influence of the crown: but the influence of a powerful <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hereditary</span></em>
monarch, with the national Treasury—Army—and fleet at
his command—and the whole executive government—and
one-third of the legislative in his hands constantly operating on a
house of commons, whose duration is never less than <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">seven years</span></em>,
unless this same monarch should <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">end</span></em> it, (which he can do in an
hour,) has never yet been sufficient to obtain one vote of the house
of commons which has taken from the people the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">liberty of the
press</span></em>,—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">trial by jury</span></em>,—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the
rights of conscience, or of private
property</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Can you then apprehend danger of oppression and tyranny
from the too great duration of the power of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">your</span></em> rulers?
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page229">[pg 229]</span><a name="Pg229" id="Pg229" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc15" id="toc15"></a>
<a name="pdf16" id="pdf16"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Letters Of A Citizen Of New Haven, Written By Roger Sherman.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The New Haven Gazette,<br />
December, 1789.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page231">[pg 231]</span><a name="Pg231" id="Pg231" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These letters are ascribed to Sherman on the authority mentioned
at page <a href="#Pg213" class="tei tei-ref">213</a>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In a letter from James Madison to Edmund Randolph, (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Correspondence</span></span>,
1, 63), he says:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
On the subject of amendments, nothing has been publickly,
and very little privately, said. Such as I am known to have espoused
will, as far as I can gather, be attainable from the federalists,
who sufficiently predominate in both branches, though with
some the concurrence will proceed from a spirit of conciliation
rather than conviction. Connecticut is least inclined, though I
presume not inflexibly opposed, to a moderate revision. A paper,
which will probably be republished in the Virginia gazettes,
under the signature of a citizen of New Haven, unfolds Mr. Sherman's
opinions.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Writings of John Adams</span></span>,
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">vi</span></span>, 427), is a correspondence
between Adams and Sherman, produced by these articles, which
should be studied in connection with them.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page233">[pg 233]</span><a name="Pg233" id="Pg233" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Citizen Of New Haven, I.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New Haven Gazette,
(Number 48)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, December 4, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Observations on the Alterations Proposed as Amendments to the
new Federal Constitution.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Six of the states have adopted the new constitution without
proposing any alteration, and the most of those proposed by the
conventions of other states may be provided for by congress in a
code of laws without altering the constitution. If congress may
be safely trusted with the affairs of the Union, and have sufficient
powers for that purpose, and possess no powers but such as respect
the common interest of the states (as I have endeavored to
show in a former piece), then all the matters that can be regulated
by law may safely be left to their discretion, and those will include
all that I have noticed except the following, which I think
on due consideration will appear to be improper or unnecessary.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. It is proposed that the consent of two-thirds or three-fourths
of the members present in this branch of the congress shall be
required for passing certain acts.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
On which I would observe, that this would give a minority in
congress power to controul the majority, joined with the concurrent
voice of the president, for if the president dissents, no act can
pass without the consent of two-thirds of the members in each
branch of congress; and would not that be contrary to the general
principles of republican government?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. That impeachments ought not to be tried by the senate, or
not by the senate alone.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page234">[pg 234]</span><a name="Pg234" id="Pg234" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But what good reason can be assigned why the senate is not
the most proper tribunal for that purpose? The members are to
be chosen by the legislatures of the several states, who will doubtless
appoint persons of wisdom and probity, and from their office
can have no interested motives to partiality. The house of peers
in Great Britain try impeachments and are also a branch of the
legislature.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. It is said that the president ought not to have power to
grant pardons in cases of high treason, but the congress.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It does not appear that any great mischief can arise from the
exercise of this power by the president (though perhaps it might
as well have been lodged in congress). The president cannot
pardon in case of impeachment, so that such offenders may be
excluded from office notwithstanding his pardon.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. It is proposed that members of congress be rendered ineligible
to any other office during the time for which they are elected
members of that body.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This is an objection that will admit of something plausible to
be said on both sides, and it was settled in convention on full discussion
and deliberation. There are some offices which a member
of congress may be best qualified to fill, from his knowledge of
public affairs acquired by being a member, such as minister to
foreign courts, &amp;c., and on accepting any other office his seat in
congress will be vacated, and no member is eligible to any office
that shall have been instituted or the emoluments increased while
he was a member.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. It is proposed to make the president and senators ineligible
after certain periods.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But this would abridge the privilege of the people, and remove
one great motive to fidelity in office, and render persons incapable
of serving in offices, on account of their experience, which would
best qualify them for usefulness in office—but if their services are
not acceptable they may be left out at any new election.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
6. It is proposed that no commercial treaty should be made
without the consent of two-thirds of the senators, nor any cession
of territory, right of navigation or fishery, without the consent of
three-fourths of the members present in each branch of congress.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page235">[pg 235]</span><a name="Pg235" id="Pg235" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is provided by the constitution that no commercial treaty
shall be made by the president without the consent of two-thirds
of the senators present, and as each state has an equal representation
and suffrage in the senate, the rights of the state will be as
well secured under the new constitution as under the old; and it
is not probable that they would ever make a cession of territory
or any important national right without the consent of congress.
The king of Great Britain has by the constitution a power to make
treaties, yet in matters of great importance he consults the parliament.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
7. There is one amendment proposed by the convention of
South Carolina respecting religious tests, by inserting the word
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">other</span></em>, between the words <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">no</span></em>
and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">religious</span></em> in that article, which is
an ingenious thought, and had that word been inserted, it would
probably have prevented any objection on that head. But it may
be considered as a clerical omission and be inserted without calling
a convention; as it now stands the effect will be the same.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
On the whole it is hoped that all the states will consent to make
a fair trial of the constitution before they attempt to alter it; experience
will best show whether it is deficient or not, on trial it
may appear that the alterations that have been proposed are not
necessary, or that others not yet thought of may be necessary;
everything that tends to disunion ought to be avoided. Instability
in government and laws tends to weaken a state and render
the rights of the people precarious.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If another convention should be called to revise the constitution,
'tis not likely they would be more unanimous than the former;
they might judge differently in some things, but is it certain that
they would judge better? When experience has convinced the
states and people in general that alterations are necessary, they
may be easily made, but attempting it at present may be detrimental
if not fatal to the union of the states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The judiciary department is perhaps the most difficult to be
precisely limited by the constitution, but congress have full power
to regulate it by law, and it may be found necessary to vary the regulations
at different times as circumstances may differ.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Congress may make requisitions for supplies previous to direct
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page236">[pg 236]</span><a name="Pg236" id="Pg236" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
taxation, if it should be thought to be expedient, but if requisitions
be made and some states comply and others not, the non-complying
states must be considered and treated as delinquents,
which will tend to excite disaffection and disunion among the
states, besides occasioning delay; but if congress lay the taxes in
the first instance these evils will be prevented, and they will doubtless
accommodate the taxes to the customs and convenience of the
several states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Some suppose that the representation will be too small, but I
think it is in the power of congress to make it too large, but I believe
that it may be safely trusted with them. Great Britain contains
about three times the number of the inhabitants in the United
States, and according to Burgh's account in his political disquisitions,
the members of parliament in that kingdom do not exceed
131, and if 69 more be added from the principal cities and towns
the number would be 200; and strike off those who are elected by
the small boroughs, which are called the rotten part of the constitution
by their best patriots and politicians, that nation would
be more equally and better represented than at present; and if
that would be a sufficient number for their national legislature,
one-third of that number will be more than sufficient for our
federal legislature who will have few general matters to transact.
But these and other objections have been considered in a
former paper, before referred to. I shall therefore conclude this
with my best wishes for the continuance of the peace, liberty and
union of these states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Citizen of New Haven.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page237">[pg 237]</span><a name="Pg237" id="Pg237" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Citizen Of New Haven, II.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New Haven Gazette,
(Number 51)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, December 25, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Observations on the New Federal Constitution.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In order to form a good Constitution of Government, the legislature
should be properly organized, and be vested with plenary
powers for all the purposes for which the government was instituted,
to be exercised for the public good as occasion may require.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The greatest security that a people can have for the enjoyment
of their rights and liberties, is that no laws can be made to bind
them nor any taxes imposed upon them, without their consent by
representatives of their own chusing, who will participate with
them in the public burthens and benefits; this was the great point
contended for in our controversy with Great Britain, and this will
be fully secured to us by the new constitution. The rights of
the people will be secured by a representation in proportion to
their numbers in one branch of the legislature, and the rights of
the particular states by their equal representation in the other
branch.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The President and Vice-President as well as the members of
Congress will be eligible for fixed periods, and may be re-elected
as often as the electors shall think fit, which will be a great security
for their fidelity in office, and give greater stability and
energy to government than an exclusion by rotation, and will be
an operative and effectual security against arbitrary government,
either monarchical or aristocratic.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page238">[pg 238]</span><a name="Pg238" id="Pg238" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The immediate security of the civil and domestic rights of the
people will be in the government of the particular states. And
as the different states have different local interests and customs
which can be best regulated by their own laws, it should not be
expedient to admit the federal government to interfere with them,
any farther than may be necessary for the good of the whole.
The great end of the federal government is to protect the several
states in the enjoyment of those rights, against foreign invasion,
and to preserve peace and a beneficial intercourse among themselves;
and to regulate and protect our commerce with foreign
nations.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These were not sufficiently provided for by the former articles
of confederation, which was the occasion of calling the late Convention
to make amendments. This they have done by forming
a new constitution containing the powers vested in the federal
government, under the former, with such additional powers as
they deemed necessary to attain the ends the states had in view,
in their appointment. And to carry those powers into effect,
they thought it necessary to make some alterations in the organization
of the government: this they supposed to be warranted by
their commission.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The powers vested in the federal government are clearly defined,
so that each state still retain its sovereignty in what concerns
its own internal government, and a right to exercise every
power of a sovereign state not particularly delegated to the government
of the United States. The new powers vested in the
United States, are, to regulate commerce; provide for a uniform
practice respecting naturalization, bankruptcies, and organizing,
arming and training the militia; and for the punishment of certain
crimes against the United States; and for promoting the progress
of science in the mode therein pointed out. There are
some other matters which Congress has power under the present
confederation to require to be done by the particular states, which
they will be authorized to carry into effect themselves under the
new constitution; these powers appear to be necessary for the
common benefit of the states, and could not be effectually provided
for by the particular states.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page239">[pg 239]</span><a name="Pg239" id="Pg239" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The objects of expenditure will be the same under the new
constitution, as under the old; nor need the administration of
government be more expensive; the number of members of Congress
will be the same, nor will it be necessary to increase the
number of officers in the executive department or their salaries;
the supreme executive will be in a single person, who must have
an honourable support; which perhaps will not exceed the present
allowance to the President of Congress, and the expence of supporting
a committee of the states in the recess of Congress.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is not probable that Congress will have occasion to sit longer
than two or three months in a year, after the first session, which
may perhaps be something longer. Nor will it be necessary for
the Senate to sit longer than the other branch. The appointment
of officers may be made during the session of Congress, and trials
on impeachment will not often occur, and will require but little
time to attend to them. The security against keeping up armies
in time of peace will be greater under the new constitution than
under the present, because it can't be done without the concurrence
of two branches of the legislature, nor can any appropriation
of money for that purpose be in force more than two years;
whereas there is no restriction under the present confederation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The liberty of the press can be in no danger, because that is
not put under the direction of the new government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If the federal government keeps within its proper jurisdiction,
it will be the interest of the state legislatures to support it, and
they will be a powerful and effectual check to its interfering with
their jurisdiction. But the objects of federal government will be
so obvious that there will be no great danger of any interference.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The principal sources of revenue will be imposts on goods imported,
and sale of the western lands, which will probably be sufficient
to pay the debts and expences of the United States while
peace continues; but if there should be occasion to resort to direct
taxation, each state's quota will be ascertained according to a rule
which has been approved by the legislatures of eleven of the states,
and should any state neglect to furnish its quota, Congress may
raise it in the same manner that the state ought to have done;
and what remedy more easy and equitable could be devised, to
obtain the supplies from a delinquent state?
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page240">[pg 240]</span><a name="Pg240" id="Pg240" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Some object, that the representation will be too small; but the
states have not thought fit to keep half the number of representatives
in Congress that they are entitled to under the present confederation;
and of what advantage can it be to have a large assembly
to transact the few general matters that will come under
the direction of Congress.—The regulating of time, place and
manner of elections seems to be as well secured as possible; the
legislature of each state may do it, and if they neglect to do it in
the best manner, it may be done by Congress;—and what motive
can either have to injure the people in the exercise of that right?
The qualifications of the electors are to remain as fixed by the
constitutions and laws of the several states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is by some objected, that the executive is blended with the
legislature, and that those powers ought to be entirely distinct
and unconnected, but is not this a gross error in politics? The
united wisdom and various interests of a nation should be combined
in framing the laws. But the execution of them should not
be in the whole legislature; that would be too troublesome and
expensive; but it will not thence follow that the executive should
have no voice or influence in legislation. The executive in Great
Britain is one branch of the legislature, and has a negative on all
laws; perhaps that is an extreme not to be imitated by a republic,
but the partial negative vested in the President by the new Constitution
on the acts of Congress and the subsequent revision,
may be very useful to prevent laws being passed without mature
deliberation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Vice-President while he acts as President of the Senate
will have nothing to do in the executive department; his being
elected by all the states will incline him to regard the interests of
the whole, and when the members of the senate are equally divided
on any question, who so proper to give a casting vote as
one who represents all the states?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The power of the President to grant pardons extends only to
offences committed against the United States, which can't be productive
of much mischief, especially as those on Impeachment
are excepted, which will exclude offenders from office.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It was thought necessary in order to carry into effect the laws
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page241">[pg 241]</span><a name="Pg241" id="Pg241" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the Union, to promote justice, and preserve harmony among
the states, to extend the judicial powers of the United States to
the enumerated cases, under such regulations and with such exceptions
as shall be provided by law, which will doubtless reduce
them to cases of such magnitude and importance as cannot safely
be trusted to the final decision of the courts of particular states;
and the constitution does not make it necessary that any inferior
tribunals should be instituted, but it may be done if found necessary;
'tis probable that the courts of particular states will be authorized
by the laws of the union, as has been heretofore done in
cases of piracy, &amp;c., and the Supreme Court may have a circuit
to make trials as convenient, and as little expensive as possible
to the parties; nor is there anything in the constitution to deprive
them of trial by jury in cases where that mode of trial has been
heretofore used. All cases in the courts of common law between
citizens of the same state, except those claiming lands under
grants of different states, must be finally decided by courts of the
state to which they belong, so that it is not probable that more
than one citizen to a thousand will ever have a cause that can
come before a federal court.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Every department and officer of the federal government will be
subject to the regulation and control of the laws, and the people
will have all possible securities against oppression. Upon the
whole, the constitution appears to be well framed to secure the
rights and liberties of the people and for preserving the governments
of the individual states, and if well administered, to restore
and secure public and private credit, and to give respectability to
the states both abroad and at home. Perhaps a more perfect one
could not be formed on mere speculation; and if upon experience
it shall be found deficient, it provides an easy and peaceable mode
to make amendments. Is it not much better to adopt it than to
continue in present circumstances? Its being agreed to by all
the states present in Convention, is a circumstance in its favour,
so far as any respect is due to their opinions.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Citizen of New Haven.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page243">[pg 243]</span><a name="Pg243" id="Pg243" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc17" id="toc17"></a>
<a name="pdf18" id="pdf18"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Letters Of Cato, Written By George Clinton.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The New York Journal,<br />
September-January, 1787-8.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page245">[pg 245]</span><a name="Pg245" id="Pg245" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These letters were commonly ascribed to the pen of George
Clinton in the press of the day, and that this ascription was right
seems to be proved by the following letter. Though signed by
Hamilton, it is in the handwriting of John Lamb, a leading anti-federalist
of New York, and is in the George Clinton MSS. in the
New York State Library. It thus seems apparent that it is a
copy secured in some way by Hamilton's political opponents:
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">October 18, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Dear Sir</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">:
</span></p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
Since my last the chief of the state party has declared his opposition
to the government proposed, both in private conversation
and in print. That you may judge of the </span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">reason</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">
and </span><em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">fairness</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%"> of
his views, I send you the two essays, with a reply by Cæsar. On
further consideration it was concluded to abandon this personal
form, and to take up the principles of the whole subject. These
will be sent you as published, and might with advantage be republished
in your gazettes.
</span></p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">A. Hamilton.</span></span>
</p>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This copy, so obtained, seems to have been the basis of the
following note in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">New York Journal</span></span>:
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">A writer in the state of New-York, under the signature of
</span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Cesar</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, came forward
against the patriotic </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Cato</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> and endeavoured
to frighten him from starting any objections and threatened that
</span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Cato</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> would be followed
by </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Cesar</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> in all his marches;</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> but we find
that as soon as ever </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Cato</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> came freely to discuss the merit of the
constitution </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Cesar</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> retreated and disappeared: and since that a
publication under the signature of Publius ... has appeared in
that state.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Another evidence in confirmation is, that the last of this series
was printed on January 3, 1788, and the New York Assembly
met on the 9th of the same month, after which Governor Clinton
was probably too occupied to write more, though no conclusion
was announced in the last essay, and it is probable no such termination
was intended. Following these are the two essays of
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cæsar</span></span> mentioned above.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page247">[pg 247]</span><a name="Pg247" id="Pg247" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cato, I.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New York Journal,
(Number 2134)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, September 27, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the New York Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of the State of New York</span></span>:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Convention, who sat at Philadelphia, have at last delivered
to Congress that system of general government, which they have
declared best calculated to promote your safety and happiness as
citizens of the United States. This system, though not handed
to you formally by the authority of government, has obtained an
introduction through divers channels; and the minds of you all,
to whose observation it has come, have no doubt been contemplating
it; and alternate joy, hope, or fear have preponderated, as
it conformed to, or differed from, your various ideas of just government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Government, to an American, is the science of his political
safety; this then is a moment to you the most important—and
that in various points—to your reputation as members of a great
nation—to your immediate safety, and to that of your posterity.
In your private concerns and affairs of life you deliberate with
caution, and act with prudence; your public concerns require a
caution and prudence, in a ratio suited to the difference and dignity
of the subject. The disposal of your reputation, and of your
lives and property, is more momentous than a contract for a farm,
or the sale of a bale of goods; in the former, if you are negligent
or inactive, the ambitious and despotic will entrap you in their
toils, and bind you with the cord of power from which you, and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page248">[pg 248]</span><a name="Pg248" id="Pg248" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
your posterity may never be freed; and if the possibility should
exist, it carries along with it consequences that will make your
community totter to its center: in the latter, it is the mere loss of
a little property, which more circumspection or assiduity may
repair.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Without directly engaging as an advocate for this new form of
national government, or as an opponent—let me conjure you to
consider this a very important crisis of your safety and character.
You have already, in common with the rest of your countrymen,
the citizens of the other states, given to the world astonishing evidence
of your greatness—you have fought under peculiar circumstances,
and were successful against a powerful nation on a speculative
question, you have established an original compact between
you and your governors, a fact heretofore unknown in the formation
of the governments of the world; your experience has informed
you, that there are defects in the federal system, and, to
the astonishment of mankind, your legislatures have concerted
measures for an alteration, with as much ease as an individual
would make a disposition of his ordinary domestic affairs: this
alteration now lies before you, for your consideration; but beware
how you determine—do not, because you admit that something
must be done, adopt anything—teach the members of that convention
that ye are capable of a supervision of their conduct.
The same medium that gave you this system, if it is erroneous,
while the door is now open, can make amendments, or give you
another, if it is required. Your fate, and that of your posterity,
depends on your present conduct; do not give the latter reason to
curse you, nor yourselves cause of reprehension; as individuals
you are ambitious of leaving behind you a good name, and it is
the reflection that you have done right in this life, that blunts the
sharpness of death; the same principles would be a consolation
to you, as patriots, in the hour of dissolution, that you would
leave to your children a fair political inheritance, untouched by
the vultures of power, which you had acquired by an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">unshaken
perseverance</span></em> in the cause of liberty; but how miserable the alternative—you
would deprecate the ruin you had brought upon
yourselves, be the curse of posterity, and the scorn and scoff of
nations.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page249">[pg 249]</span><a name="Pg249" id="Pg249" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Deliberate, therefore, on this new national government with
coolness; analize it with criticism; and reflect on it with candor:
if you find that the influence of a powerful few, or the exercise
of a standing army, will always be directed and exerted for your
welfare alone, and not to the aggrandizement of themselves, and
that it will secure to you and your posterity happiness at home,
and national dignity and respect from abroad, adopt it; if it will
not, reject it with indignation—better to be where you are for the
present, than insecure forever afterwards. Turn your eyes to the
United Netherlands, at this moment, and view their situation;
compare it with what yours may be, under a government substantially
similar to theirs.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Beware of those who wish to influence your passions, and to
make you dupes to their resentments and little interests—personal
invectives can never persuade, but they always fix prejudices,
which candor might have removed—those who deal in them have
not your happiness at heart. Attach yourselves to measures,
not to men.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This form of government is handed to you by the recommendations
of a man who merits the confidence of the public; but
you ought to recollect that the wisest and best of men may err,
and their errors, if adopted, may be fatal to the community;
therefore, in principles of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">politics</span></em>, as well as in religious faith,
every man ought to think for himself.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hereafter, when it will be necessary, I shall make such observations
on this new constitution as will tend to promote your
welfare and be justified by reason and truth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cato.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sept. 26, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page250">[pg 250]</span><a name="Pg250" id="Pg250" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cato, II.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New York Journal,
(Number 2136)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, October 11, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the New York Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">To the</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Citizens</span></span>
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">of the</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">State</span></span>
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">of</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">New York</span></span>:
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Remember, O my friends! the laws, the rights,</span></span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">The generous plan of power deliver'd down,</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">By your renown'd Forefathers;</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">So dearly bought, the price of so much blood!</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">O let it never perish in your hands!</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">But piously transmit it to your children.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The object of my last address to you was to engage your dispassionate
consideration of the new Federal government; to caution
you against precipitancy in the adoption of it; to recommend
a correction of its errors, if it contained any; to hint to you the
danger of an easy perversion of some of its powers; to solicit you
to separate yourselves from party, and to be independent of and
uninfluenced by any in your principles of politics; and that address
was closed with a promise of future observations on the
same subject, which should be justified by reason and truth. Here
I intended to have rested the introduction; but a writer under the
signature of CÆSAR, in Mr. Child's paper of the 1st instant, who
treats you with passion, insult, and threat, has anticipated those
observations which would otherwise have remained in silence
until a future period. It would be criminal in me to hesitate a
moment to appear as your advocate in so interesting a cause, and
to resist the influence of such doctrines as this Cæsar holds. I
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page251">[pg 251]</span><a name="Pg251" id="Pg251" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
shall take no other cognizance of his remarks on the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">questionable</span></em>
shape of my future, or the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">equivocal</span></em> appearance of my past reflections,
than to declare, that in my past, I did not mean to be misunderstood
(for Cæsar himself declares that it is obviously the
language of distrust), and that in my future there will not be the
semblance of doubt. But what is the language of Cæsar—he
ridicules your prerogative, power, and majesty—he talks of this
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">proffered constitution</span></em> as the tender mercy of a benevolent sovereign
to deluded subjects, or, as his tyrant name-sake, of his proffered
grace to the virtuous Cato:—he shuts the door of free deliberation
and discussion, and declares that you must receive this
government in manner and form as it is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">proffered</span></em>—that you cannot
revise or amend it, and lastly, to close the scene, he insinuates
that it will be more healthy for you that the American
Fabius should be induced to accept of the presidency of this new
government than that, in case you do not acquiesce, he should be
solicited to command an army to impose it on you. Is not your
indignation roused at this absolute, imperious style? For what
did you open the veins of your citizens and expend their treasure?
For what did you throw off the yoke of Britain and call yourselves
independent? Was it from a disposition fond of change,
or to procure new masters?—if those were your motives, you
have reward before you—go, retire into silent obscurity, and kiss
the rod that scourges you, bury the prospects you had in store,
that you and your posterity would participate in the blessings of
freedom, and the employments of your country—let the rich and
insolent alone be your rulers. Perhaps you are designed by
providence as an emphatic evidence of the mutability of human
affairs, to have the show of happiness only, that your misery may
seem the sharper, and if so, you must submit. But if you had
nobler views, and you are not designed by heaven as an example—are
you now to be derided and insulted? Is the power of
thinking, on the only subject important to you, to be taken away?
and if per chance you should happen to differ from Cæsar, are
you to have Cæsar's principles crammed down your throats with
an army? God forbid!
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In democratic republics the people collectively are considered
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page252">[pg 252]</span><a name="Pg252" id="Pg252" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
as the sovereign—all legislative, judicial, and executive power, is
inherent in and derived from them. As a people, your power
and authority have sanctioned and established the present government—your
executive, legislative, and judicial acknowledge it
by their public acts—you are again solicited to sanction and
establish the future one—yet this Cæsar mocks your dignity and
laughs at the majesty of the people. Cæsar, with his usual dogmatism,
enquires, if I had talents to throw light on the subject of
legislation, why did I not offer them when the Convention was in
session? He is answered in a moment—I thought with him and
you, that the wisdom of America, in that Convention, was drawn
as it were to a Focus. I placed an unbounded confidence in some
of the characters who were members of it, from the services they
had rendered their country, without adverting to the ambitious
and interested views of others. I was willingly led to expect a
model of perfection and security that would have astonished the
world. Therefore to have offered observation, on the subject of
legislation, under these impressions, would have discovered no
less arrogance than Cæsar. The Convention, too, when in session,
shut their doors to the observations of the community, and their
members were under an obligation of secrecy. Nothing transpired.
To have suggested remarks on unknown and anticipated
principles would have been like a man groping in the dark, and
folly in the extreme. I confess, however, I have been disappointed,
and Cæsar is candid enough to make the same declaration,
for he thinks it <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">might</span></em> have been more perfect.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But to call in dispute, at this time, and in the manner Cæsar
does, the right of free deliberation on this subject, is like a man's
propounding a question to another, and telling him at the same
that if he does not answer agreeable to the opinion of the propounder,
he will exert force to make him of the same sentiment:
to exemplify this, it will be necessary to give you a short history
of the rise and progress of the Convention, and the conduct of
Congress thereon. The states in Congress suggested, that the
articles of confederation had provided for making alterations in
the confederation—that there were defects therein, and as a means
to remedy which, a Convention of delegates, appointed by the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page253">[pg 253]</span><a name="Pg253" id="Pg253" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
different states, was resolved expedient to be held for the sole and
express purpose of revising it, and reporting to Congress and the
different legislatures such alterations and provisions therein as
should (when agreed to in Congress and confirmed by the several
states) render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies
of government. This resolution is sent to the different states, and
the legislature of this state, with others, appoint, in conformity
thereto, delegates for the purpose, and in the words mentioned in
that resolve, as by the resolution of Congress, and the concurrent
resolutions of the senate and assembly of this state, subjoined, will
appear. For the sole and express purpose aforesaid a Convention
of delegates is formed at Philadelphia: what have they done?
Have they revised the confederation, and has Congress agreed to
their report?—neither is the fact. This Convention have exceeded
the authority given to them, and have transmitted to Congress a
new political fabric, essentially and fundamentally distinct and
different from it, in which the different states do not retain separately
their sovereignty and independency, united by a confederate
league—but one entire sovereignty, a consolidation of them
into one government—in which new provisions and powers are
not made and vested in Congress, but in an assembly, senate, and
president, who are not known in the articles of confederation.
Congress, without agreeing to, or approving of, this system
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">proffered</span></em>
by the Convention, have sent it to the different legislatures,
not for their confirmation, but to submit it to the people; not in
conformity to their own resolution, but in conformity to the resolution
of the Convention made and provided in that case.<a id="noteref_53" name="noteref_53" href="#note_53"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">53</span></span></a> Was
it, then, from the face of the foregoing facts, the intention of Congress,
and of this and the other states, that the essence of our
present national government should be annihilated, or that it
should be retained and only have an increase of substantial necessary
powers? Congress, sensible of this latter principle, and that
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page254">[pg 254]</span><a name="Pg254" id="Pg254" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the Convention had taken on themselves a power which neither
they nor the other states had a right to delegate to them, and
that they could not agree to and approve of this consolidated
system, nor the states confirm it—have been silent on its character;
and although many have dwelt on their unanimity, it is no
less than the unanimity of opinion that it originated in an assumption
of power, which your voice alone can sanctify. This new
government, therefore, founded in usurpation, is referred to your
opinion as the origin of power not heretofore delegated, and, to
this end, the exercise of the prerogative of free examination is
essentially necessary; and yet you are unhesitatingly to acquiesce,
and if you do not, the American Fabius, if we may believe Cæsar
is to command an army to impose it. It is not my view to rouse
your passions. I only wish to excite you to, and assist you in, a
cool and deliberate discussion of the subject, to urge you to behave
like sensible freemen. Think, speak, act, and assert your
opinions and rights—let the same good sense govern you with
respect to the adoption of a future system for the administration
of your public affairs that influenced you in the formation of the
present. Hereafter I do not intend to be diverted by Cæsar, or
any other. My object is to take up this new form of national
government—compare it with the experience and opinions of the
most sensible and approved political authors—and to show that
its principles, and the exercise of them, will be dangerous to your
liberty and happiness.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cato.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page255">[pg 255]</span><a name="Pg255" id="Pg255" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cato, III.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New York Journal,
(Number 2138)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, October 25, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of the State of New York</span></span>:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the close of my last introductory address, I told you that
my object in the future would be to take up this new form of
national government, to compare it with the experience and opinions
of the most sensible and approved political authors, and to
show you that its principles, and the exercise of them, will be
dangerous to your liberty and happiness.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Although I am conscious that this is an arduous undertaking,
yet I will perform it to the best of my ability.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The freedom, equality and independence which you enjoyed by
nature, induced you to consent to a political power. The same
principles led you to examine the errors and vices of a British
superintendence, to divest yourselves of it, and to reassume a new
political shape. It is acknowledged that there are defects in this,
and another is tendered to you for acceptance; the great question
then, that arises on this new political principle, is, whether it will
answer the ends for which it is said to be offered to you, and for
which all men engage in political society, to wit, the preservation
of their lives, liberties, and estates.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The recital, or premises on which the new form of government
is erected, declares a consolidation or union of all the thirteen
parts, or states, into one great whole, under the firm of the United
States, for all the various and important purposes therein set
forth. But whoever seriously considers the immense extent of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page256">[pg 256]</span><a name="Pg256" id="Pg256" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
territory comprehended within the limits of the United States,
together with the variety of its climates, productions, and commerce,
the difference of extent, and number of inhabitants in all;
the dissimilitude of interest, morals, and politics, in almost every
one, will receive it as an intuitive truth, that a consolidated republican
form of government therein, can never <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">form a perfect
union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, promote the general
welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to you and your
posterity</span></em>, for to these objects it must be directed: this unkindred
legislature therefore, composed of interests opposite and dissimilar
in their nature, will in its exercise, emphatically be like a
house divided against itself.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The governments of Europe have taken their limits and form
from adventitious circumstances, and nothing can be argued on
the motive of agreement from them; but these adventitious political
principles, have nevertheless produced effects that have
attracted the attention of philosophy, which have established
axioms in the science of politics therefrom, as irrefragable as any
in Euclid. It is natural, says Montesquieu, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to a republic to have
only a small territory, otherwise it cannot long subsist: in a large
one, there are men of large fortunes, and consequently of less moderation;
there are too great deposits to trust in the hands of a single
subject; an ambitious person soon becomes sensible that he may
be happy, great, and glorious by oppressing his fellow citizens, and
that he might raise himself to grandeur, on the ruins of his country.
In large republics, the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views;
in a small one, the interest of the public is easily perceived, better
understood, and more within the reach of every citizen; abuses have
a less extent, and of course are less protected</span></em>—he also shows you,
that the duration of the republic of Sparta was owing to its having
continued with the same extent of territory after all its wars;
and that the ambition of Athens and Lacedemon to command and
direct the union, lost them their liberties, and gave them a monarchy.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
From this picture, what can you promise yourselves, on the
score of consolidation of the United States into one government?
Impracticability in the just exercise of it, your freedom insecure,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page257">[pg 257]</span><a name="Pg257" id="Pg257" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
even this form of government limited in its continuance, the employments
of your country disposed of to the opulent, to whose
contumely you will continually be an object—you must risk
much, by indispensably placing trusts of the greatest magnitude,
into the hands of individuals whose ambition for power, and
aggrandizement, will oppress and grind you—where from the vast
extent of your territory, and the complication of interests, the
science of government will become intricate and perplexed, and
too mysterious for you to understand and observe; and by which
you are to be conducted into a monarchy, either limited or despotic;
the latter, Mr. Locke remarks, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">is a government derived
from neither nature nor compact</span></span>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Political liberty</span></span>, the great
Montesquieu again observes, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">consists
in security, or at least in the opinion we have of security</span></span>; and this
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">security</span></em>, therefore, or the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">opinion</span></em>, is best obtained in
moderate governments, where the mildness of the laws, and the equality of
the manners, beget a confidence in the people, which produces
this security, or the opinion. This moderation in governments
depends in a great measure on their limits, connected with their
political distribution.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The extent of many of the states of the Union, is at this time
almost too great for the superintendence of a republican form of
government, and must one day or other revolve into more vigorous
ones, or by separation be reduced into smaller and more useful,
as well as moderate ones. You have already observed the
feeble efforts of Massachusetts against their insurgents; with what
difficulty did they quell that insurrection; and is not the province
of Maine at this moment on the eve of separation from her?
