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<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p>

<h1>EMMA GOLDMAN</h1>
<h3><i>Biographical Sketch</i></h3>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3>By</h3>
<h2>CHARLES A. MADISON</h2>
<h4><i>Author of</i></h4>
<h4>CRITICS AND CRUSADERS</h4>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h4><i>Published by</i></h4>
<h4><span class="smcap">Libertarian Book Club, Inc.</span></h4>
<h4>P. O. Box 842</h4>
<h4>General Post Office               New York 1, N. Y.</h4>
<h4>May 13, 1960</h4>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span></p>

<h3><i>Reprinted from</i></h3>
<h3>"CRITICS AND CRUSADERS"</h3>
<h3>by <span class="smcap">Charles A. Madison</span></h3>
<h3><i>with the permission of</i></h3>
<h3><span class="smcap">Frederick Ungar Publishing Co.</span></h3>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p>


<div class="center">
<table border="10" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" frame="box" rules= "none" summary="">
<tr><td align="center"><span class="smcap"><b>In Memoriam</b></span></td></tr>
<tr><td align="center">The Libertarian Book Club</td></tr>
<tr><td align="center">has published this pamphlet as</td></tr>
<tr><td align="center">a tribute to the memory</td></tr>
<tr><td align="center">of our brave comrade</td></tr>
<tr><td align="center"><b>EMMA GOLDMAN</b></td></tr>
<tr><td align="center">died May 13, 1940</td></tr>
<tr><td align="center">to commemorate the twentieth anniversary</td></tr>
<tr><td align="center">of her death</td></tr>
</table></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter" style="width: 225px;">
<a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:charles-madison-emma-goldman-emmagoldman.jpg"><img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:charles-madison-emma-goldman-emmagoldmanthumb.jpg" width="225" height="300" alt="Emma Goldman 1869--1940" title="Emma Goldman" /></a>
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span></p><p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p>


<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<h2>EMMA GOLDMAN</h2>

<p><i>ANARCHIST REBEL</i></p>


<p>The hanging of several anarchists in 1887 as a consequence
of the Haymarket bombing in Chicago caused many Americans
to sympathize with the gibbeted radicals. Youths
swathed in bright idealism, men and women rooted in equalitarian
democracy, workers trusting in the rectitude of their government&mdash;all
doubted the guilt of the condemned prisoners and were deeply
perturbed by the egregious miscarriage of justice. Many of them for
the first time became aware of the state's ruthless arrogation of
power, and scores upon scores remained to the end of their lives
inimical to government and apprehensive of all forms of authority.</p>

<p>Emma Goldman was one of these converts. Resentment against
the restraints of authority was no new experience for this spirited
girl. As far back as she could remember she had hated and feared
her father, a quick-tempered and deeply harassed Orthodox Jew
who had vented his emotional and financial vexations on his recalcitrant
daughter. Unable to get from him the love and praise she
craved, she had refused to submit to his strict discipline and had
preferred beatings to blind obedience. Consequently she grew up
in an atmosphere of repression and acrimony. "Since my earliest
recollection," she wrote, "home had been stifling, my father's
presence terrifying. My mother, while less violent with her children,
never showed much warmth."</p>

<p>At the age of thirteen she began to work in a factory in St. Petersburg,
and her life became doubly oppressive. She soon learned of
the revolutionary movement and sympathized with its agitation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span>
against Czarist autocracy. To escape from the tyranny of her
father, the irksomeness of the shop, and the repressive measures of
the government, she fought with all her stubborn strength for the
opportunity to accompany her beloved sister Helene to the United
States. Early in 1886 the two girls arrived in Rochester to live with
their married sister, who had preceded them to this country.</p>

<p>Like other penniless immigrants, the seventeen-year-old Emma
had no alternative but to follow the common groove to the sweatshop.
Paid a weekly wage of two dollars and a half for sixty-three
hours of work, she naturally resented the social system which permitted
such exploitation. Together with other immigrants she had
dreamed of the United States as a haven of liberty and equality.
Instead she found it the home of crass materialism and cruel disparity.
This disillusionment was deepened by the hysterical accounts
of the trial in Chicago. She was quick to conclude that the
accused anarchists were innocent of the charge against them; and
the vilification not only of the prisoners but of all radicals merely
hardened her hatred against the enemies of the working poor.</p>

<p>It was easy enough for her to believe John Most's claim in <i>Die
Freiheit</i> (which chance had brought her way) that Parsons, Spies,
and the other defendants were to be hanged for nothing more than
their advocacy of anarchism. What this doctrine was she did not
quite know, but she assumed it must have merit since it favored
poor workers like herself. When the jury found the men guilty, she
could not accept the reality of the dread verdict. Her thoughts
clung to the condemned anarchists as if they were her brothers.
In her passionate yearning to do something in their behalf she
attended meetings of protest and read everything she could find on
the case; and she sympathetically experienced the torment of a
prisoner awaiting execution. In her autobiography, <i>Living My Life</i>,
she wrote that on the day of the hangings "I was in a stupor; a feeling
of numbness came over me, something too horrible even for
tears." The very next day, however, she became imbued with a
surging determination to dedicate herself to the cause of the martyred
men, to devote her life to the ideals for which they had died.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span></p>

<p>In the meantime, discouraged and lonely, she had welcomed a
fellow worker's show of affection. She felt no love for him and, as a
result of an attempted rape at the age of fifteen, she still experienced
a "violent repulsion" in the presence of men, but she had
not the strength to refuse his urgent proposal of marriage. She soon
learned to her dismay that her husband was impotent and not at
all as congenial as she had thought. However, the very suggestion
of a separation enraged her father, who had recently come to Rochester.
After months of aggravation she did go through the then rare
and reprehensible rite of Orthodox divorce, but she had to leave
town to avoid social ostracism. When she returned some months
later, her former husband again pursued her, and his threat of
suicide frightened her into remarrying him.</p>

<p>Emma now felt herself thwarted and trapped. Twenty years old
and yearning to make life meaningful, she chafed at the very
thought of her drab and dreary existence. Her anxiety to elude her
father's abuse, to free herself from a loveless marriage, to escape
the dullness of her oppressive environment, only intensified her
longing for freedom and affection. Consequently she began to nurture
her dream of dedicating herself to the ideal championed by
the Chicago martyrs. One day in August 1889 she broke relations
with her husband and parents and left for New York with money
supplied by her ever-devoted sister Helene.</p>

<hr style="width: 45%;" />

<p>In the metropolis Emma felt herself gloriously free. For the first
time in her life she was completely independent. On the teeming
East Side a new and wonderful world emerged before her, and she
embraced it with passionate abandon. Alexander Berkman, a determined
doctrinaire at eighteen, made her acquaintance the day she
arrived and the pair at once established an intimate comradeship
which endured through many vicissitudes to the day of his death.
John Most, the impetuous anarchist leader, became her lover as
well as her mentor and opened new and fascinating vistas of the
mind. "Most became my idol," she wrote. "I adored him." Under
his tutelage she read seminal books and learned about significant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span>
men and ideas. Anarchism assumed definite meaning; the struggle
by the many in want against the few in power, then so pathetically
feeble, became to her a war unto death; the goal of social freedom
appeared tangible and alluringly near. For months her voracious
hunger for knowledge seemed insatiable, her capacity for emotion
inexhaustible. This tremendous release of energy was in truth the
expression of long-pent-up zeal. She threw herself into the radical
movement of the East Side with the enthusiasm of an inspired
visionary.</p>

<p>Her first years in New York were a period of preparation. Along
with her work in sweatshops, which she had to do to earn her living,
she found time to familiarize herself with the latest libertarian literature
and to spend hours on end in intellectual discussion. Nor
was she able to remain a passive onlooker even during her early
apprenticeship. With John Most's helpful guidance she went on
her first "tour of agitation" only a few months after reaching New
York. She addressed several meetings in as many cities on the eight-hour
day, then a timely topic, and discovered that she was able to
hold the attention of an audience and to think quickly while facing
its inimical questioning.</p>