The reason of these things is, that for the security of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">property</span></em>
of the community, in which expressive term Mr. Locke makes
life, liberty, and estate, to consist—the wheels of a republic are
necessarily slow in their operation; hence in large free republics,
the evil sometimes is not only begun, but almost completed, before
they are in a situation to turn the current into a contrary
progression: the extremes are also too remote from the usual seat
of government, and the laws, therefore, too feeble to afford protection
to all its parts, and insure <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">domestic tranquility</span></em> without the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page258">[pg 258]</span><a name="Pg258" id="Pg258" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
aid of another principle. If, therefore, this state, and that of North
Carolina, had an army under their control, they never would have
lost Vermont, and Frankland, nor the state of Massachusetts suffer
an insurrection, or the dismemberment of her fairest district, but
the exercise of a principle which would have prevented these
things, if we may believe the experience of ages, would have
ended in the destruction of their liberties.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Will this consolidated republic, if established, in its exercise
beget such confidence and compliance, among the citizens of these
states, as to do without the aid of a standing army? I deny that
it will. The malcontents in each state, who will not be a few,
nor the least important, will be exciting factions against it—the
fear of a dismemberment of some of its parts, and the necessity to
enforce the execution of revenue laws (a fruitful source of oppression)
on the extremes and in the other districts of the government,
will incidentally and necessarily require a permanent
force, to be kept on foot: will not political security, and even the
opinion of it, be extinguished? Can mildness and moderation
exist in a government where the primary incident in its exercise
must be force? Will not violence destroy confidence, and can
equality subsist where the extent, policy, and practice of it will
naturally lead to make odious distinctions among citizens?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The people who may compose this national legislature from
the southern states, in which, from the mildness of the climate,
the fertility of the soil, and the value of its productions, wealth is
rapidly acquired, and where the same causes naturally lead to
luxury, dissipation, and a passion for aristocratic distinction;
where slavery is encouraged, and liberty of course less respected
and protected; who know not what it is to acquire property by
their own toil, nor to economize with the savings of industry—will
these men, therefore, be as tenacious of the liberties and interests
of the more northern states, where freedom, independence,
industry, equality and frugality are natural to the climate and
soil, as men who are your own citizens, legislating in your own
state, under your inspection, and whose manners and fortunes
bear a more equal resemblance to your own?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It may be suggested, in answer to this, that whoever is a citizen
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page259">[pg 259]</span><a name="Pg259" id="Pg259" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of one state is a citizen of each, and that therefore he will be
as interested in the happiness and interest of all, as the one he is
delegated from; but the argument is fallacious, and, whoever has
attended to the history of mankind, and the principles which bind
them together as parents, citizens, or men, will readily perceive
it. These principles are, in their exercise, like a pebble cast on
the calm surface of a river—the circles begin in the center, and
are small, active, and forcible, but as they depart from that point,
they lose their force, and vanish into calmness.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The strongest principle of union resides within our domestic
walls. The ties of the parent exceed that of any other; as we
depart from home, the next general principle of union is amongst
citizens of the same state, where acquaintance, habits, and fortunes,
nourish affection, and attachment; enlarge the circle still
further, and, as citizens of different states, though we acknowledge
the same national denomination, we lose in the ties of acquaintance,
habits, and fortunes, and thus by degrees we lessen in our
attachments, till, at length, we no more than acknowledge a sameness
of species. Is it, therefore, from certainty like this, reasonable
to believe, that inhabitants of Georgia, or New Hampshire,
will have the same obligations towards you as your own, and
preside over your lives, liberties, and property, with the same care
and attachment? Intuitive reason answers in the negative.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the course of my examination of the principles of consolidation
of the states into one general government, many other reasons
against it have occurred, but I flatter myself, from those
herein offered to your consideration, I have convinced you that
it is both presumptuous and impracticable, consistent with your
safety. To detain you with further remarks would be useless. I
shall, however, continue in my following numbers to analyse this
new government, pursuant to my promise.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cato.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page260">[pg 260]</span><a name="Pg260" id="Pg260" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cato, IV.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New York Journal,
(Number 2140)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, November 8, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the New York Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of the State of New York</span></span>:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Admitting, however, that the vast extent of America, together
with the various other reasons which I offered you in
my last number, against the practicability of the just exercise
of the new government are insufficient to convince; still it is
an undesirable truth, that its several parts are either possessed
of principles, which you have heretofore considered as ruinous
and that others are omitted which you have established as fundamental
to your political security, and must in their operation, I
will venture to assert, fetter your tongues and minds, enchain
your bodies, and ultimately extinguish all that is great and noble
in man.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In pursuance of my plan I shall begin with observations on the
executive branch of this new system; and though it is not the
first in order, as arranged therein, yet being the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">chief</span></em>, is perhaps
entitled by the rules of rank to the first consideration. The executive
power as described in the 2d article, consists of a president
and vice-president, who are to hold their offices during the
term of four years; the same article has marked the manner and
time of their election, and established the qualifications of the
president; it also provides against the removal, death, or inability
of the president and vice-president—regulates the salary of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page261">[pg 261]</span><a name="Pg261" id="Pg261" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
president, delineates his duties and powers; and, lastly, declares
the causes for which the president and vice-president shall be removed
from office.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Notwithstanding the great learning and abilities of the gentlemen
who composed the convention, it may be here remarked with
deference, that the construction of the first paragraph of the first
section of the second article is vague and inexplicit, and leaves
the mind in doubt as to the election of a president and vice-president,
after the expiration of the election for the first term of four
years; in every other case, the election of these great officers is
expressly provided for; but there is no explicit provision for their
election in case of expiration of their offices, subsequent to the
election which is to set this political machine in motion; no certain
and express terms as in your state constitution, that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">statedly</span></em>
once in every four years, and as often as these offices shall become
vacant, by expiration or otherwise, as is therein expressed,
an election shall be held as follows, &amp;c., this inexplicitness perhaps
may lead to an establishment for life.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is remarked by Montesquieu, in treating of republics, that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">in
all magistracies, the greatness of the power must be compensated
by the brevity of the duration, and that a longer time than a year
would be dangerous</span></em>. It is, therefore, obvious to the least intelligent
mind to account why great power in the hands of a magistrate,
and that power connected with considerable duration, may
be dangerous to the liberties of a republic, the deposit of vast
trusts in the hands of a single magistrate, enables him in their
exercise to create a numerous train of dependents; this tempts
his <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ambition</span></em>, which in a republican magistrate
is also remarked, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to
be pernicious</span></em>, and the duration of his office for any considerable
time favors his views, gives him the means and time to perfect
and execute his designs, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">he therefore fancies that he may be great
and glorious by oppressing his fellow-citizens, and raising himself
to permanent grandeur on the ruins of his country</span></em>. And here it
may be necessary to compare the vast and important powers of
the president, together with his continuance in office, with the
foregoing doctrine—his eminent magisterial situation will attach
many adherents to him, and he will be surrounded by expectants
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page262">[pg 262]</span><a name="Pg262" id="Pg262" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and courtiers, his power of nomination and influence on all appointments,
the strong posts in each state comprised within his
superintendence, and garrisoned by troops under his direction, his
control over the army, militia, and navy, the unrestrained power
of granting pardons for treason, which may be used to screen
from punishment those whom he had secretly instigated to
commit the crime, and thereby prevent a discovery of his own
guilt, his duration in office for four years: these, and various other
principles evidently prove the truth of the position, that if the
president is possessed of ambition, he has power and time sufficient
to ruin his country.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Though the president, during the sitting of the legislature, is
assisted by the senate, yet he is without a constitutional council
in their recess; he will therefore be unsupported by proper information
and advice, and will generally be directed by minions
and favorites, or a council of state will grow out of the principal
officers of the great departments, the most dangerous council in
a free country.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The ten miles square, which is to become the seat of government,
will of course be the place of residence for the president
and the great officers of state; the same observations of a great
man will apply to the court of a president possessing the powers
of a monarch, that is observed of that of a monarch—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ambition
with idleness</span></em>—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">baseness with pride</span></em>—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the
thirst of riches without labor</span></em>—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">aversion to
truth</span></em>—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">flattery</span></em>—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">treason</span></em>—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">perfidy</span></em>—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">violation
of engagements</span></em>—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">contempt of civil
duties</span></em>—<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hope from the magistrate's
weakness</span></em>; <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">but above all, the perpetual ridicule
of virtue</span></em>—these, he
remarks, are the characteristics by which the courts in all ages
have been distinguished.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The language and the manners of this court will be what distinguishes
them from the rest of the community, not what assimilates
them to it; and in being remarked for a behavior that
shows they are not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">meanly born</span></em>, and in adulation to people of
fortune and power.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The establishment of a vice-president is as unnecessary as it is
dangerous. This officer, for want of other employment, is made
president of the senate, thereby blending the executive and legislative
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page263">[pg 263]</span><a name="Pg263" id="Pg263" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
powers, besides always giving to some one state, from
which he is to come, an unjust pre-eminence.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is a maxim in republics that the representative of the people
should be of their immediate choice; but by the manner in which
the president is chosen, he arrives to this office at the fourth or
fifth hand, nor does the highest vote, in the way he is elected,
determine the choice, for it is only necessary that he should be
taken from the highest of five, who may have a plurality of votes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Compare your past opinions and sentiments with the present
proposed establishment, and you will find, that if you adopt it,
that it will lead you into a system which you heretofore reprobated
as odious. Every American Whig, not long since, bore
his emphatic testimony against a monarchical government,
though limited, because of the dangerous inequality that it
created among citizens as relative to their rights and property;
and wherein does this president, invested with his powers and
prerogatives, essentially differ from the king of Great Britain
(save as to name, the creation of nobility, and some immaterial incidents,
the offspring of absurdity and locality). The direct prerogatives
of the president, as springing from his political character,
are among the following: It is necessary, in order to distinguish
him from the rest of the community, and enable him to
keep, and maintain his court, that the compensation for his services,
or in other words, his revenue, should be such as to enable
him to appear with the splendor of a prince; he has the
power of receiving ambassadors from, and a great influence on
their appointments to foreign courts; as also to make treaties,
leagues, and alliances with foreign states, assisted by the Senate,
which when made become the supreme law of land: he is a constituent
part of the legislative power, for every bill which shall
pass the House of Representatives and Senate is to be presented
to him for approbation; if he approves of it he is to sign
it, if he disapproves he is to return it with objections, which in
many cases will amount to a complete negative; and in this view
he will have a great share in the power of making peace, coining
money, etc., and all the various objects of legislation, expressed
or implied in this Constitution: for though it may be asserted
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page264">[pg 264]</span><a name="Pg264" id="Pg264" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that the king of Great Britain has the express power of
making peace or war, yet he never thinks it prudent to do so
without the advice of his Parliament, from whom he is to derive
his support, and therefore these powers, in both president and
king, are substantially the same: he is the generalissimo of the
nation, and of course has the command and control of the army,
navy and militia; he is the general conservator of the peace of
the union—he may pardon all offences, except in cases of impeachment,
and the principal fountain of all offices and employments.
Will not the exercise of these powers therefore tend
either to the establishment of a vile and arbitrary aristocracy or
monarchy? The safety of the people in a republic depends on
the share or proportion they have in the government; but experience
ought to teach you, that when a man is at the head of an
elective government invested with great powers, and interested
in his re-election, in what circle appointments will be made; by
which means an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">imperfect aristocracy</span></em> bordering on monarchy
may be established.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
You must, however, my countrymen, beware that the advocates
of this new system do not deceive you by a fallacious resemblance
between it and your own state government which you so much
prize; and, if you examine, you will perceive that the chief magistrate
of this state is your immediate choice, controlled and
checked by a just and full representation of the people, divested
of the prerogative of influencing war and peace, making treaties,
receiving and sending embassies, and commanding standing
armies and navies, which belong to the power of the confederation,
and will be convinced that this government is no more like a true
picture of your own than an Angel of Darkness resembles an
Angel of Light.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cato.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page265">[pg 265]</span><a name="Pg265" id="Pg265" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cato, V.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New York Journal,
(Number 2145)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, November 22, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the New York Journal, &amp;c.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">To the</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Citizens</span></span>
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">of the</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">State</span></span>
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">of</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">New York</span></span>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In my last number I endeavored to prove that the language of
the article relative to the establishment of the executive of this
new government was vague and inexplicit; that the great powers
of the president, connected with his duration in office, would lead
to oppression and ruin; that he would be governed by favorites
and flatterers, or that a dangerous council would be collected
from the great officers of state; that the ten miles square, if the
remarks of one of the wisest men, drawn from the experience of
mankind, may be credited, would be the asylum of the base, idle,
avaricious and ambitious, and that the court would possess a
language and manners different from yours; that a vice-president
is as unnecessary as he is dangerous in his influence; that the
president cannot represent you because he is not of your own immediate
choice; that if you adopt this government you will incline
to an arbitrary and odious aristocracy or monarchy; that
the president, possessed of the power given him by this frame of
government, differs but very immaterially from the establishment
of monarchy in Great Britain; and I warned you to beware of the
fallacious resemblance that is held out to you by the advocates
of this new system between it and your own state governments.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
And here I cannot help remarking that inexplicitness seems to
pervade this whole political fabric; certainly in political compacts,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page266">[pg 266]</span><a name="Pg266" id="Pg266" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which Mr. Coke calls <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the mother and nurse of repose and quietness</span></em>
the want of which induced men to engage in political society,
has ever been held by a wise and free people as essential to their
security; as on the one hand it fixes barriers which the ambitious
and tyrannically disposed magistrate dare not overleap, and on
the other, becomes a wall of safety to the community—otherwise
stipulations between the governors and governed are nugatory;
and you might as well deposit the important powers of legislation
and execution in one or a few and permit them to govern
according to their disposition and will; but the world is too full
of examples, which prove that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to live by one man's will became
the cause of all men's misery</span></em>. Before the existence of express
political compacts it was reasonably implied that the magistrate
should govern with wisdom and justice; but mere implication was
too feeble to restrain the unbridled ambition of a bad man, or afford
security against negligence, cruelty or any other defect of
mind. It is alleged that the opinions and manners of the people
of America are capable to resist and prevent an extension of prerogative
or oppression, but you must recollect that opinion and
manners are mutable, and may not always be a permanent obstruction
against the encroachments of government; that the
progress of a commercial society begets luxury, the parent of
inequality, the foe to virtue, and the enemy to restraint; and that
ambition and voluptuousness, aided by flattery, will teach magistrates
where limits are not explicitly fixed to have separate and
distinct interests from the people; besides, it will not be denied
that government assimilates the manners and opinions of the
community to it. Therefore, a general presumption that rulers
will govern well is not a sufficient security. You are then under
a sacred obligation to provide for the safety of your posterity,
and would you now basely desert their interests, when by a small
share of prudence you may transmit to them a beautiful political
patrimony, which will prevent the necessity of their travelling
through seas of blood to obtain that which your wisdom might
have secured? It is a duty you owe likewise to your own reputation,
for you have a great name to lose; you are characterized
as cautious, prudent and jealous in politics; whence is it therefore
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page267">[pg 267]</span><a name="Pg267" id="Pg267" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that you are about to precipitate yourselves into a sea of uncertainty,
and adopt a system so vague, and which has discarded so
many of your valuable rights? Is it because you do not believe
that an American can be a tyrant? If this be the case, you rest
on a weak basis: Americans are like other men in similar situations,
when the manners and opinions of the community are
changed by the causes I mentioned before; and your political
compact inexplicit, your posterity will find that great power connected
with ambition, luxury and flattery, will as readily produce
a Cæsar, Caligula, Nero and Domitian in America, as the same
causes did in the Roman Empire.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But the next thing to be considered, in conformity to my plan,
is the first article of this new government, which comprises the
erection of the house of representatives and the senate, and prescribes
their various powers and objects of legislation. The most
general objections to the first article, that biennial elections for
representatives are a departure from the safe democratic principles
of annual ones—that the number of representatives are too few;
that the apportionment and principles of increase are unjust;
that no attention has been paid to either the numbers or property
in each state in forming the senate; that the mode in which they
are appointed and their duration will lead to the establishment of
an aristocracy; that the senate and president are improperly connected,
both as to appointments and the making of treaties, which
are to become the supreme law of the land; that the judicial, in
some measure, to wit, as to the trial of impeachments, is placed
in the senate, a branch of the legislative, and sometimes a branch
of the executive; that Congress have the improper power of
making or altering the regulations prescribed by the different
legislatures, respecting the time, place and manner of holding
elections for representatives, and the time and manner of choosing
senators; that standing armies may be established, and appropriation
of money made for their support for two years; that the
militia of the most remote state may be marched into those states
situated at the opposite extreme of this continent; that the slave
trade is, to all intents and purposes, permanently established,
and a slavish capitation or poll-tax may at any time be levied;
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page268">[pg 268]</span><a name="Pg268" id="Pg268" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
these are some of the many evils that will attend the adoption of
this government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But, with respect to the first objection, it may be remarked that
a well-digested democracy has this advantage over all others, to
wit: that it affords to many the opportunity to be advanced to
the supreme command, and the honors they thereby enjoy fill
them with a desire of rendering themselves worthy of them;
hence this desire becomes part of their education, is matured in
manhood, and produces an ardent affection for their country, and
it is the opinion of the great Sidney and Montesquieu that this
is, in a great measure, produced by annual election of magistrates.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If annual elections were to exist in this government, and learning
and information to become more prevalent, you never would
want men to execute whatever you could design. Sidney observes
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">that a well-governed state is as fruitful to all good purposes
as the seven-headed serpent is said to have been in evil; when one
head is cut off, many rise up in the place of it</span></em>. He remarks further
that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">it was also thought that free cities, by frequent election of magistrates,
became nurseries of great and able men, every man endeavoring
to excel others, that he might be advanced to the honor
he had no other title to, than what might arise from his merit or
reputation</span></em>; but the framers of this <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">perfect government</span></em>, as it is
called, have departed from this democratical principle, and established
biennial elections for the house of representatives, who are
to be chosen by the people, and sextennial for the senate, who
are to be chosen by the legislatures of the different states, and
have given to the executive the unprecedented power of making
temporary senators, in case of vacancies by resignation or otherwise,
and so far forth establishing a precedent for virtual representation
(though, in fact, their original appointment is virtual),
thereby influencing the choice of the legislatures, or if they should
not be so complaisant as to conform to his appointment, offence
will be given to the executive, and the temporary members will
appear ridiculous by rejection; this temporary member, during
his time of appointment, will of course act by a power derived
from the executive, and for, and under his immediate influence.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is a very important objection to this government, that the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page269">[pg 269]</span><a name="Pg269" id="Pg269" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
representation consists of so few; too few to resist the influence
of corruption, and the temptation to treachery, against which
all governments ought to take precautions—how guarded you
have been on this head, in your own state constitution, and yet
the number of senators and representatives proposed for this vast
continent does not equal those of your own state; how great the
disparity, if you compare them with the aggregate numbers in the
United States. The history of representation in England, from
which we have taken our model of legislation, is briefly this: before
the institution of legislating by deputies, the whole free part
of the community usually met for that purpose; when this became
impossible, by the increase of numbers, the community was
divided into districts, from each of which was sent such a number
of deputies as was a complete representation of the various numbers
and orders of citizens within them; but can it be asserted
with truth, that six men can be a complete and full representation
of the numbers and various orders of the people in this
state? Another thing that may be suggested against the small
number of representatives is, that but few of you will have a
chance of sharing even in this branch of the legislature; and that
the choice will be confined to a very few. The more complete it
is, the better will your interests be preserved, and the greater the
opportunity you will have to participate in government, one of
the principal securities of a free people; but this subject has been
so ably and fully treated by a writer under the signature of
Brutus,<a id="noteref_54" name="noteref_54" href="#note_54"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">54</span></span></a>
that I shall content myself with referring you to him
thereon, reserving further observations on the other objections
I have mentioned, for my future numbers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cato.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page270">[pg 270]</span><a name="Pg270" id="Pg270" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cato, VI.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New York Journal,
(Number 2163)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, December 16, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the New York Journal, &amp;c.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">To the</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">People</span></span>
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">of the</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">State</span></span>
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">of</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">New York</span></span>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The next objection that arises against this proffered constitution
is, that the apportionment of representatives and direct taxes
are unjust. The words, as expressed in this article, are <span class="tei tei-q">“representatives
and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several
states which may be included in this union, according to their
respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the
whole number of free persons, including those bound to service
for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths
of all other persons.”</span> In order to elucidate this, it will be necessary
to repeat the remark in my last number, that the mode of
legislation in the infancy of free communities was by the collective
body, and this consisted of free persons, or those whose age admitted
them to the right of mankind and citizenship, whose sex
made them capable of protecting the state, and whose birth may
be denominated Free Born; and no traces can be found that ever
women, children, and slaves, or those who were not sui juris, in
the early days of legislation, meeting with the free members of
the community to deliberate on public measures; hence is derived
this maxim in free governments, that representation ought
to bear a proportion to the number of free inhabitants in a community;
this principle your own state constitution, and others,
have observed in the establishment of a future census, in order to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page271">[pg 271]</span><a name="Pg271" id="Pg271" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
apportion the representatives, and to increase or diminish the
representation to the ratio of the increase or diminution of electors.
But, what aid can the community derive from the assistance of
women, infants and slaves, in their deliberation, or in their defence?
and what motives, therefore, could the convention have in
departing from the just and rational principle of representation,
which is the governing principle of this state and of all America?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The doctrine of taxation is a very important one, and nothing
requires more wisdom and prudence than the regulation of that
portion, which is taken from, and of that which is left to the
subject—and if you anticipate what will be the enormous expense
of this new government added also to your own, little will
that portion be which will be left to you. I know there are politicians
who believe that you should be loaded with taxes, in
order to make you industrious, and, perhaps, there are some of
this opinion in the convention, but it is an erroneous principle.
For, what can inspire you with industry, if the greatest measure
of your labors are to be swallowed up in taxes? The advocates
for this new system hold out an idea, that you will have but little
to pay, for that the revenues will be so managed as to be almost
wholly drawn from the source of trade or duties on imports, but
this is delusive—for this government to discharge all its incidental
expenses, besides paying the interest on the home and
foreign debts, will require more money than its commerce can
afford; and if you reflect one moment, you will find, that if heavy
duties are laid on merchandise, as must be the case if government
intends to make this the prime medium to lighten the people
of taxes, that the price of the commodities, useful as well as
luxurious, must be increased; the consumers will be fewer; the
merchants must import less; trade will languish, and this source
of revenue in a great measure be dried up; but if you examine
this a little further you will find that this revenue, managed in this
way, will come out of you, and be a very heavy and ruinous one,
at least. The merchant no more than advances the money for
you to the public and will not, nor cannot pay any part of it himself;
and if he pays more duties, he will sell his commodities
at a price portionably raised. Thus the laborer, mechanic, and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page272">[pg 272]</span><a name="Pg272" id="Pg272" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
farmer must feel it in the purchase of their utensils and clothing—wages,
etc., must rise with the price of things or they must be
ruined; and that must be the case with the farmer, whose produce
will not increase, in the ratio, with labor, utensils and clothing;
for that he must sell at the usual price or lower perhaps, caused
by the decrease of trade; the consequence will be that he must
mortgage his farm, and then comes inevitable bankruptcy.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In what manner then will you be eased, if the expenses of government
are to be raised solely out of the commerce of this
country; do you not readily apprehend the fallacy of this argument?
But government will find that to press so heavily on
commerce will not do, and therefore must have recourse to other
objects; these will be a capitation or poll-tax, window lights, etc.,
etc., and a long train of impositions which their ingenuity will
suggest; but will you submit to be numbered like the slaves of an
arbitrary despot; and what will be your reflections when the tax-master
thunders at your door for the duty on that light which is
the bounty of heaven. It will be the policy of the great landholders
who will chiefly compose this senate, and perhaps a
majority of this house of representatives, to keep their lands
free from taxes; and this is confirmed by the failure of every attempt
to lay a land-tax in this state; hence recourse must and
will be had to the sources I mentioned before. The burdens on
you will be insupportable—your complaints will be inefficacious—this
will beget public disturbances; and I will venture to predict,
without the spirit of prophecy, that you and the government,
if it is adopted, will one day be at issue on this point.
The force of government will be exerted, this will call for an increase
of revenue, and will add fuel to the fire. The result will
be that either you will revolve to some other form, or that government
will give peace to the country by destroying the opposition.
If government therefore can, notwithstanding every opposition,
raise a revenue on such things as are odious and burdensome
to you, they can do anything.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But why should the number of individuals be the principle to
apportion the taxes in each state, and to include in that number
women, children and slaves? The most natural and equitable
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page273">[pg 273]</span><a name="Pg273" id="Pg273" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
principle of apportioning taxes would be in a ratio to their property,
and a reasonable impost in a ratio to their trade; but you
are told to look for the reason of these things in accommodation;
but this much-admired principle, when stripped of its mystery,
will in this case appear to be no less than a basis for an odious
poll-tax—the offspring of despotic governments, a thing so detestable
that the state of Maryland, in their bill of rights, declares
<span class="tei tei-q">“that the levying taxes by the poll is grievous and oppressive,
and ought to be abolished.”</span> A poll-tax is at all times oppressive
to the poor, and their greatest misfortune will consist in having
more prolific wives than the rich.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In every civilized community, even in those of the most democratic
kind, there are principles which lead to an aristocracy—these
are superior talents, fortunes and public employments. But
in free governments the influence of the two former is resisted by
the equality of the laws, and the latter by the frequency of elections,
and the chance that every one has in sharing in public
business; but when this natural and artificial eminence is assisted
by principles interwoven in this government; when the senate, so
important a branch of the legislature, is so far removed from the
people as to have little or no connection with them; when their
duration in office is such as to have the resemblance to perpetuity;
when they are connected with the executive, by the appointment
of all officers, and also to become a judiciary for the trial of officers
of their own appointments; added to all this, when none but
men of opulence will hold a seat, what is there left to resist and
repel this host of influence and power? Will the feeble efforts of
the house of representatives, in whom your security ought to
subsist, consisting of about seventy-three, be able to hold the
balance against them, when, from the fewness of members in this
house, the senate will have in their power to poison even a majority
of that body by douceurs of office for themselves or friends?
From causes like this both Montesquieu and Hume have predicted
the decline of the British government into that of an absolute
one; but the liberties of this country, it is probable, if this
system is adopted, will be strangled in their birth; for whenever
the executive and senate can destroy the independence of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page274">[pg 274]</span><a name="Pg274" id="Pg274" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
majority in the house of representatives, then where is your security?
They are so intimately connected, that their interests
will be one and the same; and will the slow increase of numbers
be able to afford a repelling principle? But you are told to
adopt this government first, and you will always be able to alter
it afterwards; this would first be submitting to be slaves and then
taking care of your liberty; and when your chains are on, then to
act like freemen.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Complete acts of legislation, which are to become the supreme
law of the land, ought to be the united act of all the branches of
government; but there is one of the most important duties may
be managed by the Senate and executive alone, and to have all
the force of the law paramount without the aid or interference of
the House of Representatives; that is the power of making
treaties. This power is a very important one, and may be exercised
in various ways, so as to affect your person and property,
and even the domain of the nation. By treaties you may defalcate
part of the empire; engagements may be made to raise an
army, and you may be transported to Europe, to fight the wars
of ambitious princes; money may be contracted for, and you
must pay it; and a thousand other obligations may be entered
into; all which will become the supreme law of the land, and you
are bound by it. If treaties are erroneously or wickedly made who
is there to punish,—the executive can always cover himself with
the plea that he was advised by the senate, and the senate being
a collective body are not easily made accountable for mal-administration.
On this account we are in a worse situation than
Great Britain, where they have secured by a ridiculous fiction,
the king from accountability, by declaring that he can do no
wrong, by which means the nation can have redress against his
minister; but with us infallibility pervades every part of the system,
and neither the executive nor his council, who are a collective
body, and his advisers, can be brought to punishment for
mal-administration.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cato.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page275">[pg 275]</span><a name="Pg275" id="Pg275" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cato, VII.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New York Journal,
(Number 2181)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thursday, January 3, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the New York Journal, &amp;c.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of the State of New York.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
That the president and senate are further improperly connected
will appear, if it is considered that their dependence on each other
will prevent either from being a check upon the other; they must
act in concert, and whether the power and influence of the one
or the other is to prevail, will depend on the character and abilities
of the men who hold those offices at the time. The senate
is vested with such a proportion of the executive that it would be
found necessary that they should be constantly sitting. This
circumstance did not escape the convention, and they have provided
for the event, in the 2d article, which declares that the
executive may, on extraordinary occasions, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">convene both houses or
either of them</span></em>. No occasion can exist for calling the assembly
without the senate; the words <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">or either of them</span></em> must have been
intended to apply only to the senate. Their wages are already
provided for, and it will be therefore readily observed that the
partition between a perpetuation of their sessions, and a perpetuation
of offices in the progress of the government, will be found
to be but thin and feeble. Besides, the senate, who have the sole
power to try all impeachments, in case of the impeachment of the
president are to determine, as judges, the propriety of the advice
they gave him as senators. Can the senate in this, therefore, be
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page276">[pg 276]</span><a name="Pg276" id="Pg276" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
an impartial judicature? And will they not rather serve as a
screen to great public defaulters?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Among the many evils that are incorporated in this new system
of government is that of congress having the power of making
or altering the regulations prescribed by the different legislatures
respecting the time, place and manner of holding elections
for representatives, and the time and manner of choosing senators.
If it is enquired in what manner this regulation may be exercised
to your injury, the answer is easy. By the first article the house
of representatives shall consist of members, chosen every second
year by the people of the several states who are qualified to vote
for members of their several state assemblies; it can therefore
readily be believed, that the different state legislatures, provided
such can exist after the adoption of this government, will continue
those easy and convenient modes for the election of representatives
for the national legislature that are in use for the election
of members of assembly for their own states; but the
congress have, by the constitution, a power to make other regulations
or alter those in practice, prescribed by your own state
legislatures; hence, instead of having the places of elections in
the precincts and brought home almost to your own doors, congress
may establish a place, or places, at either the extremes,
center or outer parts of the states; at a time and season, too,
when it may be very inconvenient to attend; and by these means
destroy the rights of election. But in opposition to this reasoning,
it is asserted, that it is a necessary power, because the states might
omit making rules for the purpose, and thereby defeat the existence
of that branch of the government; this is what logicians
call <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">argumentum absurdum</span></span>;
for the different states, if they will
have any security at all in this government, will find it in the
house of representatives, and they, therefore, would be very ready
to eradicate a principle in which it dwells, or involve their country
in an instantaneous revolution. Besides, if this was the apprehension
of the framers, and the ground of that provision, why did
not they extend this controlling power to the other duties of the
several state legislatures? To exemplify this, the states are to
appoint senators and electors for choosing of a president; but the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page277">[pg 277]</span><a name="Pg277" id="Pg277" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
time is to be under the direction of congress. Now, suppose they
were to omit the appointment of senators and electors, though
congress was to appoint the time, which might well be apprehended,
as the omission of regulations for the election of members
of the house of representatives, provided they had that
power; or suppose they were not to meet at all; of course, the
government cannot proceed in its exercise. And from this motive
or apprehension, congress ought to have taken these duties entirely
in their own hands, and, by a decisive declaration, annihilated
them, which they in fact have done by leaving them without
the means of support, or at least resting on their bounty. To
this the advocates for this system oppose the common, empty
declamation, that there is no danger that congress will abuse this
power; but such language, as relative to so important a subject,
is mere vapor, and formed without sense. Is it not in their power,
however, to make such regulations as may be inconvenient to
you? It must be admitted, because the words are unlimited in
their sense. It is a good rule, in the construction of a contract,
to suppose that what may be done will be; therefore, in considering
this subject, you are to suppose that in the exercise of this
government, a regulation of congress will be made for holding an
election for the whole state at Poughkeepsie, at New York, or,
perhaps, at Fort Stanwix; who will then be the actual electors
for the house of representatives? You ought certainly to have
as much or more distrust with respect to the exercise of these
powers by congress, than congress ought to have with respect to
the exercise of those duties which ought to be entrusted to the
several states, because over them congress can have a legislative
controlling power.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hitherto we have tied up our rulers in the exercise of their
duties by positive restrictions; if the cord has been drawn too
tight, loosen it to the necessary extent, but do not entirely unbind
them. I am no enemy to placing a reasonable confidence
in them, but such an unbounded one as the advocates and framers
of this new system advise you to, would be dangerous to your
liberties; it has been the ruin of other governments, and will be
yours, if you adopt with all its latitudinal power. Unlimited power
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page278">[pg 278]</span><a name="Pg278" id="Pg278" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in governors as well as individuals is frequently the parent of deception.
What facilitated the corrupt designs of Philip of Macedon
and caused the ruin of Athens, but the unbounded confidence
in their statesmen and rulers? Such improper confidence Demosthenes
was so well convinced had ruined his country, that in
his second Philippic oration he remarks <span class="tei tei-q">“that there is one common
bulwark with which men of prudence are naturally provided,
the guard and security of all people, particularly of free states,
against the assaults of tyrants. What is this? Distrust. Of this
be mindful; to this adhere; preserve this carefully, and no calamity
can affect you.”</span> Montesquieu observes that <span class="tei tei-q">“the course of
government is attended with an insensible descent to evil, and
there is no reascending to good without very great efforts.”</span> The
plain influence from this doctrine is, that rulers in all governments
will erect an interest separate from the ruled, which will have a
tendency to enslave them. There is, therefore, no other way of
interrupting this insensible descent and warding off the evil as
long as possible, than by establishing principles of distrust on
your constituents, and cultivating the sentiment among yourselves.
But let me inquire of you, my countrymen, whether the
freedom and independence of elections is a point of magnitude?
If it is, what kind of a spirit of amity, deference and concession
is that which has put in the power of congress, at one stroke, to
prevent your interference in government, and do away your liberties
forever? Does either the situation or circumstances of things
warrant it?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cato.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page279">[pg 279]</span><a name="Pg279" id="Pg279" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc19" id="toc19"></a>
<a name="pdf20" id="pdf20"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Letters Of Cæsar, Written By Alexander Hamilton.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The Daily Advertiser,<br />
October, 1787.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page281">[pg 281]</span><a name="Pg281" id="Pg281" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These letters, from what has already been quoted on page 245,
were evidently written by Alexander Hamilton. He had just
finished a newspaper controversy of a very acrimonious character
with George Clinton, which probably caused these letters to be
an attack on the writer of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cato</span></span>, rather than a defense of the new
government. They are further evidence of the great want of
political tact and sympathy with the masses, of which Hamilton
gave so many specimens in his short life, and which alone prevented
his political success. That he himself realized this mistake
is shown by his prompt abandonment of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cæsar</span></span> and his beginning
again anew in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Federalist</span></span>; the latter being a singular
and interesting contrast in both tone and argument to these
earlier writings, which, it should be also considered, were undoubtedly
written in great haste.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page283">[pg 283]</span><a name="Pg283" id="Pg283" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cæsar, I.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Daily Advertiser,
(Number 812)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, October 1, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The citizens of the State of New York have received yesterday,
from <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cato</span></span> (an ally of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pompey</span></span>, no doubt),
an introductory discourse on the appearance of the new system for the government of the
United States: this, we are told, will be followed by such observations,
on the constitution proposed to the union, <span class="tei tei-q">“as will promote
our welfare and be justified by reason and truth.”</span> There
is, in this preparatory lecture, little that is necessary to be dwelt
on just now; and if Cato had not possessed his future investigations
in such terms as wore a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">questionable shape</span></em>, they should
have passed unheeded.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cato tells us that he will not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">directly engage as an advocate</span></em> for
this new form of government, or as an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">opponent</span></em>. Here Cato,
without any dispute, acts prudently. It will be wise in him to
rest awhile; since he has given a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">preface</span></em>, which, with small address,
can easily be made to work on either side. When the
sentiments of the confederate states come to be generally known it
will be time enough to proceed. Cato will then <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">start fair</span></em>. A little
caution, however, he thinks necessary to be given the meantime.
<span class="tei tei-q">“Do not,”</span> says this prudent censor, in addressing the citizens,
<span class="tei tei-q">“because you will admit that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">something</span></em> must be done, adopt
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">anything</span></em>.”</span> What, in the name of common sense, does this injunction
import? I appeal to men of understanding, whether it
is not obviously the language of distrust, calculated, as far as
such a thing can influence, to prejudice the public opinion
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page284">[pg 284]</span><a name="Pg284" id="Pg284" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
against the new constitution; and, in effect, by a periphrastic
mode of speech, recommending the rejection of it? <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Teach</span></em> the
members of the Convention (Cato <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">very modestly</span></em> goes on) that
you are capable of supervision of their conduct; the same medium
that gave you this system, if it is erroneous, while the door is
now open, can make amendments <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">or give you another</span></em>.”</span> O excellent
thought, and happily advised! Be clamorous, my friends—be
discontented—assert your prerogative—forever assert the
power and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">majesty of the people</span></em>. I am not willing to suspect
any man's intentions, when they aim at giving information; but
when they come abroad, couched in such <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">magisterial</span></em> terms, I
own I feel some indignation. If this demagogue had talents to
throw light on the subject of legislation, why did he not offer
them when the Convention was in session? If they had been
judged useful, no doubt they would have been attended to. But
is this <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">now a time</span></em> for such insinuations? Has not the wisdom of
America been drawn, as it were, into a focus, and the proffered
constitution sent forth with a unanimity that is unequalled in
ancient or modern story? And shall we now wrangle and find
fault with the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">excellent whole</span></em>, because, perhaps some of its parts
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">might have been</span></em> more perfect? There is neither virtue or patriotism
in such conduct. Besides, how can Cato say, <span class="tei tei-q">“that the
door is now open to receive any amendments, or give us <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">another
constitution</span></em>, if required?”</span> I believe he has advanced this without
proper authority. I am inclined to believe that the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">door of recommendation
is shut and cannot be opened by the same men</span></em>; that
the Convention, in one word, is dissolved; if so we must reject <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">in
toto</span></span>, or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">vice versa</span></span>; just take it as it is and be thankful.
I deny the similarity betwixt the present constitution and that of the
United Netherlands. Cato would have drawn a very melancholy
picture, but it won't apply. In my most humble opinion, it has
a much greater affinity with the government, which, in all human
probability, will remain when the history of the Seven Provinces
shall be forgotten. Cato tells us (what all America knows by
this time) that the new constitution comes sanctioned with the
approbation of General Washington; and, though he appears to
have some reverence for that great patriot chief, yet he very
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page285">[pg 285]</span><a name="Pg285" id="Pg285" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
sagaciously observes, that the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">best and wisest man may err</span></em>; and
thence asserts, that every man in <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">politics</span></em>, as well as in religion,
ought to judge for himself. This paragraph needs no comment,
and, for that reason, I shall not touch it; but with all deference
to Cato's penetration, I would recommend to him, instead of entering
into fruitless discussion of what has come from so many
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">clear heads</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">good hearts</span></em>, to join his fellow-citizens, and
endeavor to reconcile this <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">excellent constitution</span></em> to the
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">weak</span></em>, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">suspicious</span></em>,
and the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">interested</span></em>, who will be chiefly opposed to it, as
soon as possible. I would also advise him to give his vote (as he
will probably be one of the Electors) to the American Fabius; it
will be more healthy for this country, and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">this state</span></em>, that he
should be induced to accept of the presidency of the new government,
than that he should be solicited again to accept of the
command of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">an army</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cato, it appears, intends to adventure on perilous grounds; it
will therefore become him to be cautious on what terms he takes
the field. <span class="tei tei-q">“He advises us to attach ourselves to measures, and
not to men.”</span> In this instance he advises well; and I heartily
recommend it to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">himself</span></em>, and not to forget the force of that important
admonition; for Cato, in his future marches, will very
probably be <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">followed</span></em> by
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cæsar</span></span>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Friday.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page286">[pg 286]</span><a name="Pg286" id="Pg286" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cæsar, II.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Daily Advertiser,
(Number 826)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Wednesday, October 17, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Daily Advertiser.
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">The great source of all the evils which afflict Republics, is, that the people are too
apt to make choice of rulers, who are either Politicians without being Patriots, or
Patriots without being Politicians.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Mr. Childs</span></span>:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When I took notice of Cato's prefatory address to the Citizens
of the State of New York, in your paper of the first instant, I had
no serious intention of becoming a controversial defendant of the
new constitution. Indeed, if the system required defence, I was
neither so weak nor so vain as to suppose myself competent to
the task. To obviate difficulties which may arise, when such
weighty affairs as the principles of legislation are under discussion,
I am sensible requires talents far beyond my limited
abilities. When I offered a few remarks on Cato's introduction,
I was strongly impressed with the idea that even the most substantial
criticisms, promulgated by the most influential <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">avowed
Citizens</span></em>, could have no good tendency at <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">this time</span></em>. I viewed the
public mind as wound up to a great pitch of dissatisfaction, by
the inadequacy of the powers of the present Congress to the general
good and conversation of the union. I believed then, as I
do now, that the people were determined and prepared for a
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">change</span></em>. I conceived, therefore, that the wish of every good man
would be, that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">this change might be peaceably effected</span></em>. With this
view I opposed myself to Cato. I asserted, in my last, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">that the
</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page287">[pg 287]</span><a name="Pg287" id="Pg287" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-style: italic">
door of recommendation was shut, and cannot be opened by the
same men—that the Convention was dissolved.</span></em> If I am wrong, it
will be of great importance to Cato's future remarks that he make
it appear. If he will declare from sufficient authority, that the
members of the late Convention have only adjourned to give time
to hear the sentiments of every political disputant, that after the
numerous presses of America have groaned with the heavy productions
of speculative politicians, they will <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">again meet</span></em>, weigh
their respective merits, and accommodate accordingly—I say, if
Cato can do this, I make no hesitation in acknowledging the utility
of his plan. In the mean time, I positively deny having any,
the most distant desire of shutting the door of free discussion, on
any subject which may benefit the people; but I maintain (until
Cato's better information refutes me) that the door, as far as relates
to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">this subject</span></em>, is already shut, not by me, but by the highest
possible authority which the case admits, even by those great
Patriots who were delegated by the people of the United States
to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">open such a door</span></em>, as might enable them to escape from impending
calamities and political shipwreck. This distinction is clear,
I conceive, and ought to have some weight even with Cato, as
well as those for whom he writes. I am not one of those who
gain an influence by cajoling the unthinking mass (tho' I pity
their delusions), and ringing in their ears the gracious sound of
their <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">absolute Sovereignty</span></em>. I despise the trick of such dirty policy.
I know there are Citizens, who, to gain their own private
ends, enflame the minds of the well-meaning, tho' less intelligent
parts of the community, by sating their vanity with that cordial
and unfailing specific, that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">all power is seated in the people</span></em>. For
my part, I am not much attached to the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">majesty of the multitude</span></em>,
and therefore waive all pretensions (founded on such conduct), to
their countenance. I consider them in general as very ill qualified
to judge for themselves what government will best suit their
peculiar situations; nor is this to be wondered at. The science
of government is not easily understood. Cato will admit, I presume,
that men of good education and deep reflection, only, are
judges of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">form</span></em> of a government; whether it is constituted on
such principles as will restrain arbitrary power, on the one hand,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page288">[pg 288]</span><a name="Pg288" id="Pg288" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and equal to the exclusion of corruption and the destruction of
licentiousness on the other; whether the New Constitution, if
adopted, will prove adequate to such desirable ends, time, the
mother of events, will show. For my own part, I sincerely esteem
it a system, which, without the finger of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">God</span></span>, never could
have been suggested and agreed upon by such a diversity of interests.
I will not presume to say that a more perfect system
might not have been fabricated; but who expects perfection at
once? And it may be asked, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">who are judges of it</span></em>? Few, I believe,
who have leisure to study the nature of Government scientifically,
but will frequently disagree about the quantum of power
to be delegated to Rulers, and the different modifications of it.
Ingenious men will give every plausible, and, it may be, pretty
substantial reasons, for the adoption of two plans of Government,
which shall be fundamentally different in their construction, and
not less so in their operation; yet both, if honestly administered,
might operate with safety and advantage. When a new form of
government is fabricated, it lies with the people at large to receive
or reject it—that is, their <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">inherent rights</span></em>. Now, I would ask
(without intending to triumph over the weaknesses or follies of
any men), how are the people to profit by this inherent right?
By what conduct do they discover that they are sensible of their
own interests in this situation? Is it by the exercise of a well-disciplined
reason, and a correspondent education? I believe not.
How then? As I humbly conceive, by a tractable and docile
disposition, and by honest men endeavoring to keep their minds
easy, while others, of the same disposition, with the advantages
of genius and learning, are constructing the bark that may, by the
blessing of Heaven, carry them to the port of rest and happiness,
if they will embark without diffidence and proceed without mutiny.
I know this is blunt and ungracious reasoning; it is the best, however,
which I am prepared to offer on this momentous business;
and, since my own heart does not reproach me, I shall not be very
solicitous about its reception. If truth, then, is permitted to
speak, the mass of the people of America (any more than the
mass of other countries) cannot judge with any degree of precision
concerning the fitness of this New Constitution to the peculiar
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page289">[pg 289]</span><a name="Pg289" id="Pg289" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
situation of America; they have, however, done wisely in delegating
the power of framing a government to those every way
worthy and well-qualified; and, if this Government is snatched,
untasted, from them, it may not be amiss to inquire into the
causes which will probably occasion their disappointment. Out
of several, which present to my mind, I shall venture to select
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one</span></em>, baneful enough, in my opinion, to work this dreadful evil.
There are always men in society of some talents, but more ambition,
in quest of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">that</span></em> which it would be impossible for them to
obtain in any other way than by working on the passions and
prejudices of the less discerning classes of citizens and yeomanry.
It is the plan of men of this stamp to frighten the people with
ideal bugbears, in order to mould them to their own purposes.
The unceasing cry of these designing croakers is, My friends,
your liberty is invaded! Have you thrown off the yoke of one
tyrant to invest yourselves with that of another? Have you
fought, bled and conquered for <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">such a change</span></em>? If you
have—go—retire
into silent obscurity, and kiss the rod that scourges you.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To be serious: These state empirics leave no species of deceit
untried to convince the unthinking people that they have power
to do—what? Why truly to do much mischief, and to occasion
anarchy and wild uproar. And for what reason do these political
jugglers incite the peaceably disposed to such extravagant
commotions? Because until the people really discover that they
have <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">power</span></em>, by some outrageous act, they never can become of
any importance. The misguided people never reflect during this
frenzy, that the moment they become riotous, they renounce,
from that moment, their independence, and commence vassals
to their ambitious leaders, who instantly, and with a high hand,
rob them of their consequence, and apply it to their own present
or future aggrandisement; nor will these tyrants over the people
stick at sacrificing <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">their</span></em> good, if an advantageous compromise
can be effected for <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">themselves</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Before I conclude, I cannot refrain from observing that Cato
states very disingenuously the manner in which the Federal System
came abroad. He tells us, Congress were sensible that the
late Convention exercised a power which no authority could
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page290">[pg 290]</span><a name="Pg290" id="Pg290" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
delegate to them. The Convention, says Cato, have taken upon
them to make a perfectly new system, which by its operations
will absorb the sovereignties of the individual States; this new
government founded on <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">usurpation</span></em>, (Cato, this expression is very
indecent—but I will rouse no passions against you) this consolidated
system Congress did not approve and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">therefore</span></em> have been
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">silent</span></em> on its character. That Congress was silent on its character
is true, but could Cato find no other reason for their silence
than that of disapprobation? I believe Congress were by no
means dissatisfied with the freedom the Convention took with
the Articles of Confederation; I believe further that with very
few exceptions, that honorable body approves of the New Constitution;
and that they did not accompany it to the States with a
recommendatory capitation or circular letter, proceeded from a
delicate attention to the members of the late Convention, to a few
of their own body, and to the people of America at large. That
the Convention went so earnestly into the business committed to
their care ought, instead of being matter of chagrin, to occasion
the liveliest expressions of approbation and gratitude—as matters
stand just now. I think it may be fairly said, that no <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">generous
plan of government</span></em> for the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">United States</span></em> has ever been constructed,
(the plan only excepted which is under consideration)
so that it seems quite unnecessary in Cato to disturb the peace of
society by a bombast appeal to their feelings, on the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">generous
plan of power delivered down by their renowned forefathers</span></em>. I
venerate the memory of the slaughtered patriots of America, and
rejoice as much as Cato that they did not bleed in vain, but I
would have America profit by their death in a different manner
from him. I believe they sought to obtain liberty for no particular
State, but for the whole Union, indissolubly connected
under one controlling and supreme head.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cato complains of my anticipating parts of his subject which he
intended for future periods. I shall break in no more upon his
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">arrangements</span></em>. All he can say against the New Constitution has
been already disseminated in a neighboring State by the glorious
defenders of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Shayism</span></span>. I shall therefore leave Cato to the wicked
influences of his own heart, in the fullest persuasion that all good
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page291">[pg 291]</span><a name="Pg291" id="Pg291" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
citizens will combine their influence to establish the fair fabric of
American liberty beyond the reach of suspicion, violence, anarchy,
and tyranny. When this glorious work is accomplished, what
may America not hope to arrive at? I will venture to prophesy
that the day on which the Union under the new government shall
be ratified by the American States, that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">that day</span></em> will begin an era
which will be recorded and observed by future ages as a day
which the Americans had marked by their wisdom in circumscribing
the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">power</span></em> and ascertaining the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">decline</span></em> of the ancient
nations in Christendom.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cæsar.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
October 15.
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page293">[pg 293]</span><a name="Pg293" id="Pg293" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc21" id="toc21"></a>
<a name="pdf22" id="pdf22"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Letters Of Sydney. Written By Robert Yates.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The New York Journal,<br />
June, 1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page295">[pg 295]</span><a name="Pg295" id="Pg295" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sydney</span></span> was a favorite pseudonym of Robert Yates, and was so
well known as his pen name by his contemporaries that it was
hardly intended as a mask. He had already contributed to the
New York Journal a very able series of papers on the Constitution
over the signature of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Brutus</span></span>, written to influence the people,
but the elections had taken place before the appearance of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sydney</span></span>,
which were therefore intended for the delegates to the State Convention,
soon to assemble. A year later, when Yates was nominated
for governor by the Federalists, quotation from these articles
was one of the favorite modes of attacking him used by the
anti-federalists.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page297">[pg 297]</span><a name="Pg297" id="Pg297" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Sydney, I.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New York Journal,
(Number 2320)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Friday, June 13, 1788.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Daily Patriotic Register.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of the State of New York.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Although a variety of objections to the proposed new constitution
for the government of the United States have been laid before the
public by men of the best abilities, I am led to believe that representing
it in a point of view which has escaped their observation
may be of use, that is, by comparing it with the constitution
of the State of New York.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The following contrast is therefore submitted to the public, to
show in what instances the powers of the state government will
be either totally or partially absorbed, and enable us to determine
whether the remaining powers will, from those kind of pillars, be
capable of supporting the mutilated fabric of a government, which
even the advocates for the new constitution admit excels <span class="tei tei-q">“the
boasted models of Greece or Rome, and those of all other nations,
in having precisely marked out the power of the government and
the rights of the people.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It may be proper to premise that the pressure of necessity and
distress (and not corruption) had a principal tendency to induce
the adoption of the state constitutions and the existing confederation,
that power was even then vested in the rulers with the greatest
caution, and that, as from every circumstance we have reason
to infer that the new constitution does not originate from a pure
source, we ought deliberately to trace the extent and tendency of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page298">[pg 298]</span><a name="Pg298" id="Pg298" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the trust we are about to repose, under the conviction that a reassumption
of that trust will at least be difficult, if not impracticable.
If we take a retrospective view of the measures of Congress
who have their secret journals, the conduct of their officers,
at home and abroad, acting under an oath of secrecy, as well as
of individuals who were intimately connected with them, from the
year 1780 to the last convention, who also acted under an injunction
of secrecy (and whose journals have not been published even
to this day, but will no doubt continue buried in the dark womb
of suspicious secrecy), we can scarcely entertain a doubt but that
a plan has long since been framed to subvert the confederation;
that that plan has been matured with the most persevering industry
and unremitted attention, and that the objects expressed in
the preamble to the constitution, that is <span class="tei tei-q">“to promote the general
welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our
posterity,”</span> were merely the ostensible, and not the real reasons of
its framers. That necessity and danger have been the moving
causes to the establishment of the confederation will appear from
the words of Congress recommending its formation to the several
legislatures which are <span class="tei tei-q">“under a conviction of the absolute necessity
of uniting all our councils and all our strength to maintain
our common liberties. Let them be examined with liberality becoming
brethren and fellow-citizens, surrounded by the same iminent
dangers, contending for the same illustrious prize, and deeply
interested in being forever bound and connected together by the
ties the most intimate and indissoluble.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
That these principles equally applied to the formation of our
state constitution no person can seriously doubt who recollects
the rapid progress of the British troops in this state and in Jersey
in the year 1776, and the despondence which prevailed among
the people on that occasion. The convention of this state, about
that period, in explaining to the people the justice of the American
cause, addressed them as follows: <span class="tei tei-q">“You and all men were
created free and authorised to establish civil government for the
preservation of our rights against civil oppression, and the security
of that freedom which God had given you, against the rapacious
hand of tyranny and lawless power. If then God hath given
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page299">[pg 299]</span><a name="Pg299" id="Pg299" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
us freedom, are we not responsible to him for that as well as other
talents? If it is our birth-right, let us not sell it for a mess of
pottage, nor suffer it to be torn from us by the hand of violence.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The omission of a bill of rights in this State has given occasion
to an inference that the omission was equally warrantable in the
constitution for the United States. On this it may be necessary
to observe that while the constitution of this State was in agitation,
there appeared doubts upon the propriety of the measure,
from the peculiar situation in which the country then was; our
connection with Britain dissolved, and her government formally
renounced—no substitute devised—all the powers of government
avowedly temporary, and solely calculated for defence; it was
urged by those in favor of a bill of rights that the power of the
rulers ought to be circumscribed, the better to protect the people
at large from the oppression and usurpation of their rulers. The
English petition of rights, in the reign of Charles the First, and
the bill of rights in the reign of king William, were mentioned as
examples to support their opinions. Those in opposition admitted
that in established governments, which had an implied
constitution, a declaration of rights might be necessary to prevent
the usurpation of ambitious men, but that was not our
situation, for upon the declaration of independence it had become
necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority
<span class="tei tei-q">“under the former government should be totally suppressed, and
all the power of government exerted under the authority of the
people of the colonies;”</span> that we could not suppose that we had
an existing constitution or form of government, express or implied,
and therefore our situation resembled a people in a state of
nature, who are preparing <span class="tei tei-q">“to institute a government, laying its
foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such
form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and
happiness,”</span> and as such, the constitution to be formed would operate
as a bill of rights.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These and the like considerations operated to induce the convention
of New York to dismiss the idea of a bill of rights, and
the more especially as the legislative state officers being elected
by the people at short periods, and thereby rendered from time to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page300">[pg 300]</span><a name="Pg300" id="Pg300" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
time liable to be displaced in case of mal-conduct. But these
reasons will not apply to the general government, because it will
appear in the sequel that the state governments are considered in
it as mere dependencies, existing solely by its toleration, and possessing
powers of which they may be deprived whenever the general
government is disposed so to do. If then the powers of the
state governments are to be totally absorbed, in which all agree,
and only differ as to the mode, whether it will be effected by a
rapid progression, or by as certain, but slower, operations: what
is to limit the oppression of the general government? Where
are the rights, which are declared to be incapable of violation?
And what security have people against the wanton oppression of
unprincipled governors? No constitutional redress is pointed out,
and no express declaration is contained in it, to limit the boundaries
of their rulers; beside which the mode and period of their
being elected tends to take away their responsibility to the people
over whom they may, by the power of the purse and the sword,
domineer at discretion; nor is there a power on earth to tell them,
What dost thou? or, Why dost thou so?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I shall now proceed to compare the constitution of the state of
New York with the proposed federal government, distinguishing
the paragraphs in the former, which are rendered nugatory by the
latter; those which are in a great measure enervated, and such as
are in the discretion of the general government to permit or not.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 1st and 37th paragraphs of the constitution of the state
of New York.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 1st <span class="tei tei-q">“Ordains, determines, and declares that no authority
shall on any pretence whatever be exercised over the people or
members of this State, but such as shall be derived from and
granted by them.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 37th, <span class="tei tei-q">“That no purchases or contracts for the sale of lands
with or of the Indians within the limits of this state, shall be
binding on the Indians, or deemed valid, unless made under the
authority and with the consent of the legislature of this state.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I beg here to observe that the whole history of this spurious
constitution for the government of the United States, from its
origin to the present day, and the measures taken by Congress
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page301">[pg 301]</span><a name="Pg301" id="Pg301" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
respecting the Indian affairs in this state, are a series of violations
of these paragraphs, and of the 13th article of the confederation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It was a violation of the state constitution for the senate and
assembly, on the 19th of February, 1787, to instruct their members
to move in Congress for an act recommending a convention;
and it was also a violation of the 13th article of the confederation
for Congress, on the 21st day February, to recommend a convention
to the several legislatures. It was a further violation of the
constitution of this state, by the senate and assembly, on the 27th
day of March, to join and to appoint delegates to meet in convention,
and it being done in that hasty, if not surreptitious manner,
by joint resolutions, when acts of the least consequence, even for
the yoking of hogs, require to be passed under the formalities of
a law, makes it more glaringly so.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It was an outrageous violation in the convention on the 17th
of September, 1787, to attempt a consolidation of the union, and
utterly destroy the confederation and the sovereignty of particular
states, when their powers were restricted <span class="tei tei-q">“to the sole and
express purpose of revising and amending the confederation.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It was again an infringement of the 13th article in the confederation,
for Congress, on the 28th of September, not to arrest and
prevent its being transmitted to the several legislatures; nor was
the legislature of this state less culpable, in the beginning of February,
1788, who, in the course of three hours, took up and
concluded the measure of calling a convention without apprising
their constituents of the danger.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is notorious that the right of regulating Indian affairs, especially
with the five nations, has been in the colony of New York
since the year 1664, and before that period, from the year 1614,
whilst it was called New Nederland under the Dutch. That by
the confederation, although Congress are invested with the power
of regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians,
that they are restricted to those Indians <span class="tei tei-q">“not members of any of
the states, and a special proviso that the legislative rights of any
state within its own limits be not infringed or violated.”</span> It therefore
was a violation of the confederation and of the rights of the
state for the congressional commissioners of Indian affairs to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page302">[pg 302]</span><a name="Pg302" id="Pg302" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
treat, at fort Stanwix, with and thereat to make a purchase from
the five nations without the authority or consent of the legislature
of this state. It was an infraction of the rights of the citizens
of this state, and an insult on their government, for those commissioners
to wrest private property from individuals, imprison their
persons, set at defiance the civil authority of the county of Montgomery,
and violently to resist the execution of legal process.
Nor was the ordinance of the 7th of August, 1786, for the regulation
of Indian affairs, less so, namely, that <span class="tei tei-q">“the Indian department
be divided into two districts, viz.: the southern, which shall
comprehend within its limits all the nations in the territory of
the United States, who reside to the southward of the Ohio; and
the northern, which shall comprehend all the nations within the
said territory, and westward, not of lake Ontario, but of Hudson's
river; that a superintendent for the northern districts shall have
authority to appoint two deputies to reside in such places as
shall best facilitate the regulation of the Indian trade; that no
person, citizen or other, under the penalty of five hundred dollars,
shall reside among or trade with any Indian or Indian nations
within the territory of the United States, without a licence for that
purpose first obtained from the superintendent of the district, or
of one of the deputies, who is hereby directed to give such licence
to every person who shall produce from the supreme executive of
any state a certificate under the seal of the state, that he is of good
character and suitably qualified and provided for that employment,
for which licence he shall pay for one year the sum of fifty
dollars to the said superintendent for the use of the United
States.”</span> If this was the conduct of Congress and their officers,
when possessed of powers which were declared by them to be
insufficient for the purposes of government, what have we reasonably
to expect will be their conduct when possessed of the
powers <span class="tei tei-q">“to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among
the several states, and with the Indian tribes,”</span> when they are
armed with legislative, executive and judicial powers, and their
laws the supreme laws of the land—and when the states are prohibited,
without the consent of Congress, to lay any <span class="tei tei-q">“imposts or
duties on imports,”</span> and if they do they shall be for the use of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page303">[pg 303]</span><a name="Pg303" id="Pg303" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
treasury of the United States—and all such laws subject to the
revision and controul of Congress.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is therefore evident that this state, by adopting the new government,
will enervate their legislative rights, and totally surrender
into the hands of Congress the management and regulation
of the Indian trade to an improper government, and the traders
to be fleeced by iniquitous impositions, operating at one and the
same time as a monopoly and a poll-tax. The deputy by the
above ordinance, has a right to exact yearly fifty dollars from
every trader, which Congress may increase to any amount, and
give it all the operation of a monopoly; fifty dollars on a cargo
of 10,000 dollars' value will be inconsiderable, on a cargo of 1000
dollars burthensome, but on a cargo of 100 dollars will be intolerable,
and amount to a total prohibition, as to small adventurers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">ii, iii, ix, xii, and xxxi.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The second paragraph provides <span class="tei tei-q">“that the supreme legislative
power within this state shall be vested in two separate and distinct
bodies of men, the one to be called the assembly, and the
other to be called the senate of the state of New York, who together
shall form the legislature.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The ninth provides <span class="tei tei-q">“that the assembly shall be the judge of
their own members, and enjoy the same privileges, and proceed
in doing business in like manner as the assembly of the colony of
New York of right formerly did.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The twelfth paragraph provides <span class="tei tei-q">“that the senate shall, in like
manner, be judges of their own members,”</span> etc.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 31st describes even the stile of laws—that the stile of all
laws shall be as follows: <span class="tei tei-q">“Be it enacted by the people of the
state of New York represented in senate and assembly,”</span> and that
all writs and proceedings shall run in the name of the people of
the state of New York, and tested in the name of the chancellor
or the chief judge from whence they shall issue.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The third provides against laws that may be hastily and inadvertently
passed, inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution
and the public good, and that <span class="tei tei-q">“the governor, the chancellor
and judges of the supreme court, shall revise all bills about to be
passed into laws, by the legislature.”</span>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page304">[pg 304]</span><a name="Pg304" id="Pg304" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The powers vested in the legislature of this state by these paragraphs
will be weakened, for the proposed new government declares
that <span class="tei tei-q">“all legislative powers therein granted shall be vested
in a congress of the United States, which shall consist of a senate
and a house of representatives,”</span> and it further prescribes, that
<span class="tei tei-q">“this constitution and the laws of the United States, which shall
be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which
shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be
the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every state shall
be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any
state to the contrary notwithstanding; and the members of the
several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers,
both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound
by oath or affirmation to support this constitution.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Those who are full of faith, suppose that the words in pursuance
thereof are restrictive, but if they reflect a moment and take
into consideration the comprehensive expressions of the instrument,
they will find that their restrictive construction is unavailing,
and this is evinced by 1st art., 8 sect., where this government
has a power <span class="tei tei-q">“to lay and collect all taxes, duties, imposts and excises,
to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and
general welfare of the United States,”</span> and also <span class="tei tei-q">“to make all laws
which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the
foregoing powers vested by this constitution in the government
of the United States, or in any department or office thereof.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Art. 1st, sect. 7, provides a qualified negative, that is, that
<span class="tei tei-q">“every bill which shall be passed [by] the house of representatives
and the senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented
to the president of the United States.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To conclude my observations on this head, it appears to me as
impossible that these powers in the state constitution and those
in the general government can exist and operate together, as it
would be for a man to serve two masters whose interests clash,
and secure the approbation of both. Can there at the same
time and place be and operate two supreme legislatures, executives,
and judicials? Will a <span class="tei tei-q">“guarantee of a republican form of
government to every state in the union”</span> be of any avail, or secure
the establishment and retention of state rights?
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page305">[pg 305]</span><a name="Pg305" id="Pg305" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If this guarantee had remained, as it was first reported by the
committee of the whole house, to wit, ... <span class="tei tei-q">“that a republican constitution,
and its existing laws, ought to be guaranteed to each
state by the United States,”</span> it would have been substantial; but
the changing the word <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">constitution</span></em> into the word <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">form</span></em> bears no
favorable appearance.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">iv, v, xii, xvi.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The fourth provides, <span class="tei tei-q">“that the assembly of the state of New
York shall consist of at least seventy members, to be annually
chosen in the several counties in certain proportions.”</span> The 5th,
12th and 16th, declare that a census shall be taken every seven
years, to regulate the augmentation of the number seventy, so as
not to exceed three hundred. Here seventy members are divided
among the several counties, and consequently into at least
as many poles and sets of members to be annually chosen. If
this is contrasted with the constitution for the federal government—the
constitutional assembly or house of representatives will be
found to consist of sixty-five members divided among thirteen
states, to be chosen every second year. Six for the state of New
York; not distributed among the counties, but by all the counties.
And, although <span class="tei tei-q">“the times, places and manner of holding
elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in
each state by the legislature thereof,”</span> yet, as it provides that
<span class="tei tei-q">“Congress may at any time by law, make or alter those regulations,
except as to places of chusing senators”</span>—the power in the
state government to prescribe rules in those cases will be superseded
by the executive of the general government, perhaps to the
great inconvenience of the people.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">from the vith to the xiith.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The sixth paragraph recites that an opinion hath long prevailed
among divers of the good people of this state that the voting
at the election by ballot would tend more to preserve the liberty
and equal freedom of the people than voting viva voce; to
the end, therefore, that a fair experiment be made which of these
two methods of voting is to be preferred, it declares that after the
war elections shall be by ballot.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page306">[pg 306]</span><a name="Pg306" id="Pg306" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The seventh and eighth regulate the freeholds, and what property
shall entitle a man to vote; the ninth, the mode of conducting
business in the assembly, and their privileges; the tenth,
eleventh, and twelfth, the number of the senate, and how and by
whom they shall be elected.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
As these clauses regulate the mode of elections and qualifications
of the voters of senate and assembly, a relation of what gave
rise to the provisions for voting by ballot and that of the value of
the freehold, will help to unravel what otherwise may appear
mysterious.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In respect to the first it may be necessary to observe that under
the colonial government there existed violent parties, not known
by the name of whig or tory—republicans and aristocrats. Those
who were in the employments of government, or the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ins</span></em>, were for
extending the prerogative of the crown, while the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">outs</span></em> were checks
to it. Many of the leaders on both sides were under strong expectations
that sooner or later that branch of colonial government
called the king's council would be erected into a hereditary house
of lords. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ins</span></em> being nearest to the disposition of the offices
of honor and profit, and in the way of obtaining patents for vacant
lands, and being from time to time joined by other crown
officers and dependents, who flocked to and settled in this colony
since the year 1763, had the means of making use of undue influence
to retain their situations, which made the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">outs</span></em> at last dispair
of ever having a turn, unless the elections were by ballot. This
opinion was propagated in every part of the colony before and at
the time of the revolution, and so strongly did it operate upon the
committee that were ordered to consider of and report the constitution,
that at one time they had the whole system interwoven in
the draft; but either because it would have made it too lengthy, or
that one of the parties were then reduced, and not likely to rise
again into importance, about the time the draft was reported,
it was struck out and was left by the constitution to the legislature
to decide, as experience on the exercise of both principles
should suggest.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Sydney.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page307">[pg 307]</span><a name="Pg307" id="Pg307" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Sydney, II.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The New York Journal,
(Number 2321)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Saturday, June 14, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
For the Daily Patriotic Register.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of the State of New York.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(Concluded from yesterday's paper.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
As to the value of the freeholds, there has been great diversity
of opinions, for notwithstanding all agreed that the rights and liberties
of a country were ever in danger from the rich and poor,
and their safety in the middle sort or yeomanry of the country,
still the difficulty occurred in establishing the mean.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
While the convention, in 1776, was setting at Harlem, the outlines
of a constitution were handed about, to try, it was supposed,
the temper of the members, in which it was proposed to have a governor,
lieutenant governor, senate, and assembly; the qualification
of the governor, lieutenant governor, and senate, to be that each
should possess real estate to the value of 10,000 pounds, and to be
elected by freeholders possessing freeholds to the value of 1,000
pounds. Although this was not attended with bad effects, yet the
qualifications of the electors gave rise to various arguments, and,
among others, that as taxation and representation ought to go
together, so the right of electing shall be in proportion to the
value of each man's estate. To exemplify this, a man of £100
estate had one vote; a man of £1000 should have ten, and a man
of ten thousand pounds a hundred, and so on in the same ratio.
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page308">[pg 308]</span><a name="Pg308" id="Pg308" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Others on the contrary supposed that there ought to be no other
criterion than the age of twenty-one, a citizen born and resident
in this country; out of the two extremes was produced the present
system of election and qualification, both admitted to be as
secure and consistent rights as any that have been contrived.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is apprehended, from the duplicity in the wording of 1st
art., 4th sec., that seemingly to leave in the power of the respective
legislatures to regulate the elections, and still, that Congress
may at any time by law make or alter such regulations;
and the undesigned wording of the sixth article, that the constitution
and laws of the United States which shall be made in
pursuance thereof shall be the law of the land, anything in the
constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding,
will render the whole system ineffectual, if not nugatory, and a
new system as destructive to the liberties of the citizens as that
of the ratio of voices to the ratio of property introduced. Besides
being liable to have the whole State erected into one district,
and consequently may give rise to the inconveniences I
mentioned before.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">vii, sec. 6; viii, sec. 6; ix, sec. 6; x,
section 6; xi, sec. 6; xii,
sec. 2, 6; xvi, sec. 6; xiii, xxxv, xli.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the 13th paragraph <span class="tei tei-q">“no member of this State shall be disfranchised,
or deprived of any of the rights or privileges secured
to the subjects of the State by this constitution, unless by the law
of the land, or judgment of its peers.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 35th adopts, under certain exceptions and modifications,
the common law of England, the statute law of England and
Great Britain, and the acts of the legislature of the colony, which
together formed the law on the 19th of April, 1775.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 41st provides that the trial by jury remain inviolate forever;
that no acts of attainder shall be passed by the legislature
of this State for crimes other than those committed before the
termination of the present war. And that the legislature shall at
no time hereafter institute any new courts but such as shall proceed
according to the course of the common law.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There can be no doubt that if the new government be adopted
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page309">[pg 309]</span><a name="Pg309" id="Pg309" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in all its latitude, every one of these paragraphs will become a
dead letter: nor will it solve any difficulties, if the United States
guarantee <span class="tei tei-q">“to every state in the union a republican form of government;”</span>
we may be allowed the form and not the substance, and
that it was so intended will appear from the changing the word
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">constitution</span></em> to the word <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">form</span></em>
and the omission of the words, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">and
its existing laws</span></em>. And I do not even think it uncharitable to suppose
that it was designedly done; but whether it was so or not, by
leaving out these words the jurisprudence of each state is left to
the mercy of the new government. By 1st art., 8th sec., 1st clause,
<span class="tei tei-q">“The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties,
imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common
defence and general welfare of the United States.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the 9th clause of the same section, <span class="tei tei-q">“To constitute tribunals
inferior to the court.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the 18th clause, <span class="tei tei-q">“To make all laws which shall be necessary
and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers,
and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government
of the United States, or in any department thereof.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 3d art., 1st sec., <span class="tei tei-q">“The judicial power of the United States
shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts
as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By sec. 2nd, <span class="tei tei-q">“The judicial power shall extend to all cases in
law and equity.”</span> To have in various instances an original and
exclusive, in others a concurrent jurisdiction, and the supreme
court in many cases an appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and
fact. It provides, indeed, that the trial for crimes shall be by
jury, but has left the trial in civil matters to the mercy of construction
and their own legislative sovereign will and pleasure.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the 3d art., 3d sec., <span class="tei tei-q">“The Congress shall have power to declare
the punishment of treason, but no attainder shall work a
corruption of blood or forfeiture, except during the life of the
person attainted.”</span> By 1st art., 9th sec., 3d clause, <span class="tei tei-q">“No bill of attainder
or ex post facto law shall be passed.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">xvii, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, xxiii, xl.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 17th orders <span class="tei tei-q">“That the supreme executive power and authority
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page310">[pg 310]</span><a name="Pg310" id="Pg310" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of this State shall be vested in a governor.”</span> By the 18th
he is commander-in-chief of the militia and admiral of the navy
of the State; may grant pardons to all persons convicted of
crimes; he may suspend the execution of the sentence in treason
or murder.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the 19th paragraph he is to see that the laws and resolutions
of the legislature be faithfully executed.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the 27th he is president of the council of appointment, and
has a casting vote and the commissioning of all officers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 20th and 21st paragraphs give the lieutenant-governor, on
the death, resignation, removal from office, or impeachment of
the governor, all the powers of a governor.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 40th paragraph orders that the militia at all times, both in
peace and war, shall be armed and disciplined, and kept in readiness;
in what manner the Quakers shall be excused; and that a
magazine of warlike stores be forever kept at the expence of the
State, and by act of the legislature, established, maintained, and
continued in every county in the State.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Whoever considers the following powers vested in the government,
and compares them with the above, must readily perceive
they are either all enervated or annihilated.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the 1st art., 8th sec., 15th, 16th and 17th clauses, Congress
will be empowered to call forth the militia to execute the laws of
the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions; to provide
for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, for the governing
such part of them as may be employed in the service of
the United States, and for the erection of forts, magazines, etc.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
And by the 2nd art., 2d sec., <span class="tei tei-q">“The president shall be commander-in-chief
of the army and navy of the United States, and
of the militia of the several States when called into actual service
of the United States, except in cases of impeachment.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
And by the 6th art., <span class="tei tei-q">“The members of the several state legislatures,
and all the executive and judicial officers; both of the
United States, and of the several states, shall be bound by oath
or affirmation to support the constitution.”</span> Can this oath be taken
by those who have already taken one under the constitution of
this state?