<p>That winter the newly formed Cloakmakers' Union called its
first general strike. Emma immediately "became absorbed in it to
the exclusion of everything else." Her task was to persuade the
timid girl workers to join the strike. With prodigious energy she
exhorted them at meetings, encouraged them at dances and parties,
and thus influenced many to partake in the common effort to improve
working conditions in the sweatshops. The strike leaders were
greatly impressed by her dynamic qualities as an organizer and
public speaker.</p>

<p>Emma's association with John Most became strained to the
breaking point when she perceived that he esteemed her more as a
lover than as a fellow anarchist. His arrogance irritated her and,
much as she admired his impassioned eloquence and incisive mind,
she could not accept the acquiescent role he had assigned her.
When his high-handed behavior resulted in a factional split, she<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>
sided with those who rejected his domination. Some time later,
when Most derided Berkman's attempt to kill Henry C. Frick and
disavowed the theory of "propaganda of the deed" of which he
had been the chief exponent, she came to hate him. At the first opportunity
she lashed him with a horsewhip at a public meeting and
denounced him as a renegade. Nor did time bring about a reconciliation.</p>

<hr style="width: 45%;" />

<p>Emma, Alexander Berkman, and a youthful artist were living
together in congenial intimacy. They worked at their menial tasks
during the day and devoted their evenings to agitation. Because
the progress of anarchism in this country was too slow for them, the
news of increased revolutionary activity in Russia filled them with
a romantic nostalgia for their native land. They decided to engage
in some business until they should have saved enough money for
the journey back. In the spring of 1892 chance brought them to
Worcester, Massachusetts, where they were soon operating a successful
lunchroom.</p>

<p>The bloody consequences of the lockout at the Homestead plant
of The Carnegie Steel Company inflamed the minds of these
youthful idealists. The plan to return to Russia was abandoned
with little regret. They agreed it was their duty to go to the aid of
the brutally maltreated workers. Berkman insisted that their great
moment was at hand, that they must give up the lunchroom and
leave at once for the scene of the fighting. "Being internationalists,"
he argued, "it mattered not to us where the blow was struck
by the workers; we must be with them. We must bring them our
great message and help them see that it was not only for the moment
that they must strike, but for all time, for a free life, for anarchism.
Russia had many heroic men and women, but who was there
in America? Yes, we must go to Homestead, tonight!" Taking with
them the day's receipts and their personal belongings, they left
immediately for New York. Berkman, eager to emulate the Russian
nihilists who were then fighting hangings with assassinations, determined
to make Frick, the dictatorial general manager, pay with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span>
his life for the death of those who had worked for him. Unable to
perfect a bomb, he decided to use a pistol. Emma wanted to accompany
him to Pittsburgh, but remained behind for the lack of
railroad fare. A few days later the resolute youth of twenty-one
made his way into Frick's office, discharged three bullets into his
body, and stabbed him several times before being overpowered and
beaten into unconsciousness.</p>

<p>Prior to the attempt on his life Frick had been severely criticized
for harsh and arbitrary treatment of his employees. His determination
to break their union and his reckless use of Pinkertons had
antagonized even those who normally favored the open shop. Berkman's
attack, so alien and repugnant to our democratic mores, completely
changed the situation. Frick became the hero of the day.
Journalists and public men vied in praise of the victim and execration
of the assailant. The fact that the latter was of Russian birth
and an anarchist only served to strengthen his guilt. Although Frick
recovered from his wounds with extraordinary rapidity and was
back at his desk within a fortnight, and although the law of Pennsylvania
limited punishment for the crime to seven years, the defendant
was tried without benefit of legal counsel and sentenced to
twenty-two years' imprisonment.</p>