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page311">[pg 311]</span><a name="Pg311" id="Pg311" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">xviii, sec. 17; xix, sec. 17; xx sec. 17; xxi, sec. 17; xxiii, sec.
17; xxii to xxx inclusive.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These paragraphs regulate the election, appointment, construction
and duration of all the state, county and district officers,
including the delegates to Congress, and how they severally are
to be created and commissioned.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 22d directs that the treasurer shall be appointed by act of
the legislature to originate with the assembly. The 23d establishes
a council to appoint the officers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 24th directs that the military officers shall be, during the
pleasure of the council, the chancellor, judges of the supreme
court, the first judge in every county until the age of 60.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Twenty-five and 28, which offices are incompatible, and the
tenure and duration of such officers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Twenty-six, that sheriffs and coroners be annually appointed,
and shall not continue more than four years.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Twenty-seven, that the officers of the court be appointed by
the respective courts, except the attorneys, by the first judge of
every court.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Twenty-nine, provides that town clerks, supervisors, assessors,
constables and collectors, and all other officers heretofore elegible
by the people, shall always continue to be so elegible.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thirty, directs the mode how the delegates to represent this
state in the general Congress of the United States shall be elected.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I apprehend that the paragraphs aforesaid will be compleatly
rendered unoperative by the following articles in the new constitution:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Second article, second section, second clause, the president
<span class="tei tei-q">“shall have power, and by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, shall appoint embassadors, other public ministers and
consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all officers of the United
States where appointments are not herein otherwise provided for,
and which shall be established by law; but the Congress may by
law vest the power of such inferior officers as they think proper,
in the president alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments.”</span>
By the 1st art., 8 section, 9, 18 clauses, Congress
have power <span class="tei tei-q">“to constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page312">[pg 312]</span><a name="Pg312" id="Pg312" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying
into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested
by this constitution in the government of the United States, or
in any department or officer thereof.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the third article, 2d section, there is an extensive federal
power as above-mentioned.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the 2d article, 2d section, the president <span class="tei tei-q">“shall take care
that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the
officers of the United States.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
From these powers lodged in Congress and the powers vested
in the states, it is clear that there must be a government within a
government, two legislative, executive and judicial powers. The
power of raising an army in time of peace, and to command
the militia, will give the president ample means to enforce the
Supreme laws of the land.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">xxiii, sec. 21; xxiv, sec. 21; xxv, sec. 21; xxvi, sec. 21; xxvii,
sec. 21; xxviii, sec. 21; xxix, sec. 21; xxx, sec. 21;
xxxi, sec. 2; xxxii, xxxiii, xxxiv.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 32d paragraph orders, <span class="tei tei-q">“That a court shall be instituted
for the trial of impeachments and the correction of errors under
the regulations which shall be established by the legislature, and
to consist of the president of the senate for the time being, and
the senators, chancellors and judges of the supreme court.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 33d vests the power of impeaching all officers of the state
for mal and corrupt practice in the representatives of the people
in assembly.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 34th allows the parties impeached or indicted for crimes
and misdemeanors to have counsel.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This system is undermined and rendered nugatory by 1st art.,
6th and 7th clauses, where the senate in the new constitution, have
the trial and judgment on all impeachments.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By 3d art., 2d sec, 3d clause, the trial of all crimes is regulated.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the 3d art., 3d sec., it is defined what shall be treason, the
proof required, the punishment, and how the judgment in attainder
shall operate.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page313">[pg 313]</span><a name="Pg313" id="Pg313" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">xxxiii, sec. 32; xxxiv, sec. 32; xxxv, sec. 13; xxxvii,
sec. 1; xxxviii, xxxix.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 38th paragraph provides <span class="tei tei-q">“that the free exercise and enjoyment
of religious procession and worship, without discrimination
or preference, shall forever hereafter be allowed within this
State to all mankind, provided that the liberty of conscience
hereby granted shall not excuse acts of licentiousness or justify
practices inconsistent with the peace or safety of the State.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 39th provides that <span class="tei tei-q">“no minister of the gospel, or priest of
any denomination whatsoever, shall at any time hereafter, under
any pretence or description whatever, be eligible to or capable of
holding any civil or military office or place within this state.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The first of those articles protects us from persecution in religious
matters. The other excludes the clergy from enjoying
any office, civil or military. Two provisions passed by in silence
by the framers of the new constitution; and although possibly
the leaders in both have been equally averse to a democratic
system, and have had the same object, the ruin of state government,
in view.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">xlii.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This paragraph provides <span class="tei tei-q">“that it shall be in the discretion of
the legislature to naturalize all such persons and in such manner
as they shall think proper.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The 1st art., 8 sec., 4th clause, give to the new government
power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
And by the 4th art., 2d sec., <span class="tei tei-q">“the citizens of each state shall
be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the
several states,”</span> whereby the clause is rendered entirely nugatory.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
From this contrast it appears that the general government,
when compleatly organized, will absorb all those powers of the
state which the framers of its constitution had declared should
be only exercised by the representatives of the people of the
state; that the burthens and expence of supporting a state establishment
will be perpetuated; but its operations to ensure or
contribute to any essential measures promotive of the happiness
of the people may be totally prostrated, the general government
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page314">[pg 314]</span><a name="Pg314" id="Pg314" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
arrogating to itself the right of interfering in the most minute
objects of internal police, and the most trifling domestic concerns
of every state, by possessing a power of passing laws <span class="tei tei-q">“to provide
for the general welfare of the United States,”</span> which may affect
life, liberty and property in every modification they may think
expedient, unchecked by cautionary reservations, and unrestrained
by a declaration of any of those rights which the wisdom
and prudence of America in the year 1776 held ought to be at
all events protected from violation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In a word, the new constitution will prove finally to dissolve
all the power of the several state legislatures, and destroy the
rights and liberties of the people; for the power of the first will
be all in all, and of the latter a mere shadow and form without
substance, and if adopted we may (in imitation of the Carthagenians)
say, Delenda vit Americæ.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Sydney.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page315">[pg 315]</span><a name="Pg315" id="Pg315" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc23" id="toc23"></a>
<a name="pdf24" id="pdf24"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Cursory Remarks By Hugh Henry Brackenridge.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The American Museum,<br />
April, 1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page317">[pg 317]</span><a name="Pg317" id="Pg317" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This article first appeared in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Pittsburgh Gazette</span></span>, but as I
have not been able to find a file of that paper, I have been compelled
to reprint it from <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The American Museum</span></span>. It was anonymous,
but its authorship is settled by its republication in Brackenridge's
<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gazette Publications</span></span>,”</span> printed in book form in 1806.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page319">[pg 319]</span><a name="Pg319" id="Pg319" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Cursory Remarks.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The American Museum,
(Number 4)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">April, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is not my intention to enter largely into a consideration of
this plan of government, but to suggest some ideas in addition
to, and of the same nature with, those already made, showing the
imperfections and the danger of it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The first thing that strikes a diligent observer, is the want of
precaution with regard to the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">sex</span></em> of the president. Is it provided
that he shall be of the male gender? The Salii, a tribe of
the Burgundians, in the 11th century, excluded females from the
sovereignty. Without a similar exclusion, what shall we think,
if, in progress of time, we should come to have an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">old woman</span></em> at
the head of our affairs? But what security have we that he shall
be a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">white man</span></em>? What would be the national disgrace if he
should be elected from one of the southern states, and a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">vile negro</span></em>
should come to rule over us? Treaties would then be formed with
the tribes of Congo and Loango, instead of the civilized nations
of Europe. But is there any security that he shall be a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">freeman</span></em>?
Who knows but the electors at a future period, in days of corruption,
may pick up a man-servant, a convict perhaps, and give
him the dominion? Is any care taken that he shall be of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">perfect
parts</span></em>? Shall we, in affairs of a civil nature, leave a door open to
lame men, bastards, eunuchs, and the devil knows what?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
A senate is the next great constituent part of the government;
and yet there is not a word said with regard to the ancestry of
any of them; whether they should be altogether Irish, or only
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page320">[pg 320]</span><a name="Pg320" id="Pg320" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Scots Irish. If any of them have been in the war of the White
Boys, the Heart of Oak, or the like, they may overturn all
authority, and make Shilelah the supreme law of the land.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The house of representatives is to be so large, that it can never
be built. They may begin it, but it can never be finished. Ten
miles square! Babylon itself, unless the suburbs are taken into
view, was not of greater extent.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But what avails it to dwell on these things? The want of a
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">bill of rights</span></em> is the great evil. There was no occasion for a bill
of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">wrongs</span></em>; for there will be wrongs enough. But oh! a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">bill of
rights</span></em>! What is the nature of a bill of rights? <span class="tei tei-q">“It is a schedule
or inventory of those powers which Congress do not possess.”</span>
But if it is clearly ascertained what powers they have, what need
of a catalogue of those powers they have not? Ah! there is the
mistake. A minister preaching, undertook, first, to show what
was in his text; second, what was not in it. When it is specified
what powers are given, why not also what powers are not given?
A bill of rights is wanting, and all those things which are usually
secured under it—
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">rights of conscience</span></em> are swept away. The Confession
of Faith, the Prayer-Book, the Manual and Pilgrim's Progress
are to go. The psalms of Watts, I am told, are the only thing
of the kind that is to have any quarter at all.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">liberty of the press</span></em>—that is gone at the first stroke.
Not so much as an advertisement for a stray horse, or a runaway
negro, can be put in any of the gazettes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">trial by jury</span></em>—that is knocked in the head, and all that
worthy class of men, the lawyers, who live by haranguing and
bending the juries, are demolished.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I would submit it to any candid man, if in this constitution
there is the least provision for the privilege of shaving the beard?
or is there any mode laid down to take the measure of a pair of
breeches? Whence is it then, that men of learning seem so
much to approve, while the ignorant are against it? The cause
is perfectly apparent, viz., that reason is an erring guide, while
instinct, which is the governing principle of the untaught, is certain.
Put a pig in a poke, carry it half a day's journey through
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page321">[pg 321]</span><a name="Pg321" id="Pg321" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
woods and by-ways, let it out, and it will run home without deviation.
Could Dr. Franklin do this? What reason have we
then to suppose that his judgment, or that of Washington, could
be equal to that of Mr. Smilie<a id="noteref_55" name="noteref_55" href="#note_55"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">55</span></span></a> in state affairs?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Were it not on this principle that we are able to account for it,
it might be thought strange that old Livingston,<a id="noteref_56" name="noteref_56" href="#note_56"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">56</span></span></a> of the Jersies,
could be so hoodwinked as to give his sanction to such a diabolical
scheme of tyranny amongst men—a constitution which may
well be called hell-born. For if all the devils in Pandemonium
had been employed about it, they could not have made a worse.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Neil MacLaughlin, a neighbor of mine, who has been talking
with Mr. Findley, says that under this constitution all weavers
are to be put to death. What have these innocent manufacturers
done that they should be proscribed?
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Let other states think what they will of it, there is one reason
why every Pennsylvanian should execrate this imposition upon
mankind. It will make his state most probably the seat of government,
and bring all the officers, and cause a great part of the
revenue to be expended here. This must make the people rich,
enable them to pay their debts, and corrupt their morals. Any
citizen, therefore, on the Delaware and Susquehannah waters,
ought to be hanged and quartered, that would give it countenance.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I shall content myself at present with these strictures, but shall
continue them from time to time as occasion may require.
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page323">[pg 323]</span><a name="Pg323" id="Pg323" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc25" id="toc25"></a>
<a name="pdf26" id="pdf26"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Letter Of Caution, Written By Samuel Chase.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
THE MARYLAND JOURNAL,<br />
October, 1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page325">[pg 325]</span><a name="Pg325" id="Pg325" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The authorship of this essay is fixed upon Chase by a letter of
Daniel Carroll, who in writing to Madison, alludes to both this,
and his reply, printed <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">post</span></span>.
Chase was the leader of the Anti-Federalists
in Maryland, but was at first compelled by popular
feeling to temporize, as is shown by the following extracts, taken
from the Maryland Journal for September 28, 1787:
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
The following is the conclusion of the speech of Samuel Chase, Esq., delivered this
day, at the Court House, before a numerous and respectable body of citizens.
</span></p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
(Published by request of many electors of Baltimore Town.)
</span></p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
The Constitution proposed by the late Convention, for the
United States, will alter, and in some instances, abolish our Bill
of Rights and Form of Government. The Legislature of this
State have no right to alter our Form of Government, but in the
mode prescribed by the Constitution. The only question for the
General Assembly to determine is this, whether they will recommend
to the people to elect delegates to meet in convention, to
consider and decide on the plan proposed. I have always maintained
the Union, and the increase of powers in Congress. I
think the Federal Government must be greatly altered. I have
not formed my opinion, whether the plan proposed ought to be
accepted as it stands, without any amendment or alteration. The
subject is very momentous, and involves the greatest consequences.
If elected, I will vote for, and use my endeavours to
procure a recommendation by the Legislature to call a convention,
as soon as it can conveniently be done, unless otherways
directed by this town.
</span></p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">September 26, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
Having been informed that my engagements of yesterday, to
the meeting at the Court House, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">to vote for, and use my endeavours
to procure a recommendation by the Legislature, to call
a convention as soon as it can conveniently be done,</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> is not understood;
from a desire, if possible, to remove all misunderstanding,
I take the liberty to declare, that by the promise I meant to
engage, and therefore do promise, if elected, that I will use my
endeavours to procure, at the next session of Assembly, and as
</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page326">[pg 326]</span><a name="Pg326" id="Pg326" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">
soon in the session as the necessary business of the State will
permit, a recommendation by the General Assembly to call a
convention, to consider and decide on the Constitution proposed
by the late Convention for the United States, and to appoint the
election of delegates to the Convention as soon as the convenience
of the people will permit. I further beg leave to add as my
opinion, that the election of delegates to the Convention ought
to be as early in the spring as may be.
</span></p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Samuel Chase.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Baltimore, September 27, 1787.</span></span>
</p>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There are attacks on Chase, by <span class="tei tei-q">“Steady”</span> in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Maryland
Journal</span></span> of September 28, 1787, and by <span class="tei tei-q">“Spectator,”</span> in
the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Maryland
Journal</span></span> of October 9, 1787.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page327">[pg 327]</span><a name="Pg327" id="Pg327" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Caution.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Maryland Journal,
(Number 976)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, October 12, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Inhabitants of Baltimore Town</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
An attempt to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">surprise</span></em> you into any <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">public</span></em> measure, ought to
meet your indignation and contempt. When violence or cunning
is substituted for argument and reason, suspicion should
take the alarm, and prudence should dictate the propriety of deliberation.
Questions of consequence in private life ought not to
be <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hastily</span></em> decided, and with greater reason, determinations that
involve the future felicity of a whole people, ought not to be
taken before the most mature and deliberate consideration, and a
free and full examination of the subject and all its consequences.
These reflections occurred on being informed that some gentlemen
of this Town employ themselves in carrying about and
soliciting subscribers to a petition, addressed to the General
Assembly, requesting them to call a Convention to ratify the new
system of government, proposed for the United States by the late
Convention at Philadelphia. If this petition contained no more,
it would not have been worthy of notice; but it publishes to the
world your entire approbation of the New Federal Government,
and your desire that it should be adopted and confirmed by this
State, as it stands, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">without any amendment or alteration</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The ostensible cause for offering you the petition to sign is,
that you may express your sentiments to the legislature, that
they ought to call a Convention to ratify the new form of government
for the United States; but the real design of the promoters
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page328">[pg 328]</span><a name="Pg328" id="Pg328" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the petition is to draw you into a declaration in favour
of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">whole</span></em> system, and to bind you hereafter to support it,
which you must do, or allege deception and surprise, if, on further
reflection, you should discover that you rashly gave an
opinion against your real interests. If the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">real</span></em> intention of the
promoters and carriers of this petition was <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">only</span></em> to obtain your
opinion in favour of calling a Convention, it might have been expressed
in a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">few</span></em> lines; and no one would oppose such a petition,
although improper and unnecessary, because your Delegates will
certainly move for, and exert themselves to procure, the calling
a Convention; and no member of the General Assembly will
deny that, in so doing, your Delegates speak your sentiments.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In my opinion, it is not necessary or proper for you, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">at this
time</span></em>, to express your approbation, or disapprobation, of the new
constitution for the United States, for the following reasons:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
First—because the decision, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for</span></em> or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">against</span></em>
the plan, is of the
greatest consequence, as it involves no less than the happiness or
misery of you and all your posterity forever; and therefore, I
think, requires your dispassionate and most deliberate consideration.
Secondly—because you want information, and have not
had time yourselves to examine the proposed system, and to
consider the consequences that may flow from rejecting or adopting
it. Thirdly—because time is not given for your countrymen
in this, and the other States, to consider the subject, and to lay
their sentiments and reasons for or against the measure before
you. Fourthly—because you ought to hear <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">both</span></em> sides, as the
man who determines on hearing one part only, will almost always
be mistaken in his judgment. He may be in the right, but it will
be by <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">chance</span></em> and not by <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">reason</span></em>. Fifthly—because you are
not pressed in point of time to determine on the subject; you have
at least three months for deliberation; to decide, therefore, in a
few days will be rashness and folly. Sixthly—when men urge
you to determine in <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">haste</span></em>, on so momentous a subject, it is not
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">unreasonable</span></em> to require their motives; and it is not
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">uncharitable</span></em>
to suspect that they are improper; and no possible mischief or
inconvenience can happen from delay.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">October 11, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Caution.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page329">[pg 329]</span><a name="Pg329" id="Pg329" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc27" id="toc27"></a>
<a name="pdf28" id="pdf28"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Letter Of A Friend To The Constitution, Written By Daniel Carroll.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The Maryland Journal,<br />
October, 1787.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page331">[pg 331]</span><a name="Pg331" id="Pg331" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Daniel Carroll wrote Madison that he had replied to Chase's
<span class="tei tei-q">“Caution,”</span> and as this is the only direct reply to that article I
have been able to find, I have ventured to ascribe this to him.
The letter is in the Madison Papers in the Department of State,
which at present are restricted from use, so I am unable to print
it here.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page333">[pg 333]</span><a name="Pg333" id="Pg333" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Friend To The Constitution.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Maryland Journal,
(Number 977)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, October 16, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Inhabitants of Baltimore Town.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
You have been addressed in the last Friday's paper, by a
writer under the signature of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Caution</span></span>, who would persuade you
that you ought to withhold your approbation, at this time, from
the Federal Constitution recommended by the Convention.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This writer may have the best intentions in the world towards
the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">public welfare</span></em>, and the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">prosperity of Baltimore</span></em>; but every
one must perceive that he is an enemy to the proposed Constitution,
and wishes to prevent you from expressing yourselves in its
favour, not only <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">at this time</span></em>, but at any <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">future time</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Mr. C—— is said to be the author of this admonition; but
that this is a malicious insinuation, aimed at his sincerity, will appear
by considering his <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">recent promise</span></em> on this subject, signed and
published by himself, in reference with the resolution of the Convention,
upon which that promise is founded. I shall state both
the resolution and promise, that you may judge for yourselves.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The resolve of the Convention declares, that the Constitution
should be submitted to a Convention of Delegates, chosen in each
State by the people, under the recommendation of its legislature,
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for their assent and ratification</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Mr. C—— being called upon, before his election, to declare
himself on this point, promises to the people, <span class="tei tei-q">“that he will use
his endeavours, if elected, to call a Convention.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I would just observe on this resolve and promise: First—that
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page334">[pg 334]</span><a name="Pg334" id="Pg334" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the resolve makes it an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">absolute condition</span></em> that the legislature
recommend a Convention <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to assent to, and ratify, the Constitution</span></em>.
Secondly—that the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">promise</span></em> made by Mr. C—— is obligatory
upon him, to use his endeavors to procure a Convention <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for this
purpose</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Another remark, which occurs on this occasion, is, that Mr.
C—— could not mean that a Convention ought to be called <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for
any other purpose</span></em> than to assent to, and ratify, the Constitution;
for it is absurd to suppose he meant the Convention should be
authorized by the legislature to propose amendments or alterations,
that being <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">contrary</span></em> to the declared intention of the resolution,
and the sense which his friends entertained of his engagement
at the time he entered into it. Mr. C——, therefore (without
presuming him capable of doing the greatest violence to his
promise), cannot be considered as the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">author of Caution</span></em>, who
argues strenuously, though indirectly, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">against adopting the Constitution</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
From this brief view of the nature and intention of the resolve,
I think it is evident that the people ought, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">without delay</span></em>, to signify
their approbation of the Constitution by <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">a petition to the
legislature</span></em>, to the end that the legislature, which is called upon
by the Convention and Congress to recommend to the people to
choose Delegates to ratify it, may have the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">authority of the largest
and most promising commercial and manufacturing Town in the
State</span></em> to countenance so <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">important a recommendation</span></em>.
But <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Caution</span></span>
thinks a petition <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">improper</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">unnecessary</span></em>; because, says he,
<span class="tei tei-q">“your Delegates will move for, and exert themselves to procure,
the calling a Convention.”</span> Admitting your Delegates to move
to have a Convention called, does it follow that they will add to
their motion these <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">essential words, to confirm and ratify the Constitution</span></em>?
Does it not rather appear, from the tenor of this
writer's remarks, that your Delegates ought to leave these words
out of their motion? But the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">propriety</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">necessity</span></em> of a
petition does not depend on what your Delegates may, or may not do.
It is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">proper</span></em> at this time, because the Constitution meets your approbation.
It is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">necessary</span></em> at this time, because wanted as an inducement
to the legislature to call upon the people to appoint a
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page335">[pg 335]</span><a name="Pg335" id="Pg335" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Convention to carry into effect the object of the resolution. In
other words, as the recommendation for a Convention <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">involves
the legislature in a complete approbation of the Constitution</span></em>, there
is the greatest <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">propriety</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">necessity</span></em>
for your telling the legislature
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">that it meets your approbation</span></em>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I am sorry to find, by <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Caution's</span></span> publication and insinuations,
which I am told are circulated with great industry, that an opposition
is opened against the Constitution. I did not, I confess,
expect to see it adopted without some opposition; but I could
not bring myself to believe, that this opposition could have originated
in Baltimore, which is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">so peculiarly interested in its speedy
adoption</span></em>. But what I intended to say on this point, is so well
expressed in a late speech of Mr. Wilson, to the people of Philadelphia,
previous to their election for representatives, that I shall
take the liberty of closing with it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“After all, my fellow-citizens, (says this excellent politician) it
is neither extraordinary nor unexpected, that the Constitution
offered to your consideration should meet with opposition. It is
the nature of man to pursue his own interest in preference to the
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">public good</span></em>; and I do not mean to make any personal reflection,
when I add, that it is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the interest of a very numerous, powerful and
respectable body to counteract and destroy the excellent work produced
by the late Convention</span></em>. All the offices of government, and
all the appointments for the administration of justice, and the
collection of the public revenue, which are transferred from the
individual to the aggregate sovereignty of the States, will necessarily
turn the stream of influence and emolument into a new
channel. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Every person, therefore, who either enjoys, or expects to
enjoy, a place of profit under the present establishment, will object
to the proposed innovations, not, in truth, because it is injurious to
the liberties of his country; but because it affects his schemes of
wealth and consequence.</span></em> I will confess, indeed, that I am not a
blind admirer of this plan of government, and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">that there are some
parts of it</span></em>, which, if my wish had prevailed, would certainly have
been altered. But, when I reflect how widely men differ in their
opinions, and that every man (and the observation applies likewise
to every state) has an equal pretension to assert his own, I
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page336">[pg 336]</span><a name="Pg336" id="Pg336" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
am satisfied that anything <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">nearer to perfection</span></em> could not have been
accomplished. If there are errors, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">it should be remembered</span></em>, that
the seeds of reformation are sown in the work itself, and the concurrence
of two-thirds of the Congress may, at any time, introduce
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">alterations and amendments</span></em>. Regarding it, then, in every point
of view, with a candid and disinterested mind, I am bold to assert,
that is the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">best form of government which has ever been offered to
the world</span></em>.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Friend to the Constitution.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baltimore, October 13, 1787.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page337">[pg 337]</span><a name="Pg337" id="Pg337" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc29" id="toc29"></a>
<a name="pdf30" id="pdf30"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Letters Of Luther Martin.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The Maryland Journal,<br />
January-March, 1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page339">[pg 339]</span><a name="Pg339" id="Pg339" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Luther Martin, afterwards nick-named the <span class="tei tei-q">“bull-dog of federalism,”</span>
was at this time the leading Anti-federalist in Maryland.
From his pen came the pamphlet entitled <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Genuine Information
... Relative to the Proceedings of the General Convention</span></span>; and
when the <span class="tei tei-q">“Landholder,”</span> (see <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ante</span></span>, page 135), attacked Elbridge
Gerry, he began this series of articles in defense of that gentleman,
but eventually, by the replies, was compelled to continue
the series as a personal vindication. According to a letter of
Daniel Carrol, Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer replied in the newspapers
to Martin, but I have not been able to identify this.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">New York Journal</span></span> for June 17, 1788, is a comparison
of the constitution as agreed upon early in the convention, with
that finally framed, which was probably written by Martin.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page341">[pg 341]</span><a name="Pg341" id="Pg341" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Luther Martin, I.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Maryland Journal,
(Number 1004)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, January 18, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Mr. William Goddard</span></span>:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sir</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
As the Publication under the Signature of the Connecticut
Landholder is circulating remote from the place of Mr. Gerry's
residence, and is calculated not only to injure the honourable
gentleman in his private character, but also to weaken the effect
of his opposition to the government proposed by the late convention,
and thereby promote the adoption of a System which I consider
destructive of the rights and liberties of the respective states
and of their citizens, I beg leave, through the channel of your
Paper, to declare to the Public that from the time I took my seat
in convention, which was early in June, until the fourth day of
September, when I left Philadelphia, I am satisfied I was not
ten minutes absent from convention while sitting (excepting only
five days in the beginning of August, immediately after the committee
of detail had reported, during which but little business was
done). That during my attendance I never heard Mr. Gerry or
any other member introduce a proposition for the redemption of
continental money according to its nominal or any other value,
nor did I ever hear that such a proposition had been offered to
consideration or had been thought of. I was intimate with Mr.
Gerry, and never heard him express, in private conversation or
otherwise, a wish for the redemption of continental money, or
assign the want of such a provision as a defect. Nor did I ever
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page342">[pg 342]</span><a name="Pg342" id="Pg342" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
hear in Convention, or anywhere else, such a motive of conduct
attributed to Mr. Gerry. I also declare to the Public that a considerable
time before I left the convention Mr. Gerry's opposition
to the System was warm and decided; that in a particular manner
he strenuously opposed that provision by which the power
and authority over the militia is taken away from the States and
given to the general government; that in the debate he declared
if that measure was adopted it would be the most convincing
proof that the destruction of the State governments and the introduction
of a king was designed, and that no declarations to
the contrary ought to be credited, since it was giving the states
the last coup de grace by taking from them the only means of
self preservation. The conduct of the advocates and framers of
this system towards the thirteen States, in pretending that it was
designed for their advantage, and gradually obtaining power after
power to the general government, which could not but end in
their slavery, he compared to the conduct of a number of jockeys
who had thirteen young colts to break; they begin with the appearance
of kindness, giving them a lock of hay, or a handful of
oats, and stroaking them while they eat, until being rendered sufficiently
gentle they suffer a halter to be put round their necks;
obtaining a further degree of their confidence, the jockeys slip a
curb bridle on their heads and the bit into their mouths, after
which the saddle follows of course, and well booted and spurred,
with good whips in their hands, they mount and ride them at
their pleasure, and although they may kick and flounce a little at
first, nor being able to get rid of their riders, they soon become
as tame and passive as their masters could wish them. In the
course of public debate in the convention Mr. Gerry applied to
the system of government, as then under discussion, the words of
Pope with respect to vice, <span class="tei tei-q">“that it was a monster of such horrid
mien, as to be hated need but to be seen.”</span> And some time before
I left Philadelphia, he in the same public manner declared in
convention that he should consider himself a traitor to his country
if he did not oppose the system there, and also when he left
the convention. These, sir, are facts which I do not fear being
contradicted by any member of the convention, and will, I apprehend,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page343">[pg 343]</span><a name="Pg343" id="Pg343" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
satisfactorily shew that Mr. Gerry's opposition proceeded
from a conviction in his own mind that the government, if
adopted, would terminate in the destruction of the States and in
the introduction of a kingly government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I am, sir, your very obedient servant,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Luther Martin</span></span>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baltimore, January 13, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page344">[pg 344]</span><a name="Pg344" id="Pg344" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Luther Martin, II.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Maryland Journal,
(Number 1018)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, March 7, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Mr. Goddard</span></span>:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sir</span></span>,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In consequence of the justice I did Mr. Gerry, on a former occasion,
I find myself complimented with an Address in your last
Paper. Whether the Landholder of the Connecticut Courant,
and of the Maryland Journal,<a id="noteref_57" name="noteref_57" href="#note_57"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">57</span></span></a>
is the same person, or different, is
not very material; I however incline to the former opinion, as I
hope for the honour of human nature, it would be difficult to find
more than one individual who could be capable of so total a disregard
to the principles of truth and honour. After having made
the most unjust and illiberal attack on Mr. Gerry, and stigmatized
him as an enemy to his country, and the basest of mankind,
for no other reason than a firm and conscientious discharge of an
important trust reposed in that gentleman, had I not come in for
a share of his censure, I confess I should have been both disappointed
and mortified. It would have had at least the appearance,
that the Landholder had discovered something in my principles,
which he considered congenial with his own. However
great may be my political sins, to be cursed with his approbation
and applause, would be a punishment much beyond their
demerit. But, Sir, at present I mean to confine myself to the original
subject of controversy, the injustice of the charges made
against Mr. Gerry. That my veracity will not be questioned
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page345">[pg 345]</span><a name="Pg345" id="Pg345" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
when giving my negative to anonymous slander, I have the fullest
confidence. I have equal confidence that it will be as little
questioned by any who know me, even should the Landholder
vouchsafe to give the Public his name—a respectable name I am
sure it cannot be. His absolute want of truth and candour in
assertions meant to injure the reputation of individuals, whose
names are given to the public, and to hold them up to the indignation
of their fellow citizens, will ever justify this assertion, even
should the name belong to one decorated with wealth, or dignified
by station. But the Landholder wishes it to be supposed,
that though my veracity should not be doubted, yet my evidence
ought to be rejected, and observes, that to comprehend what
credit ought to be given to it, by which I suppose he means its
sufficiency if credited, it ought to be known how long I was absent
from Convention, as well as the time I attended. I believe
Sir, whoever will read my former publication will in a moment
perceive, that I there <span class="tei tei-q">“stated”</span> all the <span class="tei tei-q">“information”</span> on this
subject that was necessary or material, and that I left no defect
for the Landholder to supply. I there mentioned that <span class="tei tei-q">“I took
my seat early in June, that I left Philadelphia on the fourth of
September, and during that period was not absent from the convention
while sitting, except only five days in the beginning of
August, immediately after the Committee of Detail had reported.”</span>
I did not state the precise day of June when I took my seat—it
was the ninth, not the tenth—a very inconsiderable mistake of
the Landholder. But between that day and the fourth of September
he says that I was absent ten days at Baltimore, and as
many at New York, and thereby insinuates that an absence of
twenty days from the Convention intervened during that period,
in which time Mr. Gerry might have made and failed in his motion
concerning continental money. A short state of facts is all
that is necessary to shew the disingenuity of the Landholder, and
that it is very possible to convey a falsehood, or something very
much like it, almost in the words of truth. On the twenty-fifth
of July the Convention adjourned, to meet again on the sixth of
August. I embraced that opportunity to come to Baltimore, and
left Philadelphia on the twenty-seventh; I returned on the fourth
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page346">[pg 346]</span><a name="Pg346" id="Pg346" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of August, and on the sixth attended the Convention, with such
members as were in town, at which time the Committee of Detail
made their report, and many of the members being yet absent,
we adjourned to the next day. Mr. Gerry left Philadelphia to go
to New York the day before I left there to come to Baltimore;
he had not returned on Tuesday, the seventh of August, when I
set out for New York, from whence I returned and took my seat
in Convention on Monday, the thirteenth. It is true that from
the twenty-fifth of July to the thirteenth of August eighteen (not
twenty) days had elapsed, but on one of those days I attended,
and on twelve of them the Convention did not meet. I was,
therefore, perfectly correct in my original statement that from
early in June to the fourth of September I was absent but five
days from the Convention while sitting, and in that statement
omitted no <span class="tei tei-q">“necessary information.”</span> It is also true that of those
eighteen days Mr. Gerry was absent twelve or thirteen, and that
one of those days when he was not absent was Sunday, on which
day the Convention did not meet. Thus, Sir, by relating facts as
they really occurred, we find the only time between early in June
and the fourth of September when such a motion could have been
made by Mr. Gerry without my being present is narrowed down
to four, or at most five days, as I originally stated it, although
Landholder wishes it should be supposed there were twenty days
during that period when it might have taken place without my
knowledge, to wit, ten while I was at Baltimore, and as many
more while at New York. The Landholder also states that the
Convention commenced the fourteenth day of May, and that I did
not take my seat till the tenth day of June, by which, if he means
anything, I presume he means to insinuate that within that portion
of time Mr. Gerry's motion might have been made and rejected.
He is here, Sir, equally unfortunate and disingenuous. Though
the Convention was to have met by appointment on the fourteenth
of May, yet no material business was entered upon till on
or about the thirtieth of that month. It was on that day that the
Convention, having had certain propositions laid before them by
the Honourable Governor of Virginia, resolved to go into a consideration
of these propositions. In this fact I am confident I am
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page347">[pg 347]</span><a name="Pg347" id="Pg347" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
not mistaken, as I state the day not merely from my own recollection
but from minutes which I believe to be very correct, in my
possession, of the information given by the Honourable Mr. McHenry
to the assembly. The truth is, Sir, that very little progress
had been made by the Convention before I arrived, and
that they had not been more than ten days, or about that time,
seriously engaged in business. The first thing I did after I took
my seat was carefully to examine the journals for information of
what had already been done or proposed. I was also furnished
with notes of the debates which had taken place, and can with
truth say that I made myself <span class="tei tei-q">“minutely informed”</span> of what had
happened before that period. In the same manner, after my return
from New York, I consulted the journals (for we were permitted
to read them, although we were not always permitted to
take copies). If the motion attributed to Mr. Gerry had been
made and rejected, either before I first took my seat or while at
New York, it would have there appeared, and that no such motion
was made and rejected during either of these periods I appeal
to the highest possible authority. I appeal to those very
journals, which ought to have been published, and which we are
informed are placed in the possession of our late Honourable
President. But why, Sir, should I appeal to these journals, or to
any other authority? Let the Landholder turn to his eighth number,
addressed to the Honourable Mr. Gerry; let him blush, unless
incapable of that sensation, while he reads the following passage:
<span class="tei tei-q">“Almost the whole time during the sitting of the Convention, and
until the Constitution had received its present form, no man was
more plausible and conciliating on every subject than Mr. Gerry,”</span>
&amp;c. Thus stood Mr. Gerry, till towards the close of the business
he introduced a motion respecting the redemption of paper
money. The whole time of the sitting of the Convention was
not almost past. The Constitution had not received its present
form, nor was the business drawing towards a close, until long
after I took my seat in Convention. It is therefore proved by
the Landholder himself that Mr. Gerry did not make this motion
at any time before the ninth day of June. Nay more, in the
paper now before me he acknowledges that in his eighth number
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page348">[pg 348]</span><a name="Pg348" id="Pg348" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
he meant (and surely no one ought to know his meaning
better than himself) to fix Mr. Gerry's apostacy to a period
within the last thirteen days. Why then all this misrepresentation
of my absence at Baltimore and New York? Why the
attempt to induce a belief that the Convention had been engaged
in business from the fourteenth of May, and the insinuation that
it might have happened in those periods? And why the charge
that in not stating those facts I had withheld from the public information
necessary to its forming a right judgment of the credit
which ought to be given to my evidence. But, Sir, I am really at
a loss which most to admire—the depravity of this writer's heart,
or the weakness of his head. Is it possible he should not perceive
that the moment he fixes the time of Mr. Gerry's motion to
the last thirteen days of the Convention, he proves incontestably
the falsehood and malice of his charges against that gentleman—for
he has expressly stated that this motion and the rejection it
received was the cause, and the sole cause, of his apostacy; that
<span class="tei tei-q">“before, there was nothing in the system, as it now stands, to
which he had any objection, but that afterwards he was inspired
with the utmost rage and intemperate opposition to the whole
system he had formerly praised;”</span> whereas I have shown to the
clearest demonstration, that a considerable time before the last
thirteen days, Mr. Gerry had given the most decided opposition
to the system. I have shown this by recital of facts, which if credited,
incontestibly prove it—facts which, I again repeat, will never
be contradicted by any member of the Convention. I ground
this assertion upon the fullest conviction that it is impossible to
find a single person in that number so wicked, as publicly and deliberately
to prostitute his name in support of falsehood, and at the
same time so weak as to do this when he must be sure of detection.
But the Landholder is willing to have it supposed that Mr.
Gerry might have made the motion in a <span class="tei tei-q">“committee,”</span> and that
there it might have happened without my knowledge; to such
wretched subterfuges is he driven. This evasion, however, will
be equally unavailing. The business of the committees were not
of a secret nature, nor were they conducted in a secret manner;
I mean as to the members of the Convention. I am satisfied that
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page349">[pg 349]</span><a name="Pg349" id="Pg349" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
there was no committee while I was there, of whose proceedings
I was not at least <span class="tei tei-q">“so minutely informed,”</span> that an attempt of so
extraordinary a nature as that attributed to Mr. Gerry, and attended
with such an immediate and remarkable revolution in his
conduct, could not have taken place without my having heard
something concerning it. The non-adoption of a measure by a
committee did not preclude its being proposed to the Convention,
and being there adopted. Can it be presumed that a question in
which Mr. Gerry is represented to have been so deeply interested,
and by the fate of which his conduct was entirely influenced,
would for want of success in a committee have been totally relinquished
by him, without a single effort to carry it in Convention!
If any other proof is wanting, I appeal again to the Landholder
himself. In his eighth number he states that the motion
was rejected <span class="tei tei-q">“by the Convention.”</span> Let it be remembered also,
as I have before observed, in the paper now before me, he declares
it was his intention in that number to fix Mr. Gerry's apostacy
to a period within the last thirteen days; and in the same
number he observes that Mr. Gerry's resentment could only embarrass
and delay the completion of the business for a few days;
all which equally militate against every idea of the motion being
made before he left Philadelphia, whether in Committee or in
Convention. The Landholder hath also asserted, that I have
<span class="tei tei-q">“put into Mr. Gerry's mouth, objections different from any thing
his letter to the legislature of his State contains, so that if my representation
is true, his must be false.”</span> In this charge he is just
as well founded as in those I have already noticed. Mr. Gerry
has more than once published to the world, under the sanction of
his name, that he opposed the system from a firm persuasion that it
would endanger the liberties of America, and destroy the freedom
of the States and their citizens. Every word which I have stated
as coming from his mouth, so far from being inconsistent with
those declarations, are perfectly correspondent thereto and direct
proofs of their truth. When the Landholder informed us that
Mr. Gerry was <span class="tei tei-q">“face to face with his colleagues in the Convention
of Massachusetts,”</span> why did he not, unless he wished to mislead
the public, also inform us for what purpose he was there?
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page350">[pg 350]</span><a name="Pg350" id="Pg350" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
That it was only to answer questions; that might be proposed to
him, not himself to ask questions that he could not consistently
interfere in any manner in the debates, and that he was even prohibited
an opportunity of explaining such parts of his conduct as
were censured in his presence? By the anonymous publication
alluded to by the Landholder, and inserted in the note, Mr. Gerry's
colleagues are not called upon to acquit him: it only declares
<span class="tei tei-q">“that he believes them to be men of too much honour to assert
that his reasons in Convention were totally different from those he
published;”</span> and in this I presume he was not disappointed for the
Landholder otherwise would have published it with triumph; but
if Mr. Gerry, as it is insinuated, was only prevented by pride,
from, in person, requesting them to acquit him, it amounts to a
proof of his consciousness that, as men of honour, they could not
have refused it, had he made the request. No person who views
the absurdities and inconsistencies of the Landholder, can I think,
have a very respectable opinion of his understanding, but I who
am not much prejudiced in his favour, could scarcely have conceived
him so superlatively weak as to expect to deceive the
public and obtain credit to himself by asking <span class="tei tei-q">“if charges against
Mr. Gerry are not true why do not his colleagues contradict
them?”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“why is it that we do not see Mr. McHenry's verification
of your assertions?”</span> If these Gentlemen were to do Mr.
Gerry that justice, he might as well inquire <span class="tei tei-q">“why is it we do not
also see the verification of A, B, C and D and so on to the last
letter of the Conventional alphabet.”</span> When the Landholder in
his eighth number addressed himself to Mr. Gerry he introduces
his charges by saying <span class="tei tei-q">“you doubtless will recollect the following
state of facts; if you do not every member of the Convention will
attest them.”</span> One member of the Convention has had firmness
sufficient to contradict them with his name, although he was well
apprised that he thereby exposed himself as a mark for the arrows
of his political adversaries, and as to some of them, he was
not unacquainted with what kind of men he had to deal. But of
all the members who composed that body, not one has yet stepped
forward to make good the Landholder's prediction; nor has one
been found to <span class="tei tei-q">“attest”</span> his statement of facts. Many reasons
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page351">[pg 351]</span><a name="Pg351" id="Pg351" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
may be assigned why the members of the Convention should not
think themselves under a moral obligations of involving themselves
in controversy by giving their names in vindication
of Mr. Gerry; and I do not believe any of those who
signed the proposed Constitution would consider themselves
bound to do this by any political obligation: But, Sir, I can hardly
suppose that Mr. Gerry is so perfectly esteemed and respected by
every person who had a seat in that body, that not a single individual
could possibly be procured to give his sanction to the
Landholder's charges, if it could be done with justice and as to
myself, I much question whether it would be easy to convince
any person, who was present at our information to the assembly,<a id="noteref_58" name="noteref_58" href="#note_58"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">58</span></span></a>
that every one of my honourable colleagues, (to each of whose
merit I cordially subscribe, though compelled to differ from them
in political sentiments) would be prevented by motives of personal
delicacy to myself, from contradicting the facts I have stated relative
to Mr. Gerry, if it could be done consistent with truth. If
the Landholder was a member of the Convention, to facilitate the
adoption of a favourite system, or to gratify his resentment against
its opposers, he has originally invented and is now labouring to
support, charges the most unjust and ungenerous, contrary to his
own knowledge of facts. If he was not a member, he is acting
the same part, without any knowledge of the subject, and in this
has the merit of either following his own invention, of dealing out
the information he receives from some person of whom he is the
wretched tool and dupe, at the same time expressing himself with
a decision, and making such professions of being perfectly in
every secret, as naturally tends, unless contradicted, to deceive
and delude the unsuspecting multitude. In one of these predicaments
the Landholder must stand, he is welcome to take his
choice, in either case he only wants to be known to be despised.
Now sir, let the Landholder come forward and give his name to
the public. It is the only thing necessary to finish his character,
and to convince the world that he is as dead to shame, as he is
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page352">[pg 352]</span><a name="Pg352" id="Pg352" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
lost to truth and destitute of honour. If I sir, can be instrumental
in procuring him to disclose himself; even in this I shall
consider myself as rendering a service to my country. I flatter
myself for the dignity of human kind, there are few such characters;
but there is no situation in life, in which they may not
prove the bane and curse of society; they therefore ought to be
known, that they may be guarded against.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I am, sir, your very humble servant,
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Luther Martin</span></span>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baltimore, March 3, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page353">[pg 353]</span><a name="Pg353" id="Pg353" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Luther Martin, III.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Maryland Journal,
(Number 1021)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tuesday, March 18, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Number I.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of Maryland.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To you my fellow citizens, I hold myself in a particular manner
accountable for every part of my conduct in the exercise of a
trust reposed in me by you, and should consider myself highly
culpable if I was to withhold from you any information in my
possession, the knowledge of which may be material to enable
you to form a right judgment on questions wherein the happiness
of yourselves and your posterity are involved. Nor shall I ever
consider it an act of condescention when impeached in my public
conduct, or character, to vindicate myself at your bar, and to submit
myself to your decision. In conformity to these sentiments,
which have regulated my conduct since my return from the Convention,
and which will be the rule of my actions in the sequel, I
shall at this time beg your indulgence, while I make some observations
on a publication which the Landholder has done me the
honour to address to me, in the Maryland Journal of the 29th of
February last. In my controversy with that writer, on the subject
of Mr. Gerry, I have already enabled you to decide, without difficulty,
on the credit which ought to be given to his most positive
assertions and should scarce think it worth my time to notice his
charges against myself, was it not for the opportunity it affords
me of stating certain facts and transactions, of which you ought
to be informed, some of which were undesignedly omitted by me
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page354">[pg 354]</span><a name="Pg354" id="Pg354" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
when I had the honour of being called before the House of Delegates.
No <span class="tei tei-q">“extreme modesty”</span> on my part was requisite to induce
me to conceal the <span class="tei tei-q">“sacrifice of resentments”</span> against Mr.
Gerry, since no such sacrifice had ever been made, nor had any
such resentments ever existed. The principal opposition in sentiment
between Mr. Gerry and myself, was on the subject of representation;
but even on that subject, he was much more conceding
than his colleagues, two of whom obstinately persisted in voting
against the equality of representation in the senate, when the
question was taken in Convention upon the adoption of the conciliatory
propositions, on the fate of which depended, I believe,
the continuance of the Convention. In many important questions
we perfectly harmonized in opinion, and where we differed, it
never was attended with warmth or animosity, nor did it in any
respect interfere with a friendly intercourse and interchange of attention
and civilities. We both opposed the extraordinary powers
over the militia, given to the general government. We were both
against the re-eligibility of the president. We both concurred in
the attempt to prevent members of each branch of the legislature
from being appointable to offices, and in many other instances,
although the Landholder, with his usual regard to
truth and his usual imposing effrontery, tells me, that I <span class="tei tei-q">“doubtless
must remember Mr. Gerry and myself never voted alike,
except in the instances”</span> he has mentioned. As little foundation
is there in his assertion, that I <span class="tei tei-q">“cautioned certain members
to be on their guard against his wiles, for that he and Mr.
Mason held private meetings, where the plans were concerted
to aggrandize, at the expence of the small States, old Massachusetts
and the ancient dominion.”</span> I need only state facts
to refute the assertion. Some time in the month of August, a
number of members who considered the system, as then under
consideration and likely to be adopted, extremely exceptionable,
and of a tendency to destroy the rights and liberties of the
United States, thought it advisable to meet together in the evenings,
in order to have a communication of sentiments, and to
concert a plan of conventional opposition to, and amendment of
that system, so as, if possible, to render it less dangerous. Mr.
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page355">[pg 355]</span><a name="Pg355" id="Pg355" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Gerry was the first who proposed this measure to me, and that
before any meeting had taken place, and wished we might assemble
at my lodgings, but not having a room convenient, we fixed
upon another place. There Mr. Gerry and Mr. Mason did hold
meetings, but with them also met the Delegates from New Jersey
and Connecticut, a part of the Delegation from Delaware, an
honorable member from South Carolina, one other from Georgia,
and myself. These were the only <span class="tei tei-q">“private meetings”</span> that ever
I knew or heard to be held by Mr. Gerry and Mr. Mason, meetings
at which I myself attended until I left the Convention, and
of which the sole object was not to aggrandize the great at the
expense of the small, but to protect and preserve, if possible, the
existence and essential rights of all the states, and the liberty and
freedom of their citizens. Thus, my fellow citizens, I am obliged,
unless I could accept the compliment at an expence of truth
equal to the Landholder's, to give up all claim to being <span class="tei tei-q">“placed
beyond the reach of ordinary panegyrick,”</span> and to that <span class="tei tei-q">“magnanimity”</span>
which he was so solicitous to bestow upon me, that he has
wandered [into] the regions of falsehood to seek the occasion.
When we find such disregard of truth, even in the introduction,
while only on the threshold, we may form judgment what respect
is to be paid to the information he shall give us of what passed in
the Convention when he <span class="tei tei-q">“draws aside the veil,”</span> a veil which was
interposed between our proceedings and the Public, in my opinion,
for the most dangerous of purposes, and which was never designed
by the advocates of the system to be drawn aside, or if it
was, not till it should be too late for any beneficial purpose,
which as far as it is done, or pretended to be done, on the present
occasion, is only for the purpose of deception and misrepresentation.
It was on Saturday that I first took my seat. I obtained
that day a copy of the propositions that had been laid before the
Convention, and which were then the subject of discussion in a
committee of the whole. The Secretary was so polite as, at my
request, to wait upon me at the State House the next day (being
Sunday), and there gave me an opportunity of examining the
journals and making myself acquainted with the little that had
been done before my arrival. I was not a little surprised at the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page356">[pg 356]</span><a name="Pg356" id="Pg356" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
system brought forward, and was solicitous to learn the reasons
which had been assigned in its support; for this purpose the
journals could be of no service; I therefore conversed on the subject
with different members of the Convention, and was favoured
with minutes of the debates which had taken place before my arrival.
I applied to history for what lights it could afford me,
and I procured everything the most valuable I could find in
Philadelphia on the subject of governments in general, and on
the American revolution and governments in particular. I devoted
my whole time and attention to the business in which
we were engaged, and made use of all the opportunities I
had, and abilities I possessed, conscientiously to decide what part
I ought to adopt in the discharge of that sacred duty I owed
to my country, in the exercise of the trust you had reposed in me.
I attended the Convention many days without taking any share
in the debates, listening in silence to the eloquence of others, and
offering no other proof that I possessed the powers of speech,
than giving my yea or nay when a question was taken, and notwithstanding
my propensity to <span class="tei tei-q">“endless garrulity,”</span> should have
been extremely happy if I could have continued that line of conduct,
without making a sacrifice of your rights and political happiness.
The committee of the whole house had made but small
progress, at the time I arrived, in the discussion of the propositions
which had been referred to them; they completed that discussion,
and made their report. The propositions of the minority
were then brought forward and rejected. The Convention
had resumed the report of the committee, and had employed
some days in its consideration. Thirty days, I believe, or more,
had elapsed from my taking my seat before in the language of the
Landholder, I <span class="tei tei-q">“opened in a speech which held during two days.”</span>
Such, my fellow citizens, is the true state of the conduct I pursued
when I took my seat in Convention, and which the Landholder,
to whom falsehood appears more familiar than truth, with
his usual effrontery, has misrepresented by a positive declaration,
that without obtaining or endeavouring to obtain any information
on the subject, I hastily and insolently obtruded my sentiments
on the Convention, and to the astonishment of every member
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page357">[pg 357]</span><a name="Pg357" id="Pg357" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
present, on the very day I took my seat, began a speech,
which continued two days, in opposition to those measures which,
on mature deliberation, had been adopted by the Convention.
But I <span class="tei tei-q">“alone advocated the political heresy, that the people ought
not to be trusted with the election of representatives.”</span> On this
subject, as I would wish to be on every other, my fellow citizens,
I have been perfectly explicit in the information I gave to the
House of Delegates, and which has since been published. In a
state government, I consider all power flowing immediately from
the people in their individual capacity, and that the people, in
their individual capacity, have, and ever ought to have the right
of choosing delegates in a state legislature, the business of which
is to make laws, regulating their concerns, as individuals, and
operating upon them as such; but in a federal government, formed
over free states, the power flows from the people, and the right of
choosing delegates belongs to them only mediately through their
respective state governments which are the members composing
the federal government, and from whom all its power immediately
proceeds; to which state governments, the choice of the federal
delegates immediately belongs. I should blush indeed for my
ignorance of the first elements of government, was I to entertain different
sentiments on the subject; and if this is <span class="tei tei-q">“political heresy,”</span>
I have no ambition to be ranked with those who are orthodox.
Let me here, my fellow citizens, by way of caution, add an observation,
which will prove to be founded in truth: those who are
the most liberal in complimenting you with powers which do not
belong to you, act commonly from improper and interested
motives, and most generally have in view thereby to prepare the
way for depriving you of those rights to which you are justly entitled.
Every thing that weakens and impairs the bands of legitimate
authority smooths the road of ambition; nor can there be
a surer method of supporting and preserving the just rights of
the people, than by supporting and protecting the just rights of
government. As to the <span class="tei tei-q">“jargon”</span> attributed to me of maintaining
that <span class="tei tei-q">“notwithstanding each state had an equal number of votes in
the senate, yet the states were unequally represented in the senate,”</span>
the Landholder has all the merit of its absurdity; nor can
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page358">[pg 358]</span><a name="Pg358" id="Pg358" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
I conceive what sentiment it is that I ever have expressed, to
which he, with his usual perversion and misrepresentation, could
give such a colouring. That I ever suggested the idea of letting
loose an army indiscriminately on the innocent and guilty, in a
state refusing to comply with the requisitions of Congress, or that
such an idea ever had place in my mind, is a falsehood so groundless,
so base and malignant, that it could only have originated or
been devised by a heart which would dishonour the midnight assassin.
My sentiments on this subject are well known; it was
only in the case where a state refused to comply with the requisitions
of Congress, that I was willing to grant the general government
those powers which the proposed constitution gives it in
every case.<a id="noteref_59" name="noteref_59" href="#note_59"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">59</span></span></a>
Had I been a greater friend to a standing army,
and not quite so averse to expose your liberties to a soldiery, I
do not believe the Landholder would have chose me for the object
on whom to expend his artillery of falsehood.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
That a system may enable government wantonly to exercise
power over the militia, to call out an unreasonable number from
any particular state without its permission, and to march them
upon, and continue them in, remote and improper services; that
the same system should enable the government totally to discard,
render useless, and even disarm, the militia, when it would remove
them out of the way of opposing its ambitious views, is by no
means inconsistent, and is really the case in the proposed constitution.
In both these respects it is, in my opinion, highly faulty,
and ought to be amended. In the proposed system the general
government has a power not only without the consent, but contrary
to the will of the state government, to call out the whole of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page359">[pg 359]</span><a name="Pg359" id="Pg359" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
its militia, without regard to religious scruples, or any other consideration,
and to continue them in service as long as it pleases,
thereby subjecting the freemen of a whole state to martial law and
reducing them to the situation of slaves. It has also, by another
clause, the powers by which only the militia can be organized and
armed, and by the neglect of which they may be rendered utterly
useless and insignificant, when it suits the ambitious purposes of
government. Nor is the suggestion unreasonable, even if it had
been made, that the government might improperly oppress and
harass the militia, the better to reconcile them to the idea of regular
troops, who might relieve them from the burthen, and to render
them less opposed to the measures it might be disposed to adopt
for the purpose of reducing them to that state of insignificancy and
uselessness. When the Landholder declared that <span class="tei tei-q">“I contended
the powers and authorities of the new constitution must destroy
the liberties of the people,”</span> he for once stumbled on the truth,
but even this he could not avoid coupling with an assertion
utterly false. I never suggested that <span class="tei tei-q">“the same powers could be
safely entrusted to the old Congress;”</span> on the contrary, I opposed
many of the powers as being of that nature that, in my opinion,
they could not be entrusted to any government whatever consistent
with the freedom of the states and their citizens, and I
earnestly recommended, what I wish my fellow citizens deeply
to impress on your minds, that in altering or amending our federal
government no greater powers ought to be given than experience
has shown to be necessary, since it will be easy to delegate
further power when time shall dictate the expediency or necessity,
but powers once bestowed upon a government, should they
be found ever so dangerous or destructive to freedom, cannot be
resumed or wrested from government but by another revolution.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Luther Martin.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baltimore, March 14, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page360">[pg 360]</span><a name="Pg360" id="Pg360" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Luther Martin, IV.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Maryland Journal,
(Number 1022)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, March 21, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Number II.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of Maryland.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the recognition which the Landholder professes to make
<span class="tei tei-q">“of what occurred to my advantage,”</span> he equally deals in the arts
of misrepresentation, as while he was <span class="tei tei-q">“only the record of the
bad,”</span> and I am equally obliged from a regard to truth to disclaim
his pretended approbation as his avowed censure. He declares
that I originated the clause which enacts that <span class="tei tei-q">“this Constitution
and the laws of the United States, which shall be made in pursuance
thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under
the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of
the land, and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby,
any thing in the Constitution or the laws of any state to the contrary
notwithstanding.”</span> To place this matter in a proper point
of view, it will be necessary to state, that as the propositions were
reported by the committee of the whole house, a power was given
to the general government to negative the laws passed by the
state legislatures, a power which I considered as totally inadmissible;
in substitution of this I proposed the following clause,
which you will find very materially different from the clause
adopted by the Constitution, <span class="tei tei-q">“that the legislative acts of the
United States, made by virtue and in pursuance of the articles of
the union, and all treaties made and ratified under the authority
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page361">[pg 361]</span><a name="Pg361" id="Pg361" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the respective
states, so far as those acts or treaties shall relate to the said states
or their citizens, and that the judiciaries of the several states shall
be bound thereby in their decisions, any thing in the respective
laws of the individual states to the contrary notwithstanding.”</span>
When this clause was introduced, it was not established that inferior
continental courts should be appointed for trial of all questions
arising on treaties and on the laws of the general government,
and it was my wish and hope that every question of that
kind would have been determined in the first instance in the
courts of the respective states; had this been the case, the propriety
and the necessity that treaties duly made and ratified, and
the laws of the general government, should be binding on the
state judiciaries which were to decide upon them, must be evident
to every capacity, while at the same time, if such treaties or
laws were inconsistent with our constitution and bill of rights,
the judiciaries of this state would be bound to reject the first and
abide by the last, since in the form I introduced the clause, notwithstanding
treaties and the laws of the general government
were intended to be superior to the laws of our state government,
where they should be opposed to each other, yet that they were
not proposed nor meant to be superior to our constitution and
bill of rights. It was afterwards altered and amended (if it can
be called an amendment) to the form in which it stands in the
system now published, and as inferior continental, and not state
courts, are originally to decide on those questions, it is now
worse than useless, for being so altered as to render the treaties
and laws made under the general government superior to our
constitution, if the system is adopted it will amount to a total and
unconditional surrender to that government, by the citizens of
this state, of every right and privilege secured to them by our
constitution, and an express compact and stipulation with the
general government that it may, at its discretion, make laws in
direct violation of those rights. But on this subject I shall enlarge
in a future number.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
That I <span class="tei tei-q">“voted an appeal should lay to the supreme judiciary
of the United States, for the correction of all errors both in law
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page362">[pg 362]</span><a name="Pg362" id="Pg362" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and fact,”</span> in rendering judgment is most true, and it is equally
true that if it had been so ordained by the Constitution, the supreme
judiciary would only have had an appellate jurisdiction, of
the same nature with that possessed by our high court of appeals,
and could not in any respect intermeddle with any fact decided by
a jury; but as the clause now stands, an appeal being given in general
terms from the inferior courts, both as to law and fact, it not
only doth, but is avowedly intended, to give a power very different
from what our court of appeals, or any court of appeals in the
United States or in England enjoys, a power of the most dangerous
and alarming nature, that of setting at nought the verdict of
a jury, and having the same facts which they had determined,
without any regard or respect to their determination, examined
and ultimately decided by the judges themselves, and that by
judges immediately appointed by the government. But the Landholder
also says that <span class="tei tei-q">“I agreed to the clause that declares nine
states to be sufficient to put the government in motion.”</span> I cannot
take to myself the merit even of this without too great a sacrifice
of truth. It was proposed that if seven states agreed that
should be sufficient; by a rule of Convention in filling up blanks,
if different numbers were mentioned, the question was always
to be taken on the highest. It was my opinion, that to agree
upon a ratification of the constitution by any less number than
the whole thirteen states, is so directly repugnant to our present
articles of confederation, and the mode therein prescribed
for their alteration, and such a violation of the compact which
the states, in the most solemn manner, have entered into with
each other, that those who could advocate a contrary proposition,
ought never to be confided in, and entrusted in public
life. I availed myself of this rule, and had the question taken
on thirteen, which was rejected. Twelve, eleven, ten and nine
were proposed in succession; the last was adopted by a majority
of the members. I voted successively for each of these members,
to prevent a less number being agreed on. Had nine not been
adopted, I should on the same principle have voted for eight.
But so far was I from giving my approbation that the assent of
a less number of states than thirteen should be sufficient to put
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page363">[pg 363]</span><a name="Pg363" id="Pg363" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the government in motion, that I most explicitly expressed my
sentiments to the contrary, and always intended, had I been present
when the ultimate vote was taken on the constitution, to have
given it my decided negative, accompanied with a solemn protest
against it, assigning this reason among others for my dissent.
Thus, my fellow citizens, that candour with which I have conducted
myself through the whole of this business obliges me,
however reluctantly, and however <span class="tei tei-q">“mortifying it may be to my
vanity,”</span> to disavow all <span class="tei tei-q">“those greater positive virtues”</span> which the
Landholder has so obligingly attributed to me in Convention, and
which he was so desirous of conferring upon me as to consider the
guilt of misrepresentation and falsehood but a trifling sacrifice for
that purpose, and to increase my mortification, you will find I am
equally compelled to yield up every pretence even to those of a
negative nature, which a regard to justice has, as he says, obliged
him not to omit. These consist, as he tells us, in giving my
entire approbation to the system as to those parts which are
said to endanger a trial by jury, and as to its want of a bill of
rights, and in having too much candour there to signify that I
thought it deficient in either of these respects. But how, I pray,
can the Landholder be certain that I deserve this encomium? Is
it not possible, as I so frequently exhausted the politeness of the
Convention, that some of those marks of fatigue and disgust, with
which he intimates I was mortified as oft as I attempted to speak,
might at that time have taken place, and have been of such a
nature as to attract his attention; or, perhaps, as the Convention
was prepared to slumber whenever I rose, the Landholder, among
others, might have sunk into sleep, and at that very moment
might have been feasting his imagination with the completion of
his ambitious views, and dreams of future greatness. But supposing
I never did declare in Convention that I thought the system
defective in those essential points, will it amount to a positive
proof that I approved the system in those respects, or that I culpably
neglected an indispensable duty? Is it not possible, whatever
might have been my insolence and assurance when I first
took my seat, and however fond I might be at that time of obtruding
my sentiments, that the many rebuffs with which I met,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page364">[pg 364]</span><a name="Pg364" id="Pg364" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the repeated mortifications I experienced, the marks of fatigue
and disgust with which my eyes were sure to be assailed wherever
I turned them—one gaping here, another yawning there, a third
slumbering in this place, and a fourth snoring in that—might so
effectually have put to flight all my original arrogance, that, as
we are apt to run into extremes, having at length become convinced
of my comparative nothingness, in so august an assembly
and one in which the science of government was so perfectly understood,
I might sink into such a state of modesty and diffidence
as not to be able to muster up resolution enough to break
the seal of silence and open my lips even after the rays of light
had begun to penetrate my understanding, and in some measure
to chase away those clouds of error and ignorance in which it
was enveloped on my first arrival? Perhaps had I been treated
with a more forbearing indulgence while committing those memorable
blunders, for a want of a sufficient knowledge in the
science of government, I might, after the rays of light had illuminated
my mind, have rendered my country much more important
services, and not only assisted in raising some of the pillars, but
have furnished the edifice with a new roof of my own construction,
rather better calculated for the convenience and security of
those who might wish to take shelter beneath it, than that which
it at present enjoys. Or even admitting I was not mortified, as I
certainly ought to have been, from the Landholder's account of
the matter, into a total loss of speech, was it in me, who considered
the system, for a variety of reasons, absolutely inconsistent
with your political welfare and happiness, a culpable neglect of
duty in not endeavouring, and that against every chance of success,
to remove one or two defects, when I had before ineffectually
endeavoured to clear it of the others, which therefore, I knew
must remain? But to be serious, as to what relates to the appellate
jurisdiction in the extent given by the system proposed, I am
positive there were objections made to it, and as far as my memory
will serve me, I think I was in the number of those who
actually objected; but I am sure that the objections met with my
approbation. With respect to a bill of rights, had the government
been formed upon principles truly federal, as I wished it,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page365">[pg 365]</span><a name="Pg365" id="Pg365" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
legislating over and acting upon the states only in their collective
or political capacity, and not on individuals, there would have
been no need of a bill of rights, as far as related to the rights of
individuals, but only as to the rights of states. But the proposed
constitution being intended and empowered to act not only on
states, but also immediately on individuals, it renders a recognition
and a stipulation in favour of the rights both of states and
of men, not only proper, but in my opinion absolutely necessary.
I endeavoured to obtain a restraint on the powers of the general
government, as to standing armies, but it was rejected. It
was my wish that the general government should not have the
power of suspending the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, as
it appears to me altogether unnecessary, and that the power
given to it may and will be used as a dangerous engine of oppression,
but I could not succeed. An honorable member from
South Carolina most anxiously sought to have a clause inserted
securing the liberty of the Press, and repeatedly brought this subject
before the Convention, but could not obtain it. I am almost
positive he made the same attempt to have a stipulation in favour
of liberty of conscience, but in vain. The more the system advanced
the more was I impressed with the necessity of not
merely attempting to secure a few rights, but of digesting and
forming a complete bill of rights, including those of states and of
individuals, which should be assented to, and prefixed to the Constitution,
to serve as a barrier between the general government
and the respective states and their citizens; because the more the
system advanced the more clearly it appeared to me that the
framers of it did not consider that either states or men had any
rights at all, or that they meant to secure the enjoyment of any to
either the one or the other; accordingly, I devoted a part of my
time to the actually preparing and draughting such a bill of
rights, and had it in readiness before I left the Convention, to have
laid it before a committee. I conversed with several members on
the subject; they agreed with me on the propriety of the measure,
but at the same time expressed their sentiments that it would
be impossible to procure its adoption if attempted. A very few
days before I left the Convention, I shewed to an honorable member
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page366">[pg 366]</span><a name="Pg366" id="Pg366" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
sitting by me a proposition, which I then had in my hand,
couched in the following words: <span class="tei tei-q">“Resolved that a committee
be appointed to prepare and report a bill of rights, to be prefixed
to the proposed Constitution,”</span> and I then would instantly have
moved for the appointment of a committee for that purpose, if he
would have agreed to second the motion, to do which he hesitated,
not as I understand from any objection to the measure, but
from a conviction in his own mind that the motion would be in
vain.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thus my fellow citizens, you see that so far from having no
objections to the system on this account, while I was at Convention,
I not only then thought a bill of rights necessary, but I
took some pains to have the subject brought forward, which
would have been done, had it not been for the difficulties I have
stated. At the same time I declare that when I drew up the motion,
and was about to have proposed it to the Convention, I had
not the most distant hope it would meet with success. The rejection
of the clauses attempted in favour of particular rights, and
to check and restrain the dangerous and exorbitant powers of the
general government from being abused, had sufficiently taught me
what to expect. And from the best judgment I could form while
in Convention, I then was, and yet remained, decidedly of the
opinion that ambition and interest had so far blinded the understanding
of some of the principal framers of the Constitution, that
while they were labouring to erect a fabrick by which they themselves
might be exalted and benefited, they were rendered insensible
to the sacrifice of the freedom and happiness of the states and
their citizens, which must, inevitably be the consequence. I most
sacredly believe their object is the total abolition and destruction
of all state governments, and the erection on their ruins of one
great and extensive empire, calculated to aggrandize and elevate
its rulers and chief officers far above the common herd of mankind,
to enrich them with wealth, and to encircle them with honours and
glory, and which according to my judgment on the maturest reflection,
must inevitably be attended with the most humiliating
and abject slavery of their fellow citizens, by the sweat of whose
brows, and by the toil of whose bodies, it can only be effected.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page367">[pg 367]</span><a name="Pg367" id="Pg367" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
And so anxious were its zealous promoters to hasten to a birth
this misshapened heterogenous monster of ambition and interest,
that, for some time before the Convention rose, upon the least attempt
to alter its form, or modify its powers, the most fretful impatience
was shown, such as would not have done much honour to
a State Assembly, had they been sitting as long a time, and their
treasury empty; while it was repeatedly urged on the contrary,
but urged in vain, that in so momentous an undertaking, in forming
a system for such an extensive continent, on which the political
happiness of so many millions, even to the latest ages, may
depend, no time could be too long—no thoughts and reflections
too great—and that if by continuing six months, or even as many
years, we could free the system from all its errors and defects, it
would be the best use to which we could possibly devote our
time. Thus my fellow citizens am I under necessity of resigning
again into the hands of the Landholder, all those virtues both of
a positive and negative kind, which from an excess of goodness
he bestowed upon me, and give him my full permission to dispose
of them hereafter in favour of some other person, who may be
more deserving, and to whom they will be more acceptable: at
the same time, I must frankly acknowledge, however it may operate
as a proof of my dullness and stupidity, that the <span class="tei tei-q">“ignorance
in the science of government”</span> under which I laboured at first
was not removed by more than two months close application under
those august and enlightened masters of the science with
which the Convention abounded, nor was I able to discover during
that time, either by my own researches, or by any light borrowed
from those luminaries, anything in the history of mankind
or in the sentiments of those who have favoured the world with
their ideas on government, to warrant or countenance the motley
mixture of a system proposed: a system which is an innovation
in government of the most extraordinary kind; a system neither
wholly federal, nor wholly national—but a strange hotch-potch of
both—just so much federal in appearance as to give its advocates
in some measure, an opportunity of passing it as such upon the
unsuspecting multitude, before they had time and opportunity to
examine it, and yet so predominantly national as to put it in the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page368">[pg 368]</span><a name="Pg368" id="Pg368" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
power of its movers, whenever the machine shall be set agoing,
to strike out every part that has the appearance of being federal,
and to render it wholly and entirely a national government:
And if the framing and approving the Constitution now offered
to our acceptance, is a proof of knowledge in the science of government,
I not only admit, but I glory in my ignorance; and if
my rising to speak had such a somnific influence on the Convention
as the Landholder represents, I have no doubt the time will
come, should this system be adopted, when my countrymen will
ardently wish I had never left the Convention, but remained there
to the last, daily administering to my associates the salutary
opiate. Happy, thrice happy, would it have been for my country,
if the whole of that time had been devoted to sleep, or been a
blank in our lives, rather than employed in forging its chains.
As I fully intended to have returned to the Convention before
the completion of its business, my colleagues very probably
might, and were certainly well warranted to, give that information
the Landholder mentions; but whether the Convention was
led to conclude that I <span class="tei tei-q">“would have honoured the Constitution
with my signature had not indispensable business called me
away,”</span> may be easily determined after stating a few facts. The
Landholder admits I was at first against the system—when the
compromise took place on the subject of representation, I in the
most explicit manner declared in Convention, that though I had
concurred in the report, so far as to consent to proceed upon it that
we might see what kind of a system might be formed, yet I disclaimed
every idea of being bound to give it my assent, but reserved
to myself the full liberty of finally giving it my negative, if
it appeared to me inconsistent with the happiness of my country.