<p>The ascetic youth was thoroughly dismayed by the calamitous
turn of events. He regarded Frick as "an enemy of the People," a
cruel exploiter of labor who had to be destroyed as a concrete warning
of the oncoming revolution. He gloried in this opportunity to
serve the American workers in the manner of the Russian nihilists.
It pained him therefore to think that he owed his failure to kill
Frick to the interference of the very workers for whom he was ready
to die. The attack upon him by John Most was distressing enough,
but the scornful repudiation by the strikers and the coolness of
labor everywhere cut him to the heart. Suffering the anguish of a
living death in one of the worst prisons in the United States, he
sought comfort in the thought that he was a revolutionist and not
a would-be murderer. "A revolutionist," he later explained,
"would rather perish a thousand times than be guilty of what is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span>
ordinarily called murder. In truth, murder and <i>Attentat</i> are to me
opposite terms. To remove a tyrant is an act of liberation, the giving
of life and opportunity to an oppressed people." Some years afterwards
he came to believe that even such shedding of blood "must
be resorted to only as a last extremity." It was this faith in the ideal
for which he was prepared to die that kept him alive through fourteen
years of physical torture and mental martyrdom. One need
only read his <i>Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist</i>, a work of extraordinary
acumen and power, to appreciate the high purpose that had
motivated him and the strength of character that enabled him to
turn his prison trials into spiritual triumphs.</p>

<p>Emma, his lover and accomplice, from the very first defended
him with passionate abandon. To her he was "the idealist whose
humanity can tolerate no injustice and endure no wrong." The
excessive punishment dealt to him by the state struck her as barbarous
and cowardly. "The idealists and visionaries," she asserted
years later, "foolish enough to throw caution to the winds and express
their ardor and faith in some supreme deed, have advanced
mankind and have enriched the world." At the time, however, she
grieved to think of her noble companion doomed to waste the best
years of his life in execrable confinement.</p>

<p>Unable to lighten his suffering, she resolved to double her effort
towards the realization of their common ideal. A physical breakdown,
however, forced her to seek rest and medical care. Her sister
Helene welcomed her back and helped her to regain strength. But
the aggravation of the unemployment crisis in 1893 caused her to
disregard the doctor's warning and to return to her post on the East
Side. "Committee sessions, public meetings, collection of foodstuffs,
supervising the feeding of the homeless and their numerous
children, and, finally, the organization of a mass-meeting on Union
Square entirely filled my time." As the main speaker at this large
gathering she excoriated the state for functioning only as the protector
of the rich and for keeping the poor starved and enslaved,
like a giant shorn of his strength. Commenting on Cardinal Manning's
dictum that "necessity knows no law," she continued: "They<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span>
will go on robbing you, your children, and your children's children,
unless you wake up, unless you become daring enough to demand
your rights. Well, then, demonstrate before the palaces of the rich;
demand work. If they do not give you work, demand bread. If they
deny you both, take bread. It is your sacred right." For this speech
she was arrested, charged with inciting to riot although the meeting
was peaceable, and sentenced to one year in Blackwell's Island
Penitentiary.</p>

<p>She went to prison in a defiant mood. She was now the avowed
enemy of the corrupt minions of the state and she knew they would
stop at nothing to keep her from agitating for a better world&mdash;the
world for which she and Berkman were then in jail. She resolved
to fight back and fight hard. So long as breath remained in her lungs
and strength in her body, she would deliver her message to the
oppressed masses! No amount of torture in prison or persecution
outside would deter her in the struggle against the state and the
powerful rich!</p>

<p>While in prison Emma learned the rudiments of nursing. She
liked the work better than sewing, and upon her release she persuaded
several doctors to recommend her as a practical nurse.
Wishing to qualify herself, she accepted the aid of devoted friends
in order to study nursing in the Vienna Allgemeines Krankenhaus,
a hospital of very high repute. While in Europe she lectured in England
and Scotland and met the leading anarchists in London and
on the Continent. She also made first-hand acquaintance with the
contemporary social theater, on which she was later to lecture and
write with penetrating insight. In the summer of 1896 she returned
to this country, qualified as a nurse and midwife.</p>

<hr style="width: 45%;" />

<p>Once back in New York, she immediately resumed her anarchist
activity. Her first concern was to promote an appeal for Berkman's
pardon, and keen was her sorrow and resentment when it was refused.
More than ever eager to further their common ideal, and
greatly moved by the sporadic attacks upon the more aggressive
workers, she undertook her first continental lecture tour.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span></p>

<blockquote><p>Everywhere workers were slain, everywhere the same butchery!...
The masses were millions, yet how weak! To awaken them from their
stupor, to make them conscious of their power&mdash;that is the great need!
Soon, I told myself, I should be able to reach them throughout America.
With a tongue of fire I would rouse them to a realization of their dependence
and indignity! Glowingly I visioned my first great tour and
the opportunities it would offer me to plead our Cause.</p></blockquote>