In a desultory conversation which long after took place in Convention,
one morning before our honourable president took the
chair, he was observing how unhappy it would be should there
be such a diversity of sentiment as to cause any of the members
to oppose the system when they returned to their states; on
that occasion I replied that I was confident no state in the union
would more readily accede to a proper system of government
than Maryland, but that the system under consideration was of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page369">[pg 369]</span><a name="Pg369" id="Pg369" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
such a nature, that I never could recommend it for acceptance;
that I thought the state never ought to adopt it, and expressed
my firm belief that it never would.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
An honourable member from Pennsylvania objected against
that part of the sixth article which requires an oath to be taken
by the persons there mentioned, in support of the constitution,
observing (as he justly might from the conduct the convention
was then pursuing) how little such oaths were regarded. I
immediately joined in the objection, but declared my reason to be,
that I thought it such a constitution as no friend of his country
ought to bind himself to support. And not more than two days
before I left Philadelphia, another honourable member from the
same state urged most strenuously that the Convention ought to
hasten their deliberations to a conclusion, assigning as a reason
that the Assembly of Pennsylvania was just then about to meet,
and that it would be of the greatest importance to bring the system
before that session of the legislature, in order that a Convention
of the State might be immediately called to ratify it, before
the enemies of the system should have an opportunity of making
the people acquainted with their objections, at the same time declaring
that if the matter should be delayed and the people have
time to hear the variety of objections which would be made to it
by its opposers, he thought it doubtful whether that state or any
other state in the union would adopt it.<a id="noteref_60" name="noteref_60" href="#note_60"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">60</span></span></a> As soon as the honourable
member took his seat, I rose and observed, that I was
precisely of the same opinion, that the people of America never
would, nor did I think they ought to, adopt the system, if they
had time to consider and understand it; whereas a proneness for
novelty and change—a conviction that some alteration was necessary,
and a confidence in the members who composed the Convention—might
possibly procure its adoption, if brought hastily
before them, but that these sentiments induced me to wish that a
very different line of conduct should be pursued from that recommended
by the honourable member. I wished the people to have
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page370">[pg 370]</span><a name="Pg370" id="Pg370" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
every opportunity of information, as I thought it much preferable
that a bad system should be rejected at first, than hastily adopted
and afterwards be unavailingly repented of. If these were instances
of my <span class="tei tei-q">“high approbation,”</span> I gave them in abundance as all the
Convention can testify, and continued so to do till I left them.
That I expressed great regret at being obliged to leave Philadelphia,
and a fixed determination to return if possible before the
Convention rose, is certain. That I might declare that I had
rather lose an hundred guineas than not to be there at the close
of the business is very probable—and it is possible that some who
heard me say this, not knowing my reasons, which could not be
expressed without a breach of that secrecy to which we were enjoined,
might erroneously have concluded that my motive was
the gratification of vanity, in having my name enrolled with those
of a Franklin and a Washington. As to the first, I cordially join
in the tribute of praise so justly paid to the enlightened philosopher
and statesman, while the polite, friendly and affectionate
treatment myself and my family received from that venerable
sage and the worthy family in which he is embosomed, will ever
endear him to my heart. The name of Washington is far above
my praise. I would to Heaven that on this occasion one
more wreath had been added to the number of those which
are twined around his amiable brow—that those with which it is
already surrounded may flourish with immortal verdure, nor
wither or fade till time shall be no more, is my fervent prayer, and
may that glory which encircles his head ever shine with undiminished
rays. To find myself under the necessity of opposing such
illustrious characters, whom I venerated and loved, filled me with
regret; but viewing the system in the light I then did, and yet
do view it, to have hesitated would have been criminal; complaisance
would have been guilt. If it was the idea of my state that
whatever a Washington or Franklin approved, was to be blindly
adopted, she ought to have spared herself the expence of sending
any members to the Convention, or to have instructed them implicitly
to follow where they led the way. It was not to have my
<span class="tei tei-q">“name enrolled with the other labourers,”</span> that I wished to return
to Philadelphia—that sacrifice which I must have made of my
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page371">[pg 371]</span><a name="Pg371" id="Pg371" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
principles by putting my name to the Constitution, could not
have been effaced by any derivative lustre it could possibly receive
from the bright constellation with which it would have
been surrounded. My object was in truth the very reverse; as I
had uniformly opposed the system in its progress, I wished to
have been present at the conclusion, to have then given it my solemn
negative, which I certainly should have done, even had I stood
single and alone, being perfectly willing to leave it to the cool and
impartial investigation both of the present and of future ages to decide
who best understood the science of government—who best
knew the rights of men and of states, who best consulted the
true interest of America, and who most faithfully discharged
the trust reposed in them, those who agreed to or those who
opposed the new Constitution—and so fully have I made up
my own mind on this subject, that as long as the history of mankind
shall record the appointment of the late Convention, and the
system which has been proposed by them, it is my highest ambition
that my name may also be recorded as one who considered
the system injurious to my country, and as such opposed it.
Having shown that I did not <span class="tei tei-q">“alter my opinion after I left Philadelphia,”</span>
and that I acted no <span class="tei tei-q">“contradictory parts on the great
political stage,”</span> and therefore that there are none such to reconcile,
the reason assigned by the Landholder for that purpose doth
not deserve my notice, except only to observe that he shrewdly
intimates there is already a Junto established, who are to share in
and deal out the offices of this new government at their will and
pleasure, and that they have already fixed upon the character who
is to be <span class="tei tei-q">“Deputy Attorney General of the United States for the
State of Maryland.”</span> If this is true, it is worth while to inquire of
whom this Junto consists, as it might lead to a discovery of the
persons for the gratification of whose ambition and interest this
system is prepared, and is, if possible, to be enforced, and from
the disposition of offices already allotted in the various and numerous
departments, we possibly might discover whence proceeds
the conviction and zeal of some of its advocates.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Luther Martin.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baltimore, March 19, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page372">[pg 372]</span><a name="Pg372" id="Pg372" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Luther Martin, V.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Maryland Journal,
(Number 1024)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, March 28, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Number III.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of Maryland.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There is, my fellow citizens, scarcely an individual of common
understanding, I believe, in this state, who is any ways acquainted
with the proposed Constitution, who doth not allow it to be, in
many instances, extremely censurable, and that a variety of alterations
and amendments are essentially requisite, to render it consistent
with a reasonable security for the liberty of the respective
states, and their citizens. Aristides,<a id="noteref_61" name="noteref_61" href="#note_61"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">61</span></span></a>
it is true, is an exception
from this observation; he declares, that <span class="tei tei-q">“if the whole matter was
left to his discretion, he would not change any part of the proposed
Constitution,”</span> whether he meant this declaration as a proof
of his discretion, I will not say; it will however, readily be admitted,
by most, as a proof of his enthusiastic zeal in favour of the
system. But it would be injustice to that writer not to observe,
that if he is as much mistaken in the other parts of the Constitution,
as in that which relates to the judicial department, the Constitution
which he is so earnestly recommending to his countrymen,
and on which he is lavishing so liberally his commendations,
is a thing of his own creation and totally different from that
which is offered for your acceptance.—He has given us an
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page373">[pg 373]</span><a name="Pg373" id="Pg373" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
explanation of the original and appellate jurisdiction of the judiciary
of the general government, and of the manner in which he
supposes it is to operate—an explanation so inconsistent with the
intention of its framers, and so different from its true construction
and from the effect which it will have, should the system be
adopted, that I could scarce restrain my astonishment at the error,
although I was in some measure prepared for it, by his previous
acknowledgment that he did not very well understand that
part of the system; a circumstance I apprehended he did not recollect
at the time when he was bestowing upon it his dying benediction.
And if one of our judges, possessed of no common
share of understanding, and of extensive acquired knowledge, who,
as he informs us, has long made the science of government his
peculiar study, so little understands the true import and construction
of this Constitution, and that too in a part more particularly
within his own province, can it be wondered at that the people
in general, whose knowledge in subjects of this nature is much
more limited and circumscribed, should but imperfectly comprehend
the extent, operation and consequences of so complex and
intricate a system; and is not this of itself a strong proof of the
necessity that it should be corrected and amended, at least so as
to render it more clear and comprehensible to those who are to
decide upon it, or to be affected by it. But although almost
every one agrees the Constitution, as it is, to be both defective
and dangerous, we are not wanting in characters who earnestly
advise us to adopt it, in its present form, with all its faults, and
assure us we may safely rely on obtaining hereafter the amendments
that are necessary. But why, I pray you, my fellow citizens,
should we not insist upon the necessary amendments being
made now, while we have the liberty of acting for ourselves, before
the Constitution becomes binding upon us by our assent, as
every principle of reason, common sense and safety would dictate?
Because, say they, the sentiments of men are so different,
and the interests of the different states are so jarring and dissonant,
that there is no probability they would agree if alterations and
amendments were attempted. Thus with one breath they tell us
that the obstacles to any alterations and amendments being agreed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page374">[pg 374]</span><a name="Pg374" id="Pg374" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to by the states are so insuperable, that it is vain to make the experiment,
while in the next they would persuade us it is so certain
the states will accede to those which shall be necessary, and that
they may be procured even after the system shall be ratified, that
we need not hesitate swallowing the poison, from the ease and security
of instantly obtaining the antidote—and they seem to think
it astonishing that any person should find a difficulty in reconciling
the absurdity and contradiction. If it is easy to obtain proper
amendments, do not let us sacrifice everything that ought to be
dear to freemen, for want of insisting upon its being done, while we
have the power. If the obtaining them will be difficult and improbable,
for God's sake do not accept of such a form of government
as without amendments cannot fail of rendering you mere
beasts of burthen, and reducing you to a level with your own slaves,
with this aggravating distinction, that you once tasted the blessings
of freedom. Those who would wish you to believe that the faults
in the system proposed are wholly or principally owing to the
difference of state interests, and proceed from that cause, are
either imposed upon themselves, or mean to impose upon you.
The principal questions, in which the state interests had any
material effect, were those which related to representation, and
the number in each branch of the legislature, whose concurrence
should be necessary for passing navigation acts, or making commercial
regulations. But what state is there in the union whose
interest would prompt it to give the general government the extensive
and unlimited powers it possesses in the executive, legislative
and judicial departments, together with the powers over the
militia, and the liberty of establishing a standing army without
any restriction? What state in the union considers it advantageous
to its interest that the President should be re-eligible—the
members of both houses appointable to offices—the judges
capable of holding other offices at the will and pleasure of the
government, and that there should be no real responsibility either
in the President or in the members of either branch of the Legislature?
Or what state is there that would have been averse to a
bill of rights, or that would have wished for the destruction of
jury trial in a great variety of cases, and in a particular manner in
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page375">[pg 375]</span><a name="Pg375" id="Pg375" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
every case without exception where the government itself is interested?
These parts of the system, so far from promoting the
interest of any state, or states, have an immediate tendency to
annihilate all the state governments indiscriminately, and to subvert
their rights and the rights of their citizens. To oppose
these, and to procure their alteration, is equally the interest
of every state in the union. The introduction of these parts
of the system must not be attributed to the jarring interests
of states, but to a very different source, the pride, the ambition
and the interest of individuals. This being the case, we may
be enabled to form some judgment of the probability of obtaining
a safe and proper system, should we have firmness and wisdom
to reject that which is now offered; and also of the great
improbability of procuring any amendments to the present system,
if we should weakly and inconsiderately adopt it. The bold
and daring attempt that has been made to use, for the total annihilation
of the states, that power that was delegated for their
preservation, will put the different states on their guard. The
votaries of ambition and interest being totally defeated in their
attempt to establish themselves on the ruins of the States, which
they will be if this Constitution is rejected, an attempt in which
they had more probability of success from the total want of suspicion
in their countrymen than they can have hereafter, they
will not hazard a second attempt of the same nature, in which
they will have much less chance of success; besides, being once
discovered they will not be confided in. The true interest and
happiness of the states and their citizens will, therefore, most
probably be the object which will be principally sought for by a
second Convention, should a second be appointed, which if really
aimed at, I cannot think very difficult to accomplish, by giving to
the federal government sufficient power for every salutary purpose,
while the rights of the states and their citizens should be secure
from any imminent danger. But if the arts and influence of ambitious
and interested men, even in their present situation, while
more on a level with yourselves, and unarmed with any extraordinary
powers, should procure you to adopt this system, dangerous
as it is admitted to be to your rights, I will appeal to the understanding
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page376">[pg 376]</span><a name="Pg376" id="Pg376" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of every one of you, who will on this occasion give
his reason fair play, whether there is not every cause to believe
they will, should this government be adopted, with that additional
power, consequence and influence it will give them, most
easily prevent the necessary alterations which might be wished
for, the purpose of which would be directly opposite to their
views, and defeat every attempt to procure them. Be assured,
whatever obstacles or difficulties may be at this time in the way
of obtaining a proper system of government, they will be increased
an hundred fold after this system is adopted. Reflect
also, I entreat you, my fellow citizens, that the alterations and
amendments which are wanted in the present system are of such
a nature as to diminish and lessen, to check and restrain the
powers of the general government, not to increase and enlarge
those powers. If they were of the last kind, we might safely adopt
it, and trust to giving greater powers hereafter, like a physician
who administers an emetic ex re nata, giving a moderate dose at
first, and increasing it afterwards as the constitution of the patient
may require. But I appeal to the history of mankind for this truth,
that when once power and authority are delegated to a government,
it knows how to keep it, and is sufficiently and successfully
fertile in expedients for that purpose. Nay more, the whole history
of mankind proves that so far from parting with the powers
actually delegated to it, government is constantly encroaching on
the small pittance of rights reserved by the people to themselves,
and gradually wresting them out of their hands until it either terminates
in their slavery or forces them to arms, and brings about
a revolution. From these observations it appears to me, my fellow
citizens, that nothing can be more weak and absurd than to
accept of a system that is admitted to stand in need of immediate
amendments to render your rights secure—for remember, if you
fail in obtaining them, you cannot free yourselves from the yoke
you will have placed on your necks, and servitude must, therefore,
be your portion. Let me ask you my fellow citizens what you
would think of a physician who, because you were slightly indisposed,
should bring you a dose which properly corrected with
other ingredients might be a salutary remedy, but of itself was a
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page377">[pg 377]</span><a name="Pg377" id="Pg377" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
deadly poison, and with great appearance of friendship and zeal,
should advise you to swallow it immediately, and trust to accident
for those requisites necessary to qualify its malignity, and
prevent its destructive effects? Would not you reject the advice,
in however friendly a manner it might appear to be given, with
indignation, and insist that he should first procure, and properly
attempt, the necessary ingredients, since after the fatal draught
was once received into your bowels, it would be too late should
the antidote prove unattainable, and death must ensue. With the
same indignation ought you, my fellow citizens, to reject the advice
of those political quacks, who under pretence of healing the
disorders of our present government, would urge you rashly to
gulp down a constitution, which in its present form, unaltered
and unamended, would be as certain death to your liberty, as arsenic
could be to your bodies.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Luther Martin.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baltimore, March 25, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page378">[pg 378]</span><a name="Pg378" id="Pg378" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Luther Martin, VI.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Maryland Journal,
(Number 1026)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Friday, April 4, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Number IV.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">To the Citizens of Maryland.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If those, my fellow citizens, to whom the administration of our
government was about to be committed, had sufficient wisdom
never to err, and sufficient goodness always to consult the true
interest of the governed, and if we could have a proper security
that their successors should to the end of time be possessed of
the same qualifications, it would be impossible that power could
be lavished upon them with too liberal a hand. Power absolute
and unlimited, united with unerring wisdom and unbounded goodness,
is the government of the Deity of the universe. But remember,
my fellow citizens, that the persons to whom you are
about to delegate authority are and will be weak, erring mortals,
subject to the same passions, prejudices and infirmities with yourselves;
and let it be deeply engraven on your hearts, that from
the first history of government to the present time, if we begin
with Nimrod and trace down the rulers of nations to those who
are now invested with supreme power, we shall find few, very
few, who have made the beneficent Governor of the universe the
model of their conduct, while many are they who, on the contrary,
have imitated the demons of the darkness. We have no
right to expect that our rulers will be more wise, more virtuous,
or more perfect than those of other nations have been, or that
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page379">[pg 379]</span><a name="Pg379" id="Pg379" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
they will not be equally under the influence of ambition, avarice
and all that train of baleful passions, which have so generally
proved the curse of our unhappy race. We must consider mankind
such as they really are,—such as experience has shown them
to be heretofore, and bids us expect to find them hereafter,—and
not suffer ourselves to be misled by interested deceivers or enthusiastick
visionaries; and therefore in forming a system of government,
to delegate no greater power than is clearly and certainly
necessary, ought to be the first principle with every people
who are influenced by reason and a regard for their safety, and in
doing this, they ought most solicitously to endeavour so to qualify
even that power, by such checks and restraints, as to produce
a perfect responsibility in those who are to exercise it, and prevent
them from its abuse with a chance of impunity;—since such
is the nature of man, that he has a propensity to abuse authority
and to tyrannize over the rights of his fellowmen;—and to whomsoever
power is given, not content with the actual deposit, they
will ever strive to obtain an increase. Those who would wish to
excite and keep awake your jealousy and distrust are your truest
friends; while they who speak peace to you when there is no
peace—who would lull you into security, and wish you to repose
blind confidence in your future governors—are your most dangerous
enemies; jealousy and distrust are the guardian angels who
watch over liberty—security and confidence are the forerunners
of slavery. But the advocates of the system tell you that we who
oppose it, endeavour to terrify you with mere possibilities which
may never be realized, that all our objections consist in saying
government may do this, and government may do that—I will
for argument sake admit the justice of this remark, and yet maintain
that the objections are insurmountable. I consider it an incontrovertible
truth, that whatever by the constitution government
even may do, if it relates to the abuse of power by acts tyrannical
and oppressive, it some time or other will do. Such is the ambition
of man, and his lust for domination, that no power less than that
which fixed its bounds to the ocean can say to them, <span class="tei tei-q">“Thus far
shall ye go and no farther.”</span> Ascertain the limits of the may
with ever so much precision, and let them be as extensive as you
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page380">[pg 380]</span><a name="Pg380" id="Pg380" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
please, government will speedily reach their utmost verge; nor
will it stop there, but soon will overleap those boundaries, and
roam at large into the regions of the may not. Those who tell
you the government by this constitution may keep up a standing
army, abolish the trial by jury, oppress the citizens of the states
by its powers over the militia, destroy the freedom of the press,
infringe the liberty of conscience, and do a number of other acts
injurious and destructive of your rights, yet that it never will do
so; and that you safely may accept such a constitution and be
perfectly at ease and secure that your rulers will always be so
good, so wise, and so virtuous—such emanations of the Deity—that
they will never use their power but for your interest and
your happiness, contradict the uniform experience of ages, and
betray a total ignorance of human nature, or a total want of ingenuity.
Look back, my fellow citizens, to your conduct but a
few years past, and let that instruct you what ought to be your
conduct at this time. Great Britain then claimed the right to
pass laws to bind you in all cases whatever. You were then
told in all the soft insinuating language of the present day, and
with all the appearance of disinterested friendship now used, that
those who insisted this claim of power might be abused, only
wandered in the regions of fancy—that you need not be uneasy,
but might safely acquiesce in the claim—that you might have
the utmost possible confidence in your rulers, that they never
would use that power to your injury; but distrustful of government,
and jealous of your liberty, you rejected such counsel with
disdain; the bare possibility that Britain might abuse it, if once
conceded, kindled a flame from one end of this continent to the
other, and roused you to arms. Weak and defenseless as you
were, unused to military exertions, and unsupplied with warlike
stores, you braved the strength of a nation the most powerful
and best provided—you chose to risk your lives and property
rather than to risque the possibility that the power claimed by
the British government should be exercised to your injury—a
possibility which the minions of power at that time, with as much
confidence as those of the present day, declared to be absolutely
visionary. Heaven wrought a miracle in your favour, and your
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page381">[pg 381]</span><a name="Pg381" id="Pg381" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
efforts were crowned with success. You are not now called upon
to make an equal sacrifice, you are not now requested to beat your
ploughshares into swords, or your pruning hooks into spears, to
leave your peaceful habitations, and exchange domestic tranquillity
for the horrors of war; peaceably, quietly and orderly to give this
system of slavery your negative, is all that is asked by the advocates
of freedom—to pronounce the single monosyllable no, is all
they entreat. Shall they entreat you in vain? When by this it is to
be determined, whether our independence, for obtaining which we
have been accustomed to bow the knee with reverential gratitude to
Heaven, shall be our greatest curse; and when on this it depends
whether we shall be subject to a government, of which the little
finger will be thicker than the loins of that of Great Britain. But
there are also persons who pretend that your situation is at present
so bad that it cannot be worse, and urge that as an argument
why we should embrace any remedy proposed, however desperate
it may appear. Thus do the poor erring children of mortality, suffering
under the presence of real or imaginary evils, have recourse
to a pistol or halter for relief, and rashly launch into the
untried regions of eternity—nor wake from this delusion, until
they wake in endless woe. Should the citizens of America, in a fit
desperation, be induced to commit this fatal act of political suicide,
to which by such arguments they are stimulated, the day will
come when laboring under more than Egyptian bondage; compelled
to finish their quota of brick, though destitute of straw and
of mortar; galled with your chains, and worn down by oppression,
you will, by sad experience, be convinced (when that conviction
shall be too late), that there is a difference in evils, and that the
buzzing of gnats is more supportable than the sting of a serpent.
From the wisdom of antiquity we might obtain excellent instruction,
if we were not too proud to profit by it. Æsop has furnished
us with a history of a nation of frogs, between which and
our own there is a striking resemblance—whether the catastrophe
be the same, rests with ourselves. Jupiter out of pure good
nature, wishing to do them as little injury as possible, on being
asked for a king, had thrown down into their pond a log to rule
over them;—under whose government, had they been wise
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page382">[pg 382]</span><a name="Pg382" id="Pg382" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
enough to know their own interest and to pursue it, they might
to this day, have remained happy and prosperous. Terrified
with the noise, and affrighted by the violent undulations of the
water, they for some time kept an awful distance, and regarded
their monarch with reverence; but the first impression being in
some measure worn off, and perceiving him to be of a tame and
peaceable disposition, they approached him with familiarity, and
soon entertained for him the utmost contempt. In a little time
were seen the leaders of the frogs croaking to their respective
circles on the weakness and feebleness of the government at
home, and of its want of dignity and respect abroad, till the sentiment
being caught by their auditors, the whole pond resounded
with <span class="tei tei-q">“Oh Jupiter, good Jupiter, hear our prayers! Take away
from us this vile log, and give us a ruler who shall know how to
support the dignity and splendor of government! Give us any
government you please, only let it be energetic and efficient.”</span>
The Thunderer, in his wrath, sent them a crane. With what
delight did they gaze on their monarch, as he came majestically
floating on the wings of the wind. They admired his
uncommon shape—it was such as they had never before seen—his
deformities were, in their eyes, the greatest of beauties, and
they were heard like Aristides to declare that, were they on the
verge of eternity, they would not wish a single alteration in his
form. His monstrous beak, his long neck, and his enormous poke,
even these, the future means of their destruction, were subjects of
their warm approbation. He took possession of his new dominions,
and instantly began to swallow down his subjects, and it is said
that those who had been the warmest zealots for crane administration,
fared no better than the rest. The poor wretches were now
much more dissatisfied than before, and with all possible humility
applied to Jupiter again for his aid, but in vain—he dismissed them
with this reproof, <span class="tei tei-q">“that the evil of which they complained they
had foolishly brought upon themselves, and that they had no
other remedy now, but to submit with patience.”</span> Thus forsaken
by the god, and left to the mercy of the crane, they sought to
escape his cruelty by flight; but pursuing them to every place of
retreat, and thrusting his long neck through the water to the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page383">[pg 383]</span><a name="Pg383" id="Pg383" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
bottom, he drew them out with his beak from their most secret
hiding-places, and served them up as a regale for his ravenous
appetite. The present federal government is, my fellow citizens,
the log of the fable—the crane is the system now offered to your
acceptance—I wish you not to remain under the government of
the one, nor to become subjected to the tyranny of the other. If
either of these events take place, it must arise from your being
greatly deficient to yourselves—from your being, like the nation of
Frogs, <span class="tei tei-q">“a discontented, variable race, weary of liberty and fond
of change.”</span> At the same time I have no hesitation in declaring,
that if the one or the other must be our fate, I think the harmless,
inoffensive, though contemptible Log, infinitely to be preferred to
the powerful, the efficient, but all-devouring Crane.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Luther Martin.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baltimore, March 29, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page385">[pg 385]</span><a name="Pg385" id="Pg385" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc31" id="toc31"></a>
<a name="pdf32" id="pdf32"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Letter Of A Plain Dealer, Accredited To Spencer Roane.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The Virginia Independent Chronicle,<br />
February, 1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page387">[pg 387]</span><a name="Pg387" id="Pg387" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In October, 1787, Governor Edmund Randolph, delegate to
the Federal Convention from Virginia, addressed to the Speaker
of the House of Delegates a letter on the Federal Constitution.
This was published in December, 1787, in both <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Virginia Gazette</span></span>
and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Virginia Independent Chronicle</span></span>, as well as in pamphlet
form at the time, and recently in Ford's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pamphlets on the
Constitution</span></span>. Randolph had declined to give his assent to the Constitution
in the Convention, but had so far altered his views in the intervening
period as to make his letter on the whole an argument in favor
of rather than against its adoption. Uncertain in exactly what light
to regard his utterances, it was one of the few writings of the
time which did not receive replies from one party or the other.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The essay of <span class="tei tei-q">“A Plain Dealer”</span> is the only notice I have found
of this letter, and deals rather more with the inconsistencies of
Randolph's views, than with the arguments advanced in the letter.
Of the author, Randolph himself gives us a clue in his letter
to Madison, of February 29, 1788, where he writes:
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
A writer calling himself Plain Dealer, who is bitter in principle
</span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">vs.</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> the Constitution, has attacked me in the paper. I suspect
the author to be Mr. Spencer Roane; and the importunities of
some to me in public and private are designed to throw me unequivocally
and without condition into the opposition.
</span></div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page389">[pg 389]</span><a name="Pg389" id="Pg389" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Plain Dealer.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Virginia Independent Chronicle,
(Number 82)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Wednesday, February 13, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">Mans parturiens et ecce nascitur mus.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
After a long and general expectancy of some dissertation on the
subject of the proposed Federal Constitution, worthy the first
magistrate of the respectable state of Virginia, a letter of his Excellency
Governor Randolph, of Oct. 10, 1787, is at length presented
to the public. Previous to the appearance of this letter,
various opinions were prevailing in different parts of this country
respecting that gentleman's <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">real</span></em> opinion on the subject of the
said Constitution; and it became difficult for many to conjecture
how his Excellency would devise a middle course, so as to catch
the spirit of all his countrymen, and to reconcile himself to all
parties. It was not known to me, at least, that his Excellency
felt an <span class="tei tei-q">“unwillingness to disturb the harmony of the legislature”</span>
on this important subject; nor could I conceive that the sentiments
of even the ablest man among us could <span class="tei tei-q">“excite a contest
unfavorable”</span> to the fairest discussion of the question. On the
other hand, I thought it right that the adversaries of the Constitution,
as well as its framers, should candidly avow their real
sentiments as early and decidedly as possible, for the information
of those who are to determine. It is true, his Excellency was
prevented declaring his opinion sooner, <span class="tei tei-q">“by motives of delicacy
arising from two questions depending before the General Assembly,
one respecting the Constitution, the other respecting himself;”</span>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page390">[pg 390]</span><a name="Pg390" id="Pg390" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
but I am of opinion that during the pendency of a question
concerning the Constitution, every information on that subject is
most properly to be adduced; and I did not know that the being
or not being Governor of Virginia, (an office in a great degree
nominal) was sufficient to deter a real patriot from speaking
the warning voice of opposition, in behalf of the liberties of his
country.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The letter above-mentioned can derive no aid from panegyric,
as to the brilliancy and elegance of its stile, for unlike the threadbare
discourses of other statesmen on the dry subject of government,
it amuses us with a number of fine words. But how shall
I express my dislike of the ultimatum of his Excellency's letter,
wherein he declares <span class="tei tei-q">“that if after our best efforts for amendments,
they cannot be obtained, he will adopt the Constitution as it is.”</span>
How is this declaration reconcilable to a former opinion of his
Excellency's, expressed to the Honorable Richard Henry Lee, and
repeated by the latter gentleman in his letter,<a id="noteref_62" name="noteref_62" href="#note_62"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">62</span></span></a>
as printed in the
public papers, <span class="tei tei-q">“that either a monarchy or an aristocracy will be
generated from the proposed Constitution.”</span> Good God! how
can the first Magistrate and Father of a free republican government,
after a feeble parade of opposition, and before his desired
plan of amendments has been determined upon, declare that he
will accept a Constitution which is to beget a monarchy or an
aristocracy? How can such a determination be reconcilable to
the feelings of Virginia, and to the principles which have prevailed
in almost every legislature of the union, who looked no
farther than the amendment of our present republican confederation?
I have charity to believe that the respectable characters
who signed this Constitution did so, thinking that neither
a monarchy nor an aristocracy would ensue, but that they
should thereby preserve and ameliorate the republic of America;
but never until now, that his Excellency has let the cat out
of the bag, did I suppose that any member of the Convention,
at least from the republican state of Virginia, would
accept a Constitution, whereby the republic of his constituents
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page391">[pg 391]</span><a name="Pg391" id="Pg391" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
is to be sacrificed in its infancy, and before it has had a
fair trial. But his Excellency will adopt
this Constitution, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">because
he would regulate himself by the spirit of America</span></span>.”</span>
But is his Excellency a prophet as well as a politician—can he
foretell future events? How else can he at this time discover what
the spirit of America is? But admitting his infallibility for a moment,
how far will his principle carry him?—why, that if the dominion
of Shays, instead of that of the new Constitution, should
be generally accepted, and become the spirit of America, his Excellency,
too, would turn Shayite!—and yet this question of the
Constitution, is <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">one on which the fate of thousands yet unborn
depends</span></span>.”</span> It is his Excellency's opinion, as expressed in
the aforesaid letter, that the powers which are acknowledged
necessary for supporting the Union, cannot safely be entrusted to
our Congress as at present constituted; and his vain objection is
<span class="tei tei-q">“that the representation of the states bears no proportion to their
importance.”</span> This is literally true; but is equally true of the
Senate of the proposed Constitution, which is to be an essential
part of the legislature; and yet his Excellency will accept the latter,
and not agree to invest the necessary powers in the former,
although the above objection equally applies to both. Nay, I am
inclined to believe that the injurious consequences of this unequal
representation will operate more strongly under the new government—for
under the present confederation the members of Congress
are removable at the pleasure of their constituents;—whereas
under the proposed Constitution, the only method of removing
a wicked, unskilful or treacherous senator, will be by impeachment
before the senate itself, of which he is a member.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These, Mr. Printer, are some of the inconsistencies which even
a slight observation of the above letter will suggest. It is not my
purpose to oppose now, or to investigate, the merits of the Constitution.
This I leave to abler pens, and to the common sense of
my countrymen. The science of government is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">in itself</span></em> simple
and plain; and if in the history of mankind no perfect government
can be found, let it be attributed to the chicane, perfidy and ambition
of those who fabricate them; and who are more or less, in
common with all mankind, infected with a lust of power. It is,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page392">[pg 392]</span><a name="Pg392" id="Pg392" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
however, certainly not consistent with sound sense to accept a
Constitution, knowing it to be imperfect; and his Excellency
acknowledges the proposed one to have radical objections. A
Constitution ought to be like Cæsar's wife, not only good, but
unsuspected, since it is the highest compact which men are capable
of forming, and involves the dearest rights of life, liberty and
property. I fear his Excellency has done no service to his favorite
scheme of amendments (and he too seems to be of the same
opinion) by his very candid declaration at the end of his letter.
Subtlety and chicane in politics, are equally odious and dishonorable;
but when it is considered that the present is not the golden
age—the epoch of virtue, candor and integrity—that the views of
ambitious and designing men are continually working to their
own aggrandizement and to the overthrow of liberty, and that the
discordant interests of thirteen different commonwealths are to be
reconciled and promoted by one general government; common
reason will teach us that the utmost caution, secrecy, and political
sagacity is requisite to secure to each the important blessings
of a good government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I shall now take my leave of his Excellency and the above-mentioned
letter, declaring my highest veneration for his character
and abilities; and it can be no impeachment of the talents of
any man who has not served a regular apprenticeship to politics,
to say, that his opinions on an intricate political question are
erroneous. For if, as the celebrated Dr. Blackstone observes,
<span class="tei tei-q">“in every art, occupation, or science, commercial or mechanical,
some method of instruction or apprenticeship is held necessary,
how much more requisite will such apprenticeship be found to
be, in the science of government, the noblest and most difficult of
any!”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A Plain Dealer.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page393">[pg 393]</span><a name="Pg393" id="Pg393" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc33" id="toc33"></a>
<a name="pdf34" id="pdf34"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Remarks On The New Plan Of Government, By Hugh Williamson.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The State Gazette Of North Carolina.<br />
1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page395">[pg 395]</span><a name="Pg395" id="Pg395" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
No file of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">State Gazette of North Carolina</span></span> is now known to
exist, so the date of publication of this essay is in doubt. It is
printed from a clipping from that paper, preserved by Williamson
himself, which is in the library of the New York Historical Society.
A note states that:
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">The following remarks on the new Plan of Government are
handed us as the substance of Dr. Williamson's Address to the
freemen of Edenton and the County of Chowan when assembled
to instruct their representatives.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page397">[pg 397]</span><a name="Pg397" id="Pg397" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Remarks.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
State Gazette Of North Carolina.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Though I am conscious that a subject of the greatest magnitude
must suffer in the hands of such an advocate, I cannot refuse,
at the request of my fellow-citizens, to make some observations
on the new plan of government.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It seems to be generally admitted, that the system of government
which has been proposed by the late convention, is well
calculated to relieve us from many of the grievances under which
we have been laboring. If I might express my particular sentiments
on this subject, I should describe it as more free and more
perfect than any form of government that has ever been adopted
by any nation; but I would not say it has no faults. Imperfection
is inseparable from every device. Several objections were made
to this system by two or three very respectable characters in the
convention, which have been the subject of much conversation;
and other objections, by citizens of this state, have lately reached
our ears. It is proper you should consider of these objections.
They are of two kinds; they respect the things that are in the
system, and the things that are not in it. We are told that there
should have been a section for securing the trial by Jury in civil
cases, and the liberty of the press: that there should also have
been a declaration of rights. In the new system, it is provided,
that <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the trial of all crimes</span></em>, except
in cases of impeachment, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">shall
be by jury</span></em>”</span> but this provision could not possibly be extended to
all <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">civil</span></em> cases. For it is well known that the trial by jury is not
general and uniform throughout the United States, either in cases
of admiralty or of chancery; hence it becomes necessary to submit
the question to the general Legislature, who might accommodate
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page398">[pg 398]</span><a name="Pg398" id="Pg398" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
their laws on this occasion to the desires and habits of the
nation. Surely there is no prohibition in a case that is untouched.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We have been told that the liberty of the press is not secured
by the new Constitution. Be pleased to examine the Plan, and
you will find that the liberty of the press and the laws of Mahomet
are equally affected by it. The new government is to
have the power of protecting literary property; the very power
which you have by a special act delegated to the present congress.
There was a time in England, when neither book, pamphlet,
nor paper could be published without a license from government.
That restraint was finally removed in the year 1694:
and, by such removal, their press became perfectly free, for it is
not under the restraint of any license. Certainly the new government
can have no power to impose restraints. The citizens of
the United States have no more occasion for a second declaration
of rights, than they have for a section in favour of the press.