<p>Her opportunities fell far short of her expectations, but her words
of fire ignited the hearts of many who came to scoff.</p>

<p>For the next twenty years she devoted most of her time to lecturing.
She spoke wherever there were comrades enough to organize
a meeting; and in scores of cities, from Maine to Oregon, there were
libertarians ready to suffer great inconvenience for their cause. At
first most of her talks were given in Yiddish and German; later, as
she attracted more Americanized audiences, she spoke mainly in
English. Her topics ranged widely in content. She expounded the
doctrine of anarchism whenever possible, but her lectures dealt
mainly with current social problems and the modern European
drama. Shortly before World War I she discussed birth control
with a frankness that sent her to jail for a fortnight. She usually
keyed her talks to the intelligence of her auditors, and always she
spoke with clarity and enthusiasm.</p>

<p>Throughout her years of agitation she exercised extraordinary tact
and exceptional physical courage. No other woman in America ever
had to suffer such persistent persecution. She was arrested innumerable
times, beaten more than once, refused admission to halls
where she was to speak. Often the police dispersed her audience.
Intimidated owners frequently refused to rent her meeting places
or cancelled contracts at the last minute. On various occasions she
was met at the train and compelled by sheer force to proceed to the
next stopping place. In 1912 she and Ben Reitman, at that time her
manager and lover, were driven from San Diego and the latter was
tarred and tortured.</p>

<p>It must be said that the lawbreakers and defilers of liberty were
not Emma Goldman and her harassed followers but the sworn<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span>
guardians of the law and leading local citizens. The latter and not
the anarchists were guilty of violating the rights of free speech and
free assembly, of beating their victims without cause and of jailing
them without warrant. It was after one such instance of unprovoked
brutality that Emma wrote:</p>

<blockquote><p>In no country, Russia not exempt, would the police dare to exercise
such brutal power over the lives of men and women. In no country would
the people stand for such beastliness and vulgarity. Nor do I know
of any people who have so little regard for their own manhood and self-respect
as the average American citizen, with all his boasted independence.</p></blockquote>

<p>The newspapers abetted the police in the lawless treatment of
Emma and her fellow rebels. They sometimes perverted a grain of
truth into columns of muck and made "Red Emma" a symbol
of all that was dangerous and despicable. The rank injustice of this
abuse caused the staid New York <i>Sun</i> to protest on September 30,
1909: "The popular belief is that she preaches bombs and murder,
but she certainly does nothing of the kind. Bombs are very definite
things, and one of the peculiarities of her doctrine is its vagueness.
The wonder is that with a doctrine so vague she managed to strike
terror into the stout hearts of the police."</p>

<p>Nor were the police and the press the only perpetrators of this
modern witch hunt. President Theodore Roosevelt expressed the
attitude of many persons of privilege and respectability when he
blustered: "The Anarchist is the enemy of humanity, the enemy of
all mankind, and his is the deeper degree of criminality than any
other." When William Buwalda, a soldier in the United States
Army and the recipient of a medal for bravery, shook hands with
Emma Goldman at one of her lectures in 1908, he was courtmartialed
and sentenced to five years' imprisonment. It was only as a
consequence of numerous public protests that Buwalda was pardoned
after he had served ten months. The Red Hysteria of 1917-21
merely climaxed decades of ill-treatment of a militant minority
in a nation founded on the principles of human rights and individual
liberty.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span></p>

<p>If this ugly chapter in recent American history was the work of
men of property and of public officers, there were numerous other
Americans, less powerful but of greater probity, who cherished the
fundamental freedoms of our Founding Fathers. These liberals
spoke out forcefully against the violation of rights guaranteed by the
Constitution. They gladly gave of their time and money to the defense
of the harassed radicals. Because Emma Goldman suffered
most from police brutality and because her dynamic personality
attracted those who came in contact with her, she was befriended
by scores of Americans in every part of the country. These Jeffersonian
liberals admired her courage and sincerity and helped her
to organize her lecture tours and to finance her propagandistic and
literary ventures.</p>

<p>Emma reached the nadir of her career during the aftermath of
President McKinley's assassination. With the memory of Alexander
Berkman's fate still festering in her heart, she said: "Leon
Czolgosz and other men of his type ... are drawn to some violent
expression, even at the sacrifice of their own lives, because they cannot
supinely witness the misery and suffering of their fellows."
Even before her attitude was known, she was arrested as an accomplice
of Czolgosz and treated with extreme savagery before being
released for lack of evidence.</p>

<p>Even more painful to her was the obtuseness of those anarchists
who condemned Czolgosz's act as wanton murder. Ironically
enough, even Berkman wrote from prison to disapprove of the
shooting and to differentiate it from his own attack upon Frick; in
his opinion the killing of McKinley was individual terrorism and
not a deed motivated by social necessity. Emma was shocked by
this argument, since to her both acts were inspired by the same
high idealism and spirit of self-sacrifice. Unlike Berkman, who had
come to see the futility of terrorism in a country like the United
States, she was more interested in the incentive than in the effectiveness
of an assassination. She was ostracized for her loyalty to
Czolgosz and, as a consequence of his execution, suffered severe
depression.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span></p>

<p>Once Emma Goldman had mastered the English language, she
was not long in wishing to establish a periodical that would carry
the message of anarchism to those whom she could not reach in
person. Outbreaks of strikes in this country and increased revolutionary
activity in Russia only made her more eager for a magazine
of her own. In 1905 she was serving as manager and interpreter for
Paul Orleneff and Alla Nazimova, who had come to the United
States for a theatrical tour. When Orleneff learned of Emma's ambition
to publish a periodical, he insisted on giving a special performance
for her benefit. Although a pouring rain kept the
audience to a fraction of the expected number, the receipts sufficed
to pay for the first issue of <i>Mother Earth</i>.</p>

<p>The scope and purpose of the new monthly, which began to
appear in March 1906, were explained at the outset:</p>

<blockquote><p><i>Mother Earth</i> will endeavor to attract and appeal to all those who
oppose encroachment on public and individual life. It will appeal to
those who strive for something higher, weary of the commonplace; to
those who feel that stagnation is a deadweight on the firm and elastic
step of progress; to those who breathe freely only in limitless space; to
those who long for the tender shade of a new dawn for a humanity free
from the dread of want, the dread of starvation in the face of mountains
of riches. The Earth free for the free individual.</p></blockquote>

<p>Emma Goldman edited the monthly throughout its eleven years
of existence. In all this time it reflected her views, her interests, her
dynamic liveliness. Her fellow editors at one time or another were
Max Baginski, Hippolyte Havel, and Alexander Berkman, but the
character of the periodical underwent no change as a consequence.
Each issue contained at least one poem, brief editorials on the
events of the month, articles on current aspects of anarchism, comments
on labor strikes and radical activities the world over, reports
by Emma on topics of interest to her or on her frequent lecture
tours, and finally appeals for money. Many prominent libertarians
contributed essays of a philosophical or hortatory nature. It emanated
a youthful vigor and an exuberance not found in any other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span>
contemporary periodical. Its several thousand readers were devoted
to it and supported it with their limited means until the postal
censor put an end to the monthly shortly after the declaration of
war in 1917.</p>

<p><i>Mother Earth</i> was not Emma Goldman's sole publishing activity.
A firm believer in the efficacy of educational propaganda, she
printed and sold a long list of inexpensive tracts. Her table of literature
became a prominent feature at all her meetings. When no
commercial publisher would accept Berkman's <i>Prison Memoirs of
an Anarchist</i>, she collected funds and issued the book herself. The
volume has since become a classic in its field, and stands to this
day as a living reminder of the dominance of a keen and determined
mind over all physical obstacles. Emma also brought out
her own collection of lectures, <i>Anarchism and Other Essays</i>. She
was able, however, to find a publisher for her impressive volume
of lectures on <i>The Social Significance of the Modern Drama</i>, which
deals incisively with the European plays that dissect the common
failures and fallacies of bourgeois society.</p>