Their rights, in the several states, have long since been explained
and secured by particular declarations, which make a part of
their several constitutions. It is granted, and perfectly understood,
that under the government of the assemblies of the states,
and under the government of the congress, every right is reserved
to the individual which he has not expressly delegated to this, or
that legislature. The other objections that have been made to
the new plan of government, are: That it absorbs the powers of
the several states; that the national judiciary is too extensive;
that a standing army is permitted; that congress is allowed to
regulate trade; that the several states are prevented from taxing
exports for their own benefit.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When Gentlemen are pleased to complain, that little power is
left in the hands of the separate states, they should be advised to
cast an eye upon the large code of laws, which have passed in
this state since the peace. Let them consider how few of those
laws have been framed for the general benefit of the nation. Nine
out of ten of them are domestic; calculated for the sole use of this
state or of particular citizens. There must still be use for such
laws, though you should enable the congress to collect a revenue
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page399">[pg 399]</span><a name="Pg399" id="Pg399" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
for national purposes; and the collection of that revenue includes
the chief of the new powers, which are now to be committed to
the congress.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hitherto you have delegated certain powers to the Congress,
and other powers to the Assemblies of the states. The portion
that you have delegated to Congress, is found to have been
useless, because it is too small: and the powers that are committed
to the Assemblies of the several states are also found
to be absolutely ineffectual for national purposes, because
they can never be so managed as to operate in concert. Of
what use is that small portion of reserve powers? It neither
makes you respectable nor powerful. The consequence of such
reservation is national contempt abroad, and a state of dangerous
weakness at home. What avails the claim of power, which appears
to be nothing better than the empty whistling of a name?
The Congress will be chosen by yourselves, as your members of
Assembly are. They will be creatures of your hands, and subject
to your advice. Protected and cherished by the small addition
of power which you shall put into their hands, you may become
a great and respectable nation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is complained that the powers of the national judiciary are
too extensive. This objection appears to have the greatest
weight in the eyes of gentlemen who have not carefully compared
the powers which are to be delegated, with those that had been
formerly delegated to Congress. The powers now to be committed
to the national legislature, as they are detailed in the 8th
section of the first article, have already been chiefly delegated
to the Congress, under one form or another, except those which
are contained in the first paragraph of that section. And the
objects that are now to be submitted to the supreme judiciary, or
to the inferior courts, are those which naturally arise from the
constitutional laws of Congress. If there is a single new case
that can be exceptional, it is that between a Foreigner and a
Citizen, or that between the Citizens of different States. These
cases may come up by appeal. It is provided in this system,
that there shall be no fraudulent tender in the payments of debts.
Foreigners with whom we have treaties will trust our citizens on
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page400">[pg 400]</span><a name="Pg400" id="Pg400" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the faith of this engagement; and the citizens of different states
will do the same. If the Congress had a negative on the laws of
the several states, they would certainly prevent all such laws as
might endanger the honor or peace of the nation, by making a
tender of base money; but they have no such power, and it is at
least possible that some state may be found in this union, disposed
to break the constitution, and abolish private debts by such
tenders. In these cases the courts of the offending state would
probably decide according to its own laws. The foreigner would
complain, and the nation might be involved in war for the support
of such dishonest measures. Is it not better to have a court
of appeals in which the judges can only be determined by the
laws of the nation? This court is equally to be desired by the
citizens of different states. But we are told that justice will be
delayed, and the poor will be drawn away by the rich to a distant
court. The authors of this remark have not fully considered the
question, else they must have recollected that the poor of this
country have little to do with foreigners or with the citizens of
distant states. They do not consider that there may be an inferior
court in every state; nor have they recollected that the appeals
being with such exceptions, and under such regulations as
Congress shall make, will never be permitted for trifling sums or
under trivial pretences, unless we can suppose that the national
legislature shall be composed of knaves and fools. The line that
separates the powers of the national legislature from those of the
several states is clearly drawn. The several states reserve every
power that can be exercised for the particular use and comfort of
the state. They do not yield a single power which is not absolutely
necessary to the safety and prosperity of the nation, nor
one that could be employed to any effect in the hands of particular
states. The powers of judiciary naturally arise from those of
the legislature. Questions that are of a national concern, and
those cases which are determinable by the general laws of the
nation, are to be referred to the national judiciary; but they have
not anything to do with a single case either civil or criminal
which respects the private and particular concerns of a state or
its citizens.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page401">[pg 401]</span><a name="Pg401" id="Pg401" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The possibility of keeping regular troops in the public service,
has been urged as another objection against the new constitution.
It is very remarkable that the same objection has not been made
against the original confederation, in which the same grievance
obtains without the same guards. It is now provided, that no
appropriation of money for the use of the army shall be for a
longer time than two years. Provision is also made for having
a powerful militia, in which there never can be occasion for many
regular troops.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It has been objected in some of the southern states, that the
Congress, by a majority of votes, is to have the power to regulate
trade. It is universally admitted that Congress ought to have
this power, else our commerce, which is nearly ruined, can never
be restored; but some gentlemen think that the concurrence of
two-thirds of the votes in Congress should have been required.
By the sundry regulations of commerce, it will be in the power
of government not only to collect a vast revenue for the general
benefit of the nation, but to secure the carrying trade in the hands
of citizens in preference to strangers. It has been alleged that
there are few ships belonging to the southern states; and that the
price of freight must rise in consequence of our excluding many
foreign vessels: but when we have not vessels of our own, it is
certainly proper that we should hire those of citizens in preference
to strangers; and though the price of freight should rise for two
or three years, this advantage is fully due to our brethren in the
eastern and middle states, who, with great and exemplary candour,
have given us equal advantages in return. A small increase
in the price of freight would operate greatly in favour of the southern
states: it would promote the spirit of ship-building; it would
promote a nursery for native seamen, and would afford support to
the poor who live near the sea coast; it would increase the value
of their lands, and, at the same time, it would reduce their taxes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It has finally been objected that the several states are not permitted
to tax their exports for the benefit of their particular
treasuries. This strange objection has been occasionally repeated
by citizens of this state. They must have transplanted it from
another state, for it could not have been the growth of North
Carolina.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page402">[pg 402]</span><a name="Pg402" id="Pg402" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Such have been the objections against the new constitution.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Whilst the honest patriot who guards with jealous eye the
liberties of his country, and apprehends danger under every form—the
placeman in every state, who fears lest his office should pass
into other hands—the idle, the fractious, and the dishonest, who
live by plunder or speculation on the miseries of their country—while
these, assisted by a numerous body of secret enemies, who
never have been reconciled to our independence, are seeking for
objections to this constitution—it is a remarkable circumstance,
and a very high encomium on the plan, that nothing more plausible
has been offered against it; for it is an easy matter to find
faults.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Let us turn our eyes to a more fruitful subject; let us consider
the present condition of the United States, and the particular benefits
that North Carolina must reap by the proposed form of government.
Without money no government can be supported; and
Congress can raise no money under the present constitution.
They have not the power to make commercial treaties, because
they cannot preserve them when made. Hence it is, that we
are the prey of every nation. We are indulged in such foreign
commerce as must be hurtful to us; we are prohibited from that
which might be profitable; and we are accordingly told, that in
the last two years, the thirteen states have hardly paid into the
treasury as much as should have been paid by a single state.
Intestine commotions in some of the states—paper money in
others—a want of inclination in some, and a general suspicion
throughout the union that the burden is unequally laid—added
to the general loss of trade—have produced a general bankruptcy,
and loss of honor. We have borrowed money of Spain—she
demands the principal, but we cannot pay the interest. It is a
circumstance perfectly humiliating, that we should remain under
obligations to that nation. We are considerably indebted to
France; but she is too generous to insist upon what she knows
we cannot pay, either the principal or interest. In the hour of
distress, we borrowed money in Holland; not from the government
but from private citizens. Those who were called the
patriots, were our friends, and they are oppressed in their turn by
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page403">[pg 403]</span><a name="Pg403" id="Pg403" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
hosts of enemies. They will soon have need of money. At
this hour, we are not able to pay the interest of their loan.
What is to be done? Will you borrow money again from other
citizens of that oppressed republic, to pay the interest of what
you borrowed from their brethren? This would a painful expedient:
but our want of government may render it necessary.
You have two or three ministers abroad; they must soon return
home, for they cannot be supported. You have four or five hundred
troops scattered along the Ohio to protect the frontier inhabitants,
and give some value to your lands; those troops are
ill paid, and in a fair way for being disbanded. There is hardly a
circumstance remaining—hardly one external mark—by which
you can deserve to be called a nation. You are not in a condition
to resist the most contemptuous enemy. What is there to
prevent an Algerine pirate from landing on your coast, and carrying
your citizens into slavery? You have not a single sloop of
war. Does one of the states attempt to raise a little money by
imposts or other commercial regulations? A neighbouring state
immediately alters her laws, and defeats the revenue by throwing
the trade into a different channel. Instead of supporting or
assisting, we are uniformly taking the advantage of one another.
Such an assemblage of people are not a nation. Like a dark
cloud, without cohesion or firmness, we are ready to be torn
asunder, and scattered abroad by every breeze of external violence,
or internal commotion.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Is there a man in this state, who believes it possible for us to
continue under such a government? Let us suppose but for a
minute, that such a measure should be attempted. Let us suppose
that the several states shall be required and obliged to pay
their several quotas according to the original plan. You know
that North Carolina, in the last four years, has not paid one dollar
into the treasury for eight dollars that she ought to have paid.
We must increase our taxes exceedingly, and those taxes must
be of the most grievous kind; they must be taxes on land and
heads, taxes that cannot fail to grind the face of the poor; for it
is clear that we can raise little by imports and exports. Some
foreign goods are imported by water from the northern states:
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page404">[pg 404]</span><a name="Pg404" id="Pg404" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
such goods pay a duty for the benefit of those states, which is
seldom drawn back. This operates as a tax upon our citizens.
On this side, Virginia promotes her revenue to the amount of
twenty-five thousand dollars every year, by a tax on our tobacco
that she exports. South Carolina, on the other side, may avail
herself of similar opportunities. Two-thirds of foreign goods that
are consumed in this state, are imported by land from Virginia
or South Carolina. Such goods pay a certain impost for the
benefit of the importing states, but our treasury is not profited
by this commerce. By such means our citizens are taxed more
than one hundred thousand dollars every year; but the state
does not receive credit for a shilling of that money. Like a patient
that is bleeding at both arms, North Carolina must soon expire
under such wasteful operations. Unless I am greatly mistaken,
we have seen enough of the state of the union, and of
North Carolina in particular, to be assured that another form of
government is become necessary. Is the form of government
now proposed well calculated to give relief? To this we must
answer in the affirmative. All foreign goods that shall be imported
into these states, are to pay a duty for the use of the nation.
All the states will be on a footing, whether they have bad
ports or good ones. No duties will be laid on exports; hence
the planter will receive the true value for his produce, wherever
it may be shipped. If excises are laid on wine, spirits, or other
luxuries, they must be uniform throughout the states. By a
careful management of imposts and excises, the national expenses
may be discharged without any other species of tax; but
if a poll tax or land tax shall ever become necessary, the weight
must press equally on every part of the union. For in all cases
such taxes must be according to the number of inhabitants. Is
it not a pleasing consideration that North Carolina, under all her
natural disadvantages, must have the same facility of paying her
share of the public debt, as the most favoured, or the most fortunate
state? She gains no advantage by this plan, but she recovers
from her misfortunes. She stands on the same footing
with her sisters, and they are too generous to desire that she
should stand on lower ground. When you consider those parts
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page405">[pg 405]</span><a name="Pg405" id="Pg405" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the new system which are of the greatest import—those which
respect the general question of liberty and safety—you will recollect
that the states in convention were unanimous; and you
must remember, that some of the members of that body have
risqued their lives in defence of liberty: but the system does not
require the help of such arguments; it will bear the most scrupulous
examination.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When you refer the proposed system to the particular circumstances
of North Carolina, and consider how she is to be affected
by this plan, you must find the utmost reason to rejoice in the
prospect of better times. This is a sentiment that I have ventured
with the greater confidence, because it is the general opinion of
my late honourable colleagues,<a id="noteref_63" name="noteref_63" href="#note_63"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">63</span></span></a>
and I have the utmost reliance
in their superior abilities. But if our constituents shall discover
faults where we could not see any—or if they shall suppose that
a plan is formed for abridging their liberties, when we imagined
that we had been securing both liberty and property on a more
stable foundation—if they perceive that they are to suffer a loss,
where we thought they must rise from a misfortune—they will,
at least do us the justice to charge those errors to the head, and
not to the heart.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The proposed system is now in your hands, and with it the
fate of your country. We have a common interest for we are
embarked in the same vessel. At present she is in a sea of
trouble, without sails, oars, or pilot; ready to be dashed to pieces
by every flaw of wind. You may secure a port, unless you think
it better to remain at sea. If there is any man among you that
wishes for troubled times and fluctuating measures, that he may
live by speculations, and thrive by the calamities of the state, this
government is not for him.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If there is any man who envies the prosperity of a native citizen—who
wishes that we should remain without native merchants
or seamen, without shipping, without manufactures, without commerce—poor
and contemptible, the tributaries of a sovereign
country—this government is not for him.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page406">[pg 406]</span><a name="Pg406" id="Pg406" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
And if there is any man who has never been reconciled to our
independence, who wishes to see us degraded and insulted abroad,
oppressed by anarchy at home, and torn into pieces by factions—incapable
of resistance, and ready to become a prey to the first
invader—this government is not for him.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But it is a government, unless I am greatly mistaken, that gives
the fairest promise of being firm and honourable; safe from foreign
invasion or domestic sedition—a government by which our commerce
must be protected and enlarged; the value of our produce
and of our lands must be increased; the labourer and the
mechanic must be encouraged and supported. It is a form of
government that is perfectly fitted for protecting liberty and
property, and for cherishing the good citizen and honest man.
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page407">[pg 407]</span><a name="Pg407" id="Pg407" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc35" id="toc35"></a>
<a name="pdf36" id="pdf36"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Letter Of A Steady And Open Republican, Written By Charles Pinckney.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Printed In<br />
The State Gazette Of South Carolina,<br />
May, 1788.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page409">[pg 409]</span><a name="Pg409" id="Pg409" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Note.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the file of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">State Gazette of South Carolina</span></span> in the
possession of the Charleston Chamber of Commerce, a slip is inserted
opposite this essay, on which is writing contemporary with the
paper, stating that it was written by Charles Pinckney. It is almost
the only essay on this subject contained in the file, which is
not merely extracted from some northern paper; and Pinckney
was, indeed, almost the only South Carolinian who had given any
attention to the subject involved, or who wrote for the press.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page411">[pg 411]</span><a name="Pg411" id="Pg411" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">A Republican.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The State Gazette Of South
Carolina,
(Number 3610)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Monday, May 5, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Mrs. Timothy</span></span>:
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The enclosed,<a id="noteref_64" name="noteref_64" href="#note_64"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">64</span></span></a>
copied from a paper sent me by a friend, seems
so peculiarly adapted to our present situation, that I cannot forbear
selecting it from the crowd of publications since the appearance
of the proposed Federal Constitution, and recommending it,
thro' your paper, to the most serious attention of all our fellow-citizens;
but previously a few HINTS, by way of introduction,
will not, I hope, be impertinent.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
New Hampshire and Georgia are the two extreme barriers of
the United States, if the latter can with any propriety be called a
barrier without this state in conjunction; and both together, we
know, are not, in point of force, ready for any sudden emergency,
to be compared to New Hampshire.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It cannot be doubted that Great Britain has her busy emissaries
throughout the states, and not a few amongst us; and should
the Constitution be rejected, how long can we flatter ourselves to
be free from Indian cruelties and depredations, some time since
begun in Georgia, and if at this moment warded off from us, 'tis
principally owing to the dread of an efficacious union of the states
by the adoption of the Federal Constitution. The three southern
states particularly, we have had for several years past, good
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page412">[pg 412]</span><a name="Pg412" id="Pg412" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
grounds to think Great Britain wishes to separate from the rest,
and to have reverted to her if possible.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Mr. Martin's<a id="noteref_65" name="noteref_65" href="#note_65"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">65</span></span></a>
long mischievous detail of the opinions and
proceedings of the late general convention, (already occupying a
large space in six of your Gazettes, and still unfinished,) with all
his colourings and uncandid insinuations, in regard to General
Washington and Doct. Franklin, may suit the short-sighted selfish
wishes of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">an individual</span></em> of a state situated almost in the centre
of the rest, and much safer by that means from sudden alarms.
But the generous, manly <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">and truly federal sentiments of Maryland</span></em>
are well known, and 'tis not doubted will be unequivocally shewn
at her convention very shortly to be held—and that New Hampshire,
early in her first meeting on that important subject, has
only by consent taken farther time to consider of it, and will at
her next meeting adopt it, is the general opinion.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
What pity the salutary caution of Doct. Franklin, just previous
to his signing the constitution recommended by the convention,
had not been strictly attended to! If we split, it will in all probability
happen in running headlong on the dangerous rock he so
prophetically (as it were) warned us from, <span class="tei tei-q">“That the opinions of
the errors of the constitution born within the walls of the convention,
should die there, and not a syllable be whispered abroad.”</span>
This Hint is full of that foresight and penetration the Doctor has
always been remarkable for.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When the general convention met, no citizen of the United
States could expect less from it than I did, so many jarring interests
and prejudices to reconcile! The variety of pressing
dangers at our doors, even during the war, were barely sufficient
to force us to act in concert, and necessarily give way at times to
each other. But when the great work was done and published,
I was not only most agreeably disappointed, but struck with
amazement. Nothing less than that superintending hand of
Providence, that so miraculously carried us through the war (in my
humble opinion), could have brought it about so complete, upon
the whole.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page413">[pg 413]</span><a name="Pg413" id="Pg413" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The constitution recommended, in all respects, takes its rise
where it ought, from the people; its President, Senate, and
House of Representatives, are sufficient and wholesome checks
on each other, and at proper periods are dissolved again into the
common mass of the people: longer periods would probably have
produced danger; shorter, tumult, instability and inefficacy.
Every article of these and other essentials to a republican government,
are, in my opinion, well secured; were it otherwise, not
a citizen of the United States would have been more alarmed,
or more early in opposition to it, than
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">A steady and open Republican.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Charleston, May 2d, 1788.</span></span>
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page415">[pg 415]</span><a name="Pg415" id="Pg415" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc37" id="toc37"></a>
<a name="pdf38" id="pdf38"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Bibliography.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
[This list is only of those essays to which some clue of authorship has been found.
When written over a pen name the pseudonym is added.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span>]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Brackenridge, Hugh Henry.<br />
Pittsburg Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Bryan, Samuel. <span class="tei tei-q">“Centinel.”</span><br />
Independent Gazetteer.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Carroll, Daniel. <span class="tei tei-q">“A Friend to the Constitution.”</span><br />
Maryland Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Chase, Samuel. <span class="tei tei-q">“Caution.”</span><br />
Maryland Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Clinton, De Witt. <span class="tei tei-q">“A Countryman.”</span><br />
New York Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Clinton, George. <span class="tei tei-q">“Cato.”</span><br />
New York Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Coxe, Tench. <span class="tei tei-q">“A Freeman.”</span><br />
Pennsylvania Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Coxe, Tench. <span class="tei tei-q">“An American.”</span><br />
Independent Gazetteer.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Coxe, Tench. <span class="tei tei-q">“A Pennsylvanian.”</span><br />
Pennsylvania Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Duer, William. <span class="tei tei-q">“Philo-Publius.”</span><br />
Daily Advertiser.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Davie, William Richardson. <span class="tei tei-q">“Publicola.”</span><br />
North Carolina State Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Dickinson, John. <span class="tei tei-q">“Fabius.”</span><br />
Humphrey's Mercury.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Ellsworth, Oliver. <span class="tei tei-q">“A Landholder.”</span><br />
Connecticut Courant.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Findley, William. <span class="tei tei-q">“An Officer of the Continental Army.”</span><br />
Independent Gazetteer.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page416">[pg 416]</span><a name="Pg416" id="Pg416" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Gerry, Elbridge.<br />
Massachusetts Centinel.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Gerry, Elbridge.<br />
American Herald.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hamilton, Alexander. <span class="tei tei-q">“Publius.”</span><br />
Various papers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hamilton, Alexander. <span class="tei tei-q">“Cæsar.”</span><br />
Daily Advertiser.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hanson, Alexander Contee. <span class="tei tei-q">“Aristides.”</span><br />
Maryland Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hopkinson, Francis. <span class="tei tei-q">“A. B.”</span><br />
Independent Gazetteer.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Iredell, James. <span class="tei tei-q">“Marcus.”</span><br />
North Carolina State Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Jay, John. <span class="tei tei-q">“Publius.”</span><br />
Various papers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Lamb, John. <span class="tei tei-q">“Conciliator.”</span><br />
New York Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
McKnight, Dr. Charles. <span class="tei tei-q">“The Examiner.”</span><br />
Daily Advertiser.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Martin, Luther.<br />
Maryland Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Madison, James. <span class="tei tei-q">“Publius.”</span><br />
Various papers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Nicholas, John. <span class="tei tei-q">“Decius.”</span><br />
Virginia Independent Chronicle.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Pinckney, Charles. <span class="tei tei-q">“A Steady and Open Republican.”</span><br />
State Gazette of South Carolina.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Randolph, Thomas Mann. <span class="tei tei-q">“A Republican Federalist.”</span><br />
Virginia Independent Chronicle.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Roane, Spencer. <span class="tei tei-q">“A Plain Dealer.”</span><br />
Virginia Independent Chronicle.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sherman, Roger. <span class="tei tei-q">“A Countryman.”</span><br />
New Haven Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sherman, Roger. <span class="tei tei-q">“A Citizen of New Haven.”</span><br />
New Haven Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sullivan, James. <span class="tei tei-q">“Cassius.”</span><br />
Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page417">[pg 417]</span><a name="Pg417" id="Pg417" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Tucker, St. George. <span class="tei tei-q">“A State Soldier.”</span><br />
Virginia Independent Chronicle.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Williams, William.<br />
American Mercury.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Williamson, Hugh.<br />
North Carolina State Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Winthrop, James. <span class="tei tei-q">“Agrippa.”</span><br />
Massachusetts Gazette.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Workman, Benjamin. <span class="tei tei-q">“Philadelphiensis.”</span><br />
Independent Gazetteer.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Yates, Robert. <span class="tei tei-q">“Brutus.”</span><br />
New York Journal.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Yates, Robert. <span class="tei tei-q">“Sydney.”</span><br />
New York Journal.
</p>

</div>


<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page419">[pg 419]</span><a name="Pg419" id="Pg419" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc39" id="toc39"></a>
<a name="pdf40" id="pdf40"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Index.</span></h1>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“A. B.,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Adams, John, <a href="#Pg117" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">117</a>, <a href="#Pg231" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">231</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Agrippa,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg022" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">22</a>, <a href="#Pg029" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">29</a>, <a href="#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">49</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“American,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">American Herald, <a href="#Pg123" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">123</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">American Mercury, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">American Museum, <a href="#Pg315" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">315</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Anarchy, danger of, <a href="#Pg015" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">15</a>, <a href="#Pg165" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">165</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">predicted, <a href="#Pg018" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">18</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Anti-Federalists, character of, <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">25</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Aristides,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg372" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">372</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aristocracy, favorers of, <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">5</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">small danger of, <a href="#Pg165" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">165</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">southern, <a href="#Pg258" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">258</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">causes of, <a href="#Pg298" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">298</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">tendencies to, <a href="#Pg223" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">223</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Articles of Confederation, <a href="#Pg238" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">238</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">advantages of, <a href="#Pg077" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">77</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">amendment of, <a href="#Pg080" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">80</a>, <a href="#Pg098" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">98</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">defects in, <a href="#Pg255" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">255</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">ease of amendment of, <a href="#Pg117" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">117</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">proposed amendment to, <a href="#Pg084" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">84</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Baldwin, Simeon, <a href="#Pg213" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">213</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ballot, <a href="#Pg305" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">305</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Baltimore, <a href="#Pg327" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">327</a>, <a href="#Pg333" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">333</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bill of rights, <a href="#Pg028" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">28</a>, <a href="#Pg095" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">95</a>, <a href="#Pg113" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">113</a>, <a href="#Pg117" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">117</a>, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">119</a>, <a href="#Pg163" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">163</a>, <a href="#Pg219" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">219</a>, <a href="#Pg299" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">299</a>, <a href="#Pg320" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">320</a>, <a href="#Pg325" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">325</a>, <a href="#Pg364" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">364</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Blair, John, <a href="#Pg162" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">162</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bowdoin, James, <a href="#Pg003" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">3</a>, <a href="#Pg006" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">6</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Brackenridge, H. H., <a href="#Pg315" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">315</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Brutus,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg269" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">269</a>, <a href="#Pg295" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">295</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bryan, George, <a href="#Pg221" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">221</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bryan, Samuel, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Cæsar,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg245" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">245</a>, <a href="#Pg250" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">250</a>, <a href="#Pg279" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">279</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Canada, <a href="#Pg191" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">191</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dangers from, <a href="#Pg157" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">157</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Capital, <a href="#Pg262" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">262</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">place for, <a href="#Pg073" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">73</a>, <a href="#Pg321" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">321</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Capitation tax, <a href="#Pg272" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">272</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Capt. M'Daniel,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg122" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">122</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Carroll, Daniel, <a href="#Pg325" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">325</a>, <a href="#Pg329" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">329</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Carthage, <a href="#Pg093" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">93</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Cassius,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg001" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">1</a>, <a href="#Pg051" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">51</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Cato,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">243</a>, <a href="#Pg281" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">281</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Caution,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg323" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">323</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Centinel, The,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg218" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">218</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Charles James Fox,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg051" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">51</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chase, Samuel, <a href="#Pg323" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">323</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">promises of, <a href="#Pg333" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">333</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">speech of, <a href="#Pg325" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">325</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Childs, Francis, <a href="#Pg250" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">250</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Citizen of New Haven,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg229" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">229</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Citizenship, <a href="#Pg270" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">270</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">rights of, <a href="#Pg042" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">42</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Clinton, De Witt, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Clinton, George, <a href="#Pg173" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">173</a>, <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">243</a>, <a href="#Pg281" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">281</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Coinage, uniformity of, <a href="#Pg035" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">35</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Coke, <a href="#Pg266" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">266</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Commerce of America, <a href="#Pg095" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">95</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">inter-state, congressional power over, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">regulation of, <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">97</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Commercial treaties, power to make, <a href="#Pg234" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">234</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Conciliator,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Congress, Continental, action on the Constitution, <a href="#Pg253" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">253</a>, <a href="#Pg289" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">289</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">retrospective view of, <a href="#Pg298" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">298</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">inadequate powers of, <a href="#Pg034" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">34</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Congress, difference between state legislature and, <a href="#Pg224" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">224</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">length of session of, <a href="#Pg239" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">239</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">members of, <a href="#Pg225" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">225</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character of, <a href="#Pg227" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">227</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character from South, <a href="#Pg258" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">258</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">election of, <a href="#Pg086" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">86</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">privileges of, <a href="#Pg033" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">33</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">restriction on, <a href="#Pg234" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">234</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">interest of, <a href="#Pg220" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">220</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">journal of, <a href="#Pg033" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">33</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">nature of, <a href="#Pg267" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">267</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of, <a href="#Pg027" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">27</a>, <a href="#Pg032" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">32</a>, <a href="#Pg034" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">34</a>, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">41</a>, <a href="#Pg098" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">98</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">to alienate territory, <a href="#Pg080" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">80</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">to coerce the states, <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">184</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">over delinquent states, <a href="#Pg358" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">358</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">over citizens, <a href="#Pg080" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">80</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">over elections, <a href="#Pg030" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">30</a>, <a href="#Pg037" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">37</a>, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>, <a href="#Pg276" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">276</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">over inter-state commerce, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">over judiciary, <a href="#Pg066" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">66</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">over militia, <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">184</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">law-making powers of, <a href="#Pg045" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">45</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of taxation, <a href="#Pg235" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">235</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">over territories, <a href="#Pg043" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">43</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">over trade, <a href="#Pg061" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">61</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">representation in, <a href="#Pg151" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">151</a>.</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page420">[pg 420]</span><a name="Pg420" id="Pg420" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Connecticut, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">183</a>, <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">355</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">address to, <a href="#Pg215" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">215</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution of, <a href="#Pg148" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">148</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Courant, <a href="#Pg135" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">135</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">convention, <a href="#Pg178" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">178</a>, <a href="#Pg207" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">207</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">legislature of, <a href="#Pg219" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">219</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">manufactures of, <a href="#Pg202" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">202</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">taxation in, <a href="#Pg074" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">74</a>, <a href="#Pg148" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">148</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">tribute to New York from, <a href="#Pg180" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">180</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Constituents, instructions from, <a href="#Pg028" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">28</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Constitution, a creation of power, <a href="#Pg145" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">145</a>, <a href="#Pg147" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">147</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">adequacy of, <a href="#Pg035" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">35</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">adopting clause of, <a href="#Pg131" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">131</a>, <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">184</a>, <a href="#Pg362" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">362</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">advantages of, <a href="#Pg021" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">21</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">amendment of, <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">44</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">100</a>, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>, <a href="#Pg200" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">200</a>, <a href="#Pg233" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">233</a>, <a href="#Pg251" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">251</a>, <a href="#Pg284" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">284</a>, <a href="#Pg334" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">334</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">attempts to surprise the people with, <a href="#Pg327" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">327</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character of opposers of, <a href="#Pg011" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">11</a>, <a href="#Pg143" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">143</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">comparison of, <a href="#Pg339" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">339</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">with constitution of N. Y., <a href="#Pg297" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">297</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">with English, <a href="#Pg381" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">381</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">consolidating tendencies of, <a href="#Pg065" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">65</a>, <a href="#Pg069" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">69</a>, <a href="#Pg070" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">70</a>, <a href="#Pg158" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">158</a>, <a href="#Pg258" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">258</a>, <a href="#Pg297" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">297</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">construction of, <a href="#Pg043" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">43</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">objections to, <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">25</a>, <a href="#Pg053" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">53</a>, <a href="#Pg132" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">132</a>, <a href="#Pg151" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">151</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">definition of, <a href="#Pg116" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">116</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">despotic power of, <a href="#Pg028" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">28</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">effect of, <a href="#Pg095" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">95</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">excellence of language of, <a href="#Pg156" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">156</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">expense of, <a href="#Pg060" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">60</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">general clauses of, <a href="#Pg083" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">83</a>, <a href="#Pg096" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">96</a>, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">119</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">importance of, <a href="#Pg248" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">248</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">judicial power under, <a href="#Pg039" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">39</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">laws made under, <a href="#Pg360" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">360</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">merits of, <a href="#Pg027" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">27</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">new powers granted by, <a href="#Pg238" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">238</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers under, <a href="#Pg153" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">153</a>, <a href="#Pg156" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">156</a>, <a href="#Pg163" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">163</a>, <a href="#Pg220" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">220</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">opposition to, <a href="#Pg039" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">39</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">preamble of, <a href="#Pg208" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">208</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">reasons for not submitting to state legislature, <a href="#Pg139" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">139</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">reception of, <a href="#Pg009" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">9</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">rejection of, <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">100</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">remarks on, <a href="#Pg237" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">237</a>, <a href="#Pg395" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">395</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">supreme law of the land, <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">184</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">want of explicitness in, <a href="#Pg155" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">155</a>, <a href="#Pg260" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">260</a>, <a href="#Pg265" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">265</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">should be tried before amending, <a href="#Pg235" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">235</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">writers against, <a href="#Pg012" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">12</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Convention, Federal, <a href="#Pg238" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">238</a>, <a href="#Pg247" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">247</a>, <a href="#Pg284" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">284</a>, <a href="#Pg287" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">287</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">appeals to the people, <a href="#Pg140" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">140</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character of the members of, <a href="#Pg020" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">20</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">committees of, <a href="#Pg348" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">348</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dissenting members of, <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">104</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">harmony of, <a href="#Pg191" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">191</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">ignorance of the members of, <a href="#Pg022" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">22</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">illegal action of, <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">104</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">irritated condition of, <a href="#Pg367" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">367</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">journals of, <a href="#Pg347" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">347</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">large vs. small states in, <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">355</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">meetings of, <a href="#Pg345" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">345</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">meetings of members of, <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">355</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">object of, <a href="#Pg035" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">35</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of, <a href="#Pg252" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">252</a>, <a href="#Pg290" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">290</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">proceedings in, <a href="#Pg130" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">130</a>, <a href="#Pg174" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">174</a>, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">183</a>, <a href="#Pg341" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">341</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">secrecy of, <a href="#Pg252" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">252</a>, <a href="#Pg298" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">298</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">spirit of, <a href="#Pg167" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">167</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">wisdom of, <a href="#Pg252" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">252</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Convention, second, <a href="#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">62</a>, <a href="#Pg235" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">235</a>, <a href="#Pg375" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">375</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Council, lack of, <a href="#Pg162" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">162</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Countryman, A,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg211" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">211</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Courts, Federal, <a href="#Pg036" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">36</a>, <a href="#Pg040" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">40</a>, <a href="#Pg083" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">83</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Courts, State, <a href="#Pg054" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">54</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Coxe, Tench, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Credit, public, <a href="#Pg073" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">73</a>, <a href="#Pg197" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">197</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Creditors, public, <a href="#Pg060" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">60</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">justice to, <a href="#Pg035" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">35</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Criminal prosecution, laws for, <a href="#Pg067" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">67</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Daily Advertiser, <a href="#Pg250" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">250</a>, <a href="#Pg279" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">279</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Davie, William Richardson, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Debt, Continental, <a href="#Pg060" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">60</a>, <a href="#Pg073" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">73</a>, <a href="#Pg077" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">77</a>, <a href="#Pg095" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">95</a>, <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">97</a>, <a href="#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">127</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Debtors, opposition of, to constitution, <a href="#Pg144" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">144</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Decius,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Delaware, <a href="#Pg163" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">163</a>, <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">355</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dickinson, John, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Duer, William, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Duties, <a href="#Pg077" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">77</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Massachusetts' share of, <a href="#Pg084" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">84</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">paid by consumers, <a href="#Pg271" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">271</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">uniformity of, <a href="#Pg035" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">35</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eastern states, carrying trade of, <a href="#Pg162" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">162</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Elections, <a href="#Pg116" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">116</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">frequency of, <a href="#Pg227" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">227</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">power of Congress over, <a href="#Pg030" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">30</a>, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>, <a href="#Pg276" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">276</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">provisions for, <a href="#Pg037" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">37</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ellsworth, Oliver, <a href="#Pg135" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">135</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">England, laws of, against treason, <a href="#Pg042" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">42</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">religious freedom in, <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">168</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Europe, governments of, <a href="#Pg256" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">256</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">treaties with, <a href="#Pg089" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">89</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Examiner,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg018" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">18</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Excise forbidden, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Executive, <a href="#Pg158" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">158</a>, <a href="#Pg260" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">260</a>, <a href="#Pg310" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">310</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">advice of, <a href="#Pg038" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">38</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">blended with legislative, <a href="#Pg240" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">240</a>, <a href="#Pg275" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">275</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">council for, <a href="#Pg163" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">163</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">impeachment of, <a href="#Pg039" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">39</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">ineligible, after service, <a href="#Pg234" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">234</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">may be a woman, <a href="#Pg319" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">319</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">method of electing, <a href="#Pg263" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">263</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">not specified, <a href="#Pg319" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">319</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">objections to, <a href="#Pg162" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">162</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of, <a href="#Pg039" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">39</a>, <a href="#Pg261" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">261</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">power over pardon, <a href="#Pg234" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">234</a>, <a href="#Pg240" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">240</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">power to convene Congress, <a href="#Pg275" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">275</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">re-eligibility of, <a href="#Pg354" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">354</a>, <a href="#Pg374" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">374</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">to be elected annually, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">119</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">under constitution, <a href="#Pg037" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">37</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">vote of, <a href="#Pg038" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">38</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">veto power of, <a href="#Pg034" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">34</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ex post facto law, <a href="#Pg163" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">163</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Fabius,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Federal Government, necessity for, <a href="#Pg141" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">141</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Federalists, aristocratic tendencies of, <a href="#Pg089" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">89</a>.