<hr style="width: 45%;" />

<p>Face to face with an audience, Emma Goldman was a forceful
and witty propagandist. Frequently she lifted her rapt hearers to
heights from which they envisioned a world wholly free and completely
delightful. In cold print, however, her lectures reveal little
of her dynamic appeal. They are primarily the work of a forceful
agitator: clear, pointed, spirited, but without originality or intellectual
rigor.</p>

<p>The faithful disciple of Bakunin and Kropotkin, Emma perceived
civilization as "a continuous struggle of the individual or of
groups of individuals against the State and even against 'society,'
that is, against the majority subdued and hypnotized by the State
and State worship." This conflict, she argued, was bound to last as
long as the state itself, since it was of the very nature of government
to be "conservative, static, intolerant of change and opposed
to it," while the instinct of the individual was to resent restriction,
combat authority, and seek the benefits of innovation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span></p>

<p>Her definition of anarchism first appeared on the masthead of
<i>Mother Earth</i> in the issue of April 1910: "The philosophy of a
new social order based on liberty unrestrained by man-made law;
the theory that all forms of government rest on violence, and are
therefore wrong and harmful, as well as unnecessary." In her oft-repeated
lecture on the subject she warmly described the benefits
to ensue from social revolution:</p>

<blockquote><p>Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals
for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will
guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment
of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes,
and inclinations.</p></blockquote>

<p>To the end of her life Emma avowed the soundness and practicality
of her doctrine. As late as 1934 she declared in <i>Harper's
Magazine</i>: "I am certain that Anarchism is too vital and too close
to human nature ever to die. When the failure of modern dictatorship
and authoritarian philosophies becomes apparent and the
realization of failure more general, Anarchism will be vindicated."
It was her belief that sooner or later the mass of mankind would
perceive the futility of begging for crumbs and would take power
into its own hands. Since she scorned political means, she expounded
the validity of direct action. This method she defined as
the "conscious individual or collective effort to protest against, or
remedy, social conditions through the systematic assertion of the
economic power of the workers." Once the state and capitalism
were destroyed, anarchism would assume the form of free communism,
which she described as "a social arrangement based on
the principle: To each according to his needs; from each according
to his ability." It must be stressed that although the wording is
common to all forms of communism, that of Marx and Lenin implies
strict centralized authority, while that of Kropotkin and
Emma Goldman envisions complete decentralization and the supremacy
of the individual.</p>

<p>No man who has pondered the concept of the good life will fail<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span>
to appreciate the ideal propounded by the anarchists. And one
who has observed the results of modern dictatorship cannot but
sympathize with a vision of the future in which the individual is
the prime beneficiary of all social activity. Yet life often makes
mock of man's noblest dreams. Emma may have been "the daughter
of the dream"; her doctrine remains as utopian as it is alluring.
There is no gainsaying the fact that modern conditions still favor
national and industrial centralization. The philosophy of anarchism
appears less tenable today than ever.</p>

<hr style="width: 45%;" />

<p>Though in no sense a pacifist, Emma Goldman was intensely
opposed to wars between nations. The very idea of human slaughter
on the battlefield appeared to her as barbaric and criminal.
And to her the culprit was the state. Without governments to lead
their subjects to battle wars would be as unthinkable as duels are
now. "No war is justified unless it be for the purpose of overthrowing
the Capitalist system and establishing industrial control for
the working class."</p>

<p>Her first contact with war occurred in 1898, when the United
States attacked Spain. While she abominated the medieval monarchy
which oppressed the Cubans, she did not want our politicians
and industrialists to use the liberation of that island as a pretext
for their imperial aggrandizement. She therefore agitated against
the war at every one of her lectures, and did not cease to expose
our imperialist intentions until the end of the fighting. Fortunately
for her, the liberties of the people were not curbed as a result of
the war, and the police did not consider her lack of patriotism more
provoking than her advocacy of anarchism.</p>