</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page421">[pg 421]</span><a name="Pg421" id="Pg421" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Findley, William, <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">100</a>, <a href="#Pg321" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">321</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Fisheries, <a href="#Pg194" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">194</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">power over, <a href="#Pg234" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">234</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Flax, <a href="#Pg202" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">202</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Foreign influence, <a href="#Pg103" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">103</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Foreign nations, intercourse with, <a href="#Pg080" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">80</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Forests, value of, <a href="#Pg194" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">194</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">France, public debt to, <a href="#Pg073" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">73</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Franchise, <a href="#Pg226" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">226</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Frankland, <a href="#Pg258" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">258</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Franklin, Benjamin, <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">23</a>, <a href="#Pg026" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">26</a>, <a href="#Pg218" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">218</a>, <a href="#Pg321" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">321</a>, <a href="#Pg370" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">370</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Freeman,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Friend to the Constitution,”</span> <a href="#Pg329" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">329</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Georgia, <a href="#Pg164" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">164</a>, <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">190</a>, <a href="#Pg259" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">259</a>, <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">355</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gerry, Elbridge, <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">25</a>, <a href="#Pg051" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">51</a>, <a href="#Pg053" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">53</a>, <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">104</a>, <a href="#Pg123" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">123</a>, <a href="#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">127</a>, <a href="#Pg130" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">130</a>, <a href="#Pg137" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">137</a>, <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">161</a>, <a href="#Pg172" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">172</a>, <a href="#Pg182" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">182</a>, <a href="#Pg186" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">186</a>, <a href="#Pg339" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">339</a>, <a href="#Pg341" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">341</a>, <a href="#Pg350" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">350</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">conciliating conduct of, <a href="#Pg174" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">174</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">hypocrisy of, <a href="#Pg174" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">174</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">objections to constitutions, <a href="#Pg132" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">132</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">remarks on, <a href="#Pg150" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">150</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Goddard, William, <a href="#Pg341" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">341</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Government, divisions of, <a href="#Pg116" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">116</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">encroaching tendencies of, <a href="#Pg376" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">376</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">General and State linked, <a href="#Pg153" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">153</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Greek and Roman, <a href="#Pg055" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">55</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">importance, <a href="#Pg247" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">247</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">necessity of, to society, <a href="#Pg111" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">111</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">opposition to, <a href="#Pg024" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">24</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">a strong one necessary for liberty, <a href="#Pg147" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">147</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Great Britain, dangers from, <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">190</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">resentment of, <a href="#Pg089" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">89</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Habeas corpus, suspension of, <a href="#Pg036" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">36</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hamilton, Alexander, <a href="#Pg245" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">245</a>, <a href="#Pg279" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">279</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hampshire Gazette, <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">5</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hancock, John, <a href="#Pg003" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">3</a>, <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">5</a>, <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">10</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hanson, Alexander Contee, <a href="#Pg372" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">372</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hartford, <a href="#Pg216" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">216</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Harvard College Library, <a href="#Pg040" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">40</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Holland, public debt due, <a href="#Pg073" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">73</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hopkinson, Francis, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Humphrey's Mercury, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Impeachment, <a href="#Pg039" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">39</a>, <a href="#Pg233" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">233</a>, <a href="#Pg312" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">312</a>, <a href="#Pg391" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">391</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">in Massachusetts, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">41</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">methods of, <a href="#Pg030" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">30</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of Senate in, <a href="#Pg029" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">29</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Independent Chronicle, <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">5</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Independent Gazetteer, <a href="#Pg218" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">218</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">India, trade with, <a href="#Pg109" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">109</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Indian affairs, <a href="#Pg301" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">301</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">lands, <a href="#Pg300" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">300</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Iredell, James, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Jay, John, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Judiciary, <a href="#Pg054" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">54</a>, <a href="#Pg159" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">159</a>, <a href="#Pg235" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">235</a>, <a href="#Pg241" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">241</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">appeals to, <a href="#Pg130" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">130</a>, <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">184</a>, <a href="#Pg361" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">361</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">appointment of, <a href="#Pg069" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">69</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dangers from, <a href="#Pg066" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">66</a>, <a href="#Pg164" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">164</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">federal, <a href="#Pg083" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">83</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">limits of <a href="#Pg067" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">67</a>, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">national, <a href="#Pg309" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">309</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">oppressiveness of, <a href="#Pg159" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">159</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of, <a href="#Pg096" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">96</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">restrictions on federal, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">119</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">state, <a href="#Pg241" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">241</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Junius,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg051" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">51</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Jury, trial by, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">41</a>, <a href="#Pg131" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">131</a>, <a href="#Pg308" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">308</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Kempis, O'Flanagan,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg051" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">51</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lamb, John, <a href="#Pg173" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">173</a>, <a href="#Pg245" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">245</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Landholder, A,”</span> <a href="#Pg129" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">129</a>, <a href="#Pg135" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">135</a>, <a href="#Pg205" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">205</a>, <a href="#Pg339" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">339</a>, <a href="#Pg344" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">344</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">replies to, <a href="#Pg123" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">123</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Land grants, power of courts over, <a href="#Pg075" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">75</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lands, western, <a href="#Pg060" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">60</a>, <a href="#Pg063" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">63</a>, <a href="#Pg073" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">73</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lansing, John, Jr., <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">104</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lee, Gen. Charles, <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">161</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lee, Henry, <a href="#Pg162" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">162</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lee, Richard Henry, <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">161</a>, <a href="#Pg177" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">177</a>, <a href="#Pg390" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">390</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Liberty of the press, <a href="#Pg365" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">365</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Locke, <a href="#Pg257" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">257</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Loyalists, opposition of, to constitution, <a href="#Pg143" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">143</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">M'Henry, James, <a href="#Pg131" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">131</a>, <a href="#Pg187" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">187</a>, <a href="#Pg347" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">347</a>, <a href="#Pg350" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">350</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">McKean, Thomas, <a href="#Pg090" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">90</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">100</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">McKnight, Dr. Charles, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">MacLaughlin, Neil, <a href="#Pg321" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">321</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Madison, <a href="#Pg162" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">162</a>, <a href="#Pg231" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">231</a>, <a href="#Pg325" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">325</a>, <a href="#Pg387" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">387</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Magna Charta, <a href="#Pg219" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">219</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Maine, secession of, <a href="#Pg257" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">257</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Manufactures in America, <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">201</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Marcus,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Martin, Luther, <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">104</a>, <a href="#Pg130" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">130</a>, <a href="#Pg137" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">137</a>, <a href="#Pg182" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">182</a>, <a href="#Pg185" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">185</a>, <a href="#Pg337" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">337</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Maryland, <a href="#Pg188" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">188</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">convention, <a href="#Pg327" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">327</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Legislature, petition to, <a href="#Pg334" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">334</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Maryland Journal, <a href="#Pg182" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">182</a>, <a href="#Pg323" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">323</a>, <a href="#Pg329" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">329</a>, <a href="#Pg337" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">337</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mason, George, <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">104</a>, <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">161</a>, <a href="#Pg164" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">164</a>, <a href="#Pg165" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">165</a>, <a href="#Pg172" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">172</a>, <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">355</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Massachusetts, <a href="#Pg258" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">258</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Constitution of, <a href="#Pg016" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">16</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">convention, <a href="#Pg105" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">105</a>, <a href="#Pg187" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">187</a>, <a href="#Pg349" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">349</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">proposed resolution for, <a href="#Pg084" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">84</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">debt of, <a href="#Pg060" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">60</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">delegates from, <a href="#Pg029" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">29</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">disadvantages of government for, <a href="#Pg102" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">102</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">early history of, <a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">56</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">feebleness of, <a href="#Pg257" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">257</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">impeachment in, <a href="#Pg030" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">30</a>, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">41</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Legislature, action on constitution of, <a href="#Pg017" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">17</a>;</div>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page422">[pg 422]</span><a name="Pg422" id="Pg422" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">means of taxation of, <a href="#Pg013" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">13</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">origin of opposition in, <a href="#Pg176" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">176</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">plan to aggrandize, <a href="#Pg182" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">182</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">position of, <a href="#Pg061" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">61</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">public lands of, <a href="#Pg063" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">63</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">share of the Continental debt, <a href="#Pg077" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">77</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">taxation in, <a href="#Pg074" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">74</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">tender law of, <a href="#Pg036" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">36</a>, <a href="#Pg059" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">59</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">warning to, <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">10</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Massachusetts Centinel, <a href="#Pg003" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">3</a>, <a href="#Pg123" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">123</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Massachusetts Gazette, <a href="#Pg001" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">1</a>, <a href="#Pg012" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">12</a>, <a href="#Pg018" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">18</a>, <a href="#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">49</a>, <a href="#Pg051" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">51</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mercer, James Francis, <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">104</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Militia, <a href="#Pg358" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">358</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of Congress over, <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">184</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">power over, <a href="#Pg342" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">342</a>, <a href="#Pg354" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">354</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">State control of, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Minority, powers of, <a href="#Pg033" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">33</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Monarchy, small danger of, <a href="#Pg165" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">165</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Money, receipts and expenditures of public, <a href="#Pg036" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">36</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Monopolies, power of Congress to create, <a href="#Pg070" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">70</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">prevention of, <a href="#Pg080" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">80</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Montesquieu, <a href="#Pg256" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">256</a>, <a href="#Pg261" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">261</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Nails, manufacture of, <a href="#Pg202" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">202</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Naturalization, <a href="#Pg313" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">313</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of Congress over, <a href="#Pg079" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">79</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Navigation act, <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">161</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">motion against, <a href="#Pg173" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">173</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">right to make, <a href="#Pg234" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">234</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Netherlands, condition of, <a href="#Pg249" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">249</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">New England, manufactures of, <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">201</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">New Hampshire, <a href="#Pg189" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">189</a>, <a href="#Pg259" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">259</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">interest of, <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">190</a>, <a href="#Pg192" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">192</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">lands in, <a href="#Pg075" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">75</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">New Haven, <a href="#Pg216" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">216</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">New Haven Gazette, <a href="#Pg211" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">211</a>, <a href="#Pg229" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">229</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">New Jersey, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">183</a>, <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">355</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">New Spain, dangers from, <a href="#Pg157" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">157</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Newspapers, scribblers in, <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">25</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">New York against constitution, <a href="#Pg061" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">61</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Assembly, <a href="#Pg245" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">245</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">colonial parties, <a href="#Pg306" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">306</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution of, <a href="#Pg297" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">297</a>, <a href="#Pg299" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">299</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">violation of, <a href="#Pg301" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">301</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">draft of a constitution for, <a href="#Pg307" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">307</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">impost of, <a href="#Pg173" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">173</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">opposition in, <a href="#Pg176" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">176</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">proposed property qualification in, <a href="#Pg307" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">307</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">State convention of 1776, <a href="#Pg298" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">298</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">State debt of, <a href="#Pg060" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">60</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Executive, <a href="#Pg310" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">310</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">taxation in, <a href="#Pg074" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">74</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">tribute from Connecticut to, <a href="#Pg180" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">180</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">New York Journal, <a href="#Pg125" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">125</a>, <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">243</a>, <a href="#Pg269" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">269</a>, <a href="#Pg293" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">293</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Nicholas, John, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">North Carolina, <a href="#Pg258" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">258</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">North Carolina, State Gazette of, <a href="#Pg395" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">395</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Northern States, character of people of, <a href="#Pg092" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">92</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Nova Scotia, <a href="#Pg191" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">191</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">condition of, <a href="#Pg089" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">89</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Numa,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">5</a>, <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">10</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Oath, <a href="#Pg207" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">207</a>, <a href="#Pg369" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">369</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character of, <a href="#Pg017" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">17</a>, <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">168</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of President, <a href="#Pg038" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">38</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Ocrico,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg052" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">52</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Officers, federal, privileges of, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">119</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Office holders, <a href="#Pg145" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">145</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">multiplication of, <a href="#Pg088" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">88</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Officer of the Continental Army,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Old Fog,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg003" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">3</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Paper money, <a href="#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">127</a>, <a href="#Pg131" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">131</a>, <a href="#Pg196" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">196</a>, <a href="#Pg341" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">341</a>, <a href="#Pg348" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">348</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">motion to redeem, <a href="#Pg174" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">174</a>, <a href="#Pg186" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">186</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">states to emit, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">119</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Parties, colonial, <a href="#Pg306" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">306</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">People, dangers from, <a href="#Pg179" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">179</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">not to elect representatives, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">183</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">rights of, <a href="#Pg115" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">115</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pennsylvania, <a href="#Pg369" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">369</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Assembly, <a href="#Pg053" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">53</a>, <a href="#Pg369" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">369</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Convention of, <a href="#Pg090" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">90</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">100</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">future seat of government, <a href="#Pg098" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">98</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">naturalization in, <a href="#Pg079" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">79</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">opposition in, <a href="#Pg176" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">176</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pennsylvania Gazette, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Pennsylvanian,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Philadelphiensis,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Philo-Publius,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pinckney, C. C., <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">183</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pinckney, Charles, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pittsburg Gazette, <a href="#Pg317" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">317</a>, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Plain Dealer, A,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg385" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">385</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Poll tax, <a href="#Pg272" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">272</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">forbidden, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Population, destiny of, <a href="#Pg193" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">193</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Press, liberty of, <a href="#Pg164" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">164</a>, <a href="#Pg239" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">239</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Prices, depressed state of, <a href="#Pg142" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">142</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Private opinion, freedom of, <a href="#Pg170" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">170</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Publicola,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg415" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">415</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Publius,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg145" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">145</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Quorum, dangers from, <a href="#Pg032" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">32</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of, <a href="#Pg033" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">33</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Randolph, Edmund, <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">104</a>, <a href="#Pg231" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">231</a>, <a href="#Pg346" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">346</a>, <a href="#Pg387" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">387</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Randolph, Thomas Mann, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Religion, freedom of, <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">168</a>, <a href="#Pg313" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">313</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">misuse of, <a href="#Pg008" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">8</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Religious test, <a href="#Pg207" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">207</a>, <a href="#Pg235" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">235</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">nature of, <a href="#Pg169" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">169</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">necessity of, <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">168</a>.</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page423">[pg 423]</span><a name="Pg423" id="Pg423" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Representation, <a href="#Pg054" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">54</a>, <a href="#Pg269" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">269</a>, <a href="#Pg391" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">391</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">best mode of, <a href="#Pg151" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">151</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">difference of opinion concerning, <a href="#Pg354" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">354</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">smallness of, <a href="#Pg236" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">236</a>, <a href="#Pg240" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">240</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">want of, <a href="#Pg151" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">151</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Representatives, House of, <a href="#Pg054" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">54</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">electors of, <a href="#Pg028" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">28</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">insufficiency of, <a href="#Pg029" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">29</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">length of residence necessary, <a href="#Pg028" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">28</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">method of choosing, <a href="#Pg152" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">152</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">method of electing, <a href="#Pg027" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">27</a>, <a href="#Pg357" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">357</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">people should not elect, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">183</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">term of, <a href="#Pg028" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">28</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">weakness of, <a href="#Pg273" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">273</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Republics, Greek and Roman, <a href="#Pg094" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">94</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Republican Federalist,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Republican government, guarantee of, <a href="#Pg043" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">43</a>, <a href="#Pg106" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">106</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Revenue bills, origination of, <a href="#Pg034" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">34</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Revenue, method of collecting, <a href="#Pg193" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">193</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Massachusetts' share of, <a href="#Pg102" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">102</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">sources of, <a href="#Pg239" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">239</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Revolution, the American, <a href="#Pg146" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">146</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhode Island, <a href="#Pg105" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">105</a>, <a href="#Pg108" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">108</a>, <a href="#Pg115" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">115</a>, <a href="#Pg159" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">159</a>, <a href="#Pg196" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">196</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">junto in, <a href="#Pg153" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">153</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">legislature of, <a href="#Pg031" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">31</a>, <a href="#Pg036" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">36</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rights, delegated, <a href="#Pg113" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">113</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Roane, Spencer, <a href="#Pg385" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">385</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Russell, Benjamin, <a href="#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">127</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Scotland, union with England, <a href="#Pg216" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">216</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Senate, <a href="#Pg029" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">29</a>, <a href="#Pg273" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">273</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">blended with Executive, <a href="#Pg275" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">275</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">method of choosing, <a href="#Pg153" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">153</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">officers of, <a href="#Pg029" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">29</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of impeachment, <a href="#Pg029" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">29</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">treaty power of, <a href="#Pg165" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">165</a>, <a href="#Pg274" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">274</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">unspecified character of, <a href="#Pg319" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">319</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Shay's Rebellion, <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">5</a>, <a href="#Pg013" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">13</a>, <a href="#Pg057" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">57</a>, <a href="#Pg072" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">72</a>, <a href="#Pg157" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">157</a>, <a href="#Pg159" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">159</a>, <a href="#Pg257" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">257</a>, <a href="#Pg391" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">391</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sheep raising, <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">201</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sherman, Roger, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">183</a>, <a href="#Pg211" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">211</a>, <a href="#Pg229" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">229</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Shipbuilding, <a href="#Pg061" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">61</a>, <a href="#Pg194" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">194</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">carpenters, <a href="#Pg061" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">61</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Slavery, <a href="#Pg258" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">258</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">responsibility for, <a href="#Pg163" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">163</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Slaves, importation of, <a href="#Pg163" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">163</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Smilie, John, <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">100</a>, <a href="#Pg321" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">321</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Smith, Melancthon, <a href="#Pg173" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">173</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">South Carolina, <a href="#Pg164" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">164</a>, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">183</a>, <a href="#Pg265" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">265</a>, <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">355</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">amendment of, <a href="#Pg235" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">235</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">representation in, <a href="#Pg108" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">108</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Southern States, character of people of <a href="#Pg092" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">92</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">objections to commercial powers, <a href="#Pg162" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">162</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Spectator,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg326" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">326</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">States, coercion of, <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">184</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">influences, <a href="#Pg297" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">297</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">courts, <a href="#Pg054" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">54</a>, <a href="#Pg159" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">159</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">absorption of, <a href="#Pg297" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">297</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dangers to, <a href="#Pg153" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">153</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">destruction of, <a href="#Pg342" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">342</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of, <a href="#Pg098" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">98</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">negative on laws, <a href="#Pg360" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">360</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">legislatures, action of, on constitution, <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">25</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Congress a check on, <a href="#Pg031" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">31</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">differences between Congress and, <a href="#Pg224" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">224</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of, <a href="#Pg152" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">152</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">power over elections, <a href="#Pg031" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">31</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">representation in, <a href="#Pg152" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">152</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">officers, dangers from, <a href="#Pg289" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">289</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">restrictions on, <a href="#Pg036" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">36</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">rights, <a href="#Pg068" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">68</a>, <a href="#Pg113" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">113</a>, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>, <a href="#Pg147" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">147</a>, <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">184</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">admission of new, <a href="#Pg042" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">42</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">advantages of, <a href="#Pg066" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">66</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">bills of right valid in federal courts, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">119</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">consolidation of, <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">97</a>, <a href="#Pg255" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">255</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">destruction of, <a href="#Pg375" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">375</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">disputes between, <a href="#Pg064" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">64</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">100</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">equality of, in Senate, <a href="#Pg029" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">29</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">interest of, <a href="#Pg215" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">215</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">large vs. small, <a href="#Pg216" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">216</a>, <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">355</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">number to organize government, <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">184</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">rights to enforce laws of, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">State Gazette of North Carolina, <a href="#Pg395" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">395</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">State Gazette of South Carolina, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">State house, <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">355</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“State Soldier,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Steady and Open Republican,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Steady,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg326" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">326</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Strong, Caleb, <a href="#Pg105" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">105</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sullivan, James, <a href="#Pg001" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">1</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Sydney,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg269" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">269</a>, <a href="#Pg293" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">293</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tax, poll, <a href="#Pg273" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">273</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Taxation, <a href="#Pg156" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">156</a>, <a href="#Pg193" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">193</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dangers of, <a href="#Pg081" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">81</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">direct, <a href="#Pg235" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">235</a>, <a href="#Pg270" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">270</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">importance of, <a href="#Pg271" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">271</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">in Connecticut, <a href="#Pg148" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">148</a>, <a href="#Pg226" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">226</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">method of, <a href="#Pg077" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">77</a>, <a href="#Pg358" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">358</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of Congress over, <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">97</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tender acts, <a href="#Pg036" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">36</a>, <a href="#Pg059" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">59</a>, <a href="#Pg196" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">196</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Territory, right to alienate, <a href="#Pg080" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">80</a>, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>, <a href="#Pg234" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">234</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Test law, <a href="#Pg169" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">169</a>, <a href="#Pg171" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">171</a>, <a href="#Pg207" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">207</a>, <a href="#Pg235" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">235</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Town meetings, <a href="#Pg226" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">226</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Trade, <a href="#Pg061" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">61</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">condition of, <a href="#Pg140" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">140</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">congressional control over, <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">161</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">foreign, <a href="#Pg095" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">95</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">limitations of, <a href="#Pg054" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">54</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Massachusetts' advantage for, <a href="#Pg073" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">73</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">powers of Congress over, <a href="#Pg079" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">79</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">regulation of, <a href="#Pg070" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">70</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Trading companies, <a href="#Pg070" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">70</a>, <a href="#Pg109" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">109</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">forbidden, <a href="#Pg118" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">118</a>.</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page424">[pg 424]</span><a name="Pg424" id="Pg424" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Treason, punishment of, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">41</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Treaty power, dangers from, <a href="#Pg165" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">165</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Treaties, law of the land, <a href="#Pg024" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">24</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">with Europe, <a href="#Pg089" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">89</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tucker, St. George, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">United States, an agricultural country, <a href="#Pg200" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">200</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">condition of, <a href="#Pg081" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">81</a>, <a href="#Pg121" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">121</a>, <a href="#Pg158" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">158</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dangers to, <a href="#Pg178" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">178</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">differences between the inhabitants of, <a href="#Pg091" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">91</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">too large for government, <a href="#Pg257" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">257</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">tranquillity of, <a href="#Pg059" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">59</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Vermont, <a href="#Pg258" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">258</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Vice-president, <a href="#Pg240" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">240</a>, <a href="#Pg263" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">263</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">duties of, <a href="#Pg158" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">158</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Virginia, <a href="#Pg162" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">162</a>, <a href="#Pg390" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">390</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">house of delegates of, <a href="#Pg166" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">166</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">plan to aggrandize, <a href="#Pg182" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">182</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">qualifications of, <a href="#Pg306" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">306</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">method of, <a href="#Pg305" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">305</a>;</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">opposition in, <a href="#Pg176" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">176</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Virginia Gazette, <a href="#Pg387" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">387</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Virginia Independent Chronicle, <a href="#Pg385" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">385</a>, <a href="#Pg416" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">416</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span class="tei tei-q" style="text-align: left">“Vox Populi,”</span> pseudonym of, <a href="#Pg012" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">12</a>, <a href="#Pg016" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">16</a>, <a href="#Pg018" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">18</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Washington, George, <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">23</a>, <a href="#Pg026" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">26</a>, <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">161</a>, <a href="#Pg177" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">177</a>, <a href="#Pg218" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">218</a>, <a href="#Pg251" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">251</a>, <a href="#Pg254" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">254</a>, <a href="#Pg285" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">285</a>, <a href="#Pg321" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">321</a>, <a href="#Pg347" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">347</a>, <a href="#Pg370" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">370</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">West Indies, condition of, <a href="#Pg089" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">89</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Western territory, <a href="#Pg239" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">239</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Willetts, Marinus, <a href="#Pg173" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">173</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Williams, William, <a href="#Pg137" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">137</a>, <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">168</a>, <a href="#Pg195" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">195</a>, <a href="#Pg202" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">202</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Williamson, Hugh, <a href="#Pg395" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">395</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Wilson, James, <a href="#Pg090" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">90</a>, <a href="#Pg096" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">96</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">100</a>, <a href="#Pg112" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">112</a>, <a href="#Pg218" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">218</a>, <a href="#Pg335" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">335</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Winthrop, James, <a href="#Pg040" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">40</a>, <a href="#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">49</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Woolen manufactures, <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">201</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Workman, Benjamin, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Yates, Robert, <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">104</a>, <a href="#Pg173" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">173</a>, <a href="#Pg269" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">269</a>, <a href="#Pg293" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">293</a>, <a href="#Pg417" class="tei tei-ref" style="text-align: left">417</a>.</div>
</div>

</div>

</div>
<hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-back" style="margin-bottom: 2.00em; margin-top: 6.00em">
  <div id="footnotes" class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
    <a name="toc41" id="toc41"></a>
    <a name="pdf42" id="pdf42"></a>
    <h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Footnotes</span></h1>
    <dl class="tei tei-list-footnotes"><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1" name="note_1" href="#noteref_1">1.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A writer then
attacking the Hancock party. See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Independent Chronicle</span></span> for
Aug. 23, and Sept. 15, 20, 1787. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2" name="note_2" href="#noteref_2">2.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Shay's
Rebellion. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_3" name="note_3" href="#noteref_3">3.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Massachusetts
newspapers published in Northampton and Boston. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_4" name="note_4" href="#noteref_4">4.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The
administration of Governor Bowdoin. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_5" name="note_5" href="#noteref_5">5.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The author of the productions under
the signature of Numa, it is said, is a gentleman
of the cloth, in one of the Western counties.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_6" name="note_6" href="#noteref_6">6.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">John Hancock.
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_7" name="note_7" href="#noteref_7">7.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A writer in
the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Massachusetts Gazette</span></span>, Oct. 30, Nov. 6, 13, 16,
and 23. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_8" name="note_8" href="#noteref_8">8.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Legislature of
Massachusetts was then so styled. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_9" name="note_9" href="#noteref_9">9.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Massachusetts Gazette</span></span>, for Nov. 2, 9, and 20,
1787. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_10" name="note_10" href="#noteref_10">10.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the letters of Agrippa in
this work. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_11" name="note_11" href="#noteref_11">11.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Probably Elbridge Gerry,
delegate from Massachusetts to the Federal Convention.
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_12" name="note_12" href="#noteref_12">12.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Anti-federal scribblers in the Mass.
Gazette.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_13" name="note_13" href="#noteref_13">13.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Referring to Rhode Island.
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_14" name="note_14" href="#noteref_14">14.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Harvard University Library,
of which James Winthrop was librarian.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_15" name="note_15" href="#noteref_15">15.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Said to be by James Winthrop. See the
letters, printed herein.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_16" name="note_16" href="#noteref_16">16.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Printed in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Elliot</span></span>, I,
492.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_17" name="note_17" href="#noteref_17">17.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-q">“An Address of the subscribers,
members of the late Houses of Representatives
of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, to their constituents,”</span> printed in the
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pennsylvania Packet</span></span>, Oct. 4,
1787.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_18" name="note_18" href="#noteref_18">18.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Referring to
Shay's rebellion.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_19" name="note_19" href="#noteref_19">19.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Act of 1786, providing
that executions issued for private debt may be satisfied by
articles particularly enumerated, at an appraised value from
impartial men.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_20" name="note_20" href="#noteref_20">20.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">No attempt
had been made by Massachusetts for several years to pay the interest
on its debt, except by the State Treasurer's issuing <span class="tei tei-q">“consolidated notes”</span> or
<span class="tei tei-q">“certificates”</span>
of indebtedness, bearing 6 per cent. interest. Though these were by law receivable
for taxes, they had sold as low as 4/ in the
pound.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_21" name="note_21" href="#noteref_21">21.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The sales to the Ohio
Company.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_22" name="note_22" href="#noteref_22">22.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">By Act of July 5,
1786.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_23" name="note_23" href="#noteref_23">23.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Probably
an allusion to the Phelps and Gorham purchase.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_24" name="note_24" href="#noteref_24">24.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">An allusion to the proceedings in
the Convention of Pennsylvania.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_25" name="note_25" href="#noteref_25">25.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cf. with page
85.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_26" name="note_26" href="#noteref_26">26.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Robert Yates, John Lansing,
Jr., Luther Martin, James Francis Mercer, Edmund Randolph, George Mason, and Elbridge
Gerry.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_27" name="note_27" href="#noteref_27">27.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The speech of Caleb Strong in the
State Convention, Jan. 16, 1788.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_28" name="note_28" href="#noteref_28">28.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Delivered Oct. 6,
1787. Printed in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ford's Pamphlets on the Constitution</span></span>, p.
155.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_29" name="note_29" href="#noteref_29">29.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">No record of this is given in the
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Debates in the Massachusetts
Convention</span></span>.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_30" name="note_30" href="#noteref_30">30.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Printed in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Elliot</span></span>,
I, 492.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_31" name="note_31" href="#noteref_31">31.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Printed in Ford's
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pamphlets on the Constitution</span></span>, p. 327.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_32" name="note_32" href="#noteref_32">32.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Richard Henry Lee.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_33" name="note_33" href="#noteref_33">33.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Saturday, September 15.
See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Papers of James Madison</span></span>, III., 1593.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_34" name="note_34" href="#noteref_34">34.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The paragraph containing Mason's objection to the mere majority
power of Congress to regulate commerce, was included in all the southern papers, but
omitted in copies furnished to the papers north of
Maryland.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_35" name="note_35" href="#noteref_35">35.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Mason proposed in the convention that
the President should have a privy council
of six.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_36" name="note_36" href="#noteref_36">36.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is an error. It was moved by
Mason and seconded by Gerry. Cf. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Papers
of James Madison, III.</span></span>, 1578.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_37" name="note_37" href="#noteref_37">37.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See letter of William Williams in
this collection.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_38" name="note_38" href="#noteref_38">38.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">John Lamb, Marinus
Willetts, Melancthon Smith, George Clinton and Robert
or Abraham Yates, the principal anti-federalists of New
York.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_39" name="note_39" href="#noteref_39">39.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See counter-statements of Gerry and Martin in
their answers.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_40" name="note_40" href="#noteref_40">40.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cf. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Papers of James Madison</span></span>,
III, 1595.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_41" name="note_41" href="#noteref_41">41.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Convention of Connecticut, which was to
meet Jan. 4.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_42" name="note_42" href="#noteref_42">42.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The
Landholder, IV-VIII, were reprinted in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Maryland Journal</span></span>, and
the attack on Gerry in them, drew from Luther Martin a defence of that gentleman,
which is printed in this collection. To that the Landholder replied as above, but
this one of the series was not printed in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Connecticut Courant</span></span>,
its place being taken by the number X., printed immediately after this
letter.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_43" name="note_43" href="#noteref_43">43.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">June 9.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_44" name="note_44" href="#noteref_44">44.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is a misstatement.
The motion to elect representatives as the state legislature
should direct was made by C. C. Pinckney, was seconded by Martin, and approved
of by Sherman, and on being put to a vote was favored by Connecticut, New
Jersey, Delaware and South Carolina. Cf. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Papers of James
Madison</span></span>, II., 925.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_45" name="note_45" href="#noteref_45">45.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Mr. Gerry agreed with
Mr. Martin on these questions.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_46" name="note_46" href="#noteref_46">46.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">By direction of the General Assembly of Maryland,
Martin reported the proceedings
of the federal Convention to them, and this was afterwards printed in pamphlet
form under the title of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Genuine
Information</span></span>.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_47" name="note_47" href="#noteref_47">47.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">June 9, according to Madison,
the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Journal</span></span> and Martin's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Genuine
Information</span></span>.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_48" name="note_48" href="#noteref_48">48.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Gerry, though defeated in an election to
the Massachusetts Convention, was invited
by them to attend, in order to furnish information to
the members.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_49" name="note_49" href="#noteref_49">49.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To
prevent any misconstruction the following is the publication entire:
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
(This note is by the Landholder, and is followed by the article already printed at
p. 127. It therefore seems unnecessary to add it here.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span>)
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I will not say this writer makes a distinction between a thing done in convention
and a thing done in committee. Be this as it may, he confesses more than Mr. Martin;
for it seems that Mr. Gerry proposed that <span class="tei tei-q">“the public debt should stand on the same
ground it now stands on by the articles of confederation.”</span> He might have subjoined
that Mr. Gerry prefaced this motion by observing that it was the same in substance as
his first, in as much as it included his first. But notwithstanding this motion was
readily agreed to without his explanation being contradicted, yet he never afterwards
favoured the convention with a look of peace, or a word of reconcilement.
</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_50" name="note_50" href="#noteref_50">50.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The
convention of New Hampshire had met on the 13 of June, and after a discussion
of seven days, had adjourned without voting upon the
constitution.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_51" name="note_51" href="#noteref_51">51.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Letter of William
Williams in this Collection.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_52" name="note_52" href="#noteref_52">52.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is a paraphrase of the arguments
of <span class="tei tei-q">“The Centinel”</span> in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Independent
Gazetteer</span></span>.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_53" name="note_53" href="#noteref_53">53.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">An
attempt had been made in Congress, by the friends of the new government,
for Congress to recommend its acceptance, but this produced protest from those opposed
to it, and threats of an appeal to the people, so in order to prevent such action
a compromise was eventually made, by which it was merely unanimously <span class="tei tei-q">“transmitted
to the several legislatures.”</span>—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_54" name="note_54" href="#noteref_54">54.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A series of articles in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">New
York Journal</span></span>, written by Robert Yates.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_55" name="note_55" href="#noteref_55">55.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">John Smilie,
a prominent Anti-Federalist.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_56" name="note_56" href="#noteref_56">56.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">William
Livingston.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_57" name="note_57" href="#noteref_57">57.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ante</span></span>,
pages <a href="#Pg182" class="tei tei-ref">182</a> and
<a href="#Pg189" class="tei tei-ref">189</a>.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_58" name="note_58" href="#noteref_58">58.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The
Maryland Delegates to the Federal Convention were required by the legislature
to report the proceedings of that body to them, and it was in this connection
that Martin's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Genuine Information</span></span> was
prepared.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_59" name="note_59" href="#noteref_59">59.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to
this idea, I endeavored to obtain as an amendment to the system the
following clause: <span class="tei tei-q">“And whenever the legislature of the United States shall find it
necessary that revenue shall be raised by direct taxation, having apportioned the same
by the above rule, requisitions shall be made of the respective states to pay into the
continental treasury their respective quotas within a time in the said requisition to be
specified, and in case of any of the states failing to comply with such requisition, then,
and then only, to have power to devise and pass acts directing the mode, and authorizing
the same in the state failing therein.”</span> This was rejected, and that power,
which I wished to have given the government only in this particular instance, is given
to it without any restraint or limitation in every case.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_60" name="note_60" href="#noteref_60">60.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">How
exactly agreeable to the sentiments of that honourable member has been
the conduct of the friends of the Constitution in Pennsylvania and some other states,
I need not mention.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_61" name="note_61" href="#noteref_61">61.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A reference to
Alexander Contee Hanson's pamphlet, written under the pseudonym
of Aristides. It is reprinted in Ford's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pamphlets
on the Constitution</span></span>.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_62" name="note_62" href="#noteref_62">62.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Printed in
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Elliot</span></span>, 1, 503.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_63" name="note_63" href="#noteref_63">63.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Williamson was a member of
the Federal Convention.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_64" name="note_64" href="#noteref_64">64.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Following this article was an
essay from a New York paper.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_65" name="note_65" href="#noteref_65">65.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See page
<a href="#Pg339" class="tei tei-ref">339</a>.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ed.</span></span></dd></dl>
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