<p>In 1914, when war broke out in Europe, she immediately perceived
its catastrophic nature and condemned its instigators as
monstrous criminals. Alexander Berkman, who had been enjoying
uneasy liberty since 1906 and who worked closely with her despite
their intermittent personal and ideological differences, at once
joined her in the attack. Both did their utmost to rouse the people
against our involvement. It was a hard and increasingly thankless<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span>
fight against deep-seated prejudices. Consternation struck their
hearts when they learned that Peter Kropotkin and other eminent
anarchists had embraced the cause of the Allies and were participating
in the propaganda campaign against Germany. Resolved to
retain their sanity in a world gone mad, they repudiated all "warmongers"
regardless of their previous professions and intensified
their efforts to keep the United States out of the European holocaust.</p>

<p>When events moved us in the direction of belligerency, the
government sought feverishly to regiment the nation for the war
struggle. Emma, Berkman, and numerous other radicals resisted
this martial hysteria with all the force at their command. <i>Mother
Earth</i> blasted the proponents of preparedness in issue after issue
and denounced the government for trampling upon the Bill of
Rights in its hypocritical pretence of making the world safe for democracy.
Emma denounced the capitalist basis of war before
crowds of enthusiastic sympathizers. As late as March 1917 she
wrote:</p>

<blockquote><p>I for one will speak against war so long as my voice will last, now and
during the war. A thousand times rather would I die calling to the
people of America to refuse to be obedient, to refuse military service, to
refuse to murder their brothers, than I should ever give my voice in
justification of war, except the one war of all the peoples against their
despots and exploiters&mdash;the Social Revolution.</p></blockquote>

<p>She and Berkman organized the No-Conscription League for the
purpose of encouraging conscientious objectors to resist induction
into the army. Writing in behalf of the League, Emma explained:
"We will resist conscription by every means in our power, and we
will sustain those who, for similar reasons, refuse to be conscripted."
At several mass-meetings she and Berkman expressed these sentiments,
knowing that government agents were taking notes on their
speeches. On June 15, 1917, both were arrested and charged with
"conspiring against the draft."</p>

<p>The two rebels did not flinch from the ordeal awaiting them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span>
"Tell all friends," Emma wrote shortly before their trial, "that we
will not waver, that we will not compromise, and that if the worst
comes, we shall go to prison in the proud consciousness that we
have remained faithful to the spirit of internationalism and to the
solidarity of all the people of the world." In court they conducted
their own defense with a facility and frankness that gained the
admiration of even their detractors. They shrewdly used the courtroom
as a forum. In addressing the jury they were eloquently polemical.</p>

<blockquote><p>It is organized violence on top [Emma asserted] which creates individual
violence at the bottom. It is the accumulated indignation against
organized wrong, organized crime, organized injustice, which drives
the political offender to his act.... We are but the atoms in the
incessant human struggle towards the light that shines in the darkness&mdash;the
ideal of economic, political, and spiritual liberation of mankind!</p></blockquote>

<p>The dramatic trial was in a sense another re-enactment of the age-old
tragedy in which the rebellious idealist is condemned by the
gross guardians of society. The obdurate defendants were each
given the maximum penalty of two years in prison and a fine of
ten thousand dollars.</p>

<p>Time passed in dreary monotony for Emma in Jefferson City
and Berkman in Atlanta. The war was fought and won, the millions
of American soldiers were back from Europe, and peace again
prevailed over the earth. But to conservatives the specter of Bolshevism
had replaced the ogre of Prussianism as the enemy of
established society. In this country Attorney-General Mitchell
Palmer, a Quaker and God-fearing man, led the manhunt against
those who were suspected of sympathy with the Russian Revolution.
Thousands of men and women were made the victims of an
Anti-Red hysteria, and hundreds were deported as undesirable
aliens. When Emma and Berkman were released, they also became
subject to expulsion. Although she had long been a naturalized
citizen by virtue of her marriage to a citizen, the Department of
Labor ruled otherwise. On the night of December 21, 1919, the two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span>
rebels together with 247 other undesirables were hurried aboard
the ancient troopship <i>Buford</i> for passage to Russia.</p>

<p>Thirty years of struggle and suffering on this side of the Atlantic
had so Americanized Emma and Berkman that they could not
think of themselves as belonging to another country. The ignominy
of expulsion and the loss of their friends wounded them deeply.
Yet they were comforted by the thought of the adventure that lay
ahead. As the battered <i>Buford</i> plowed its billowy way to the shores
of Finland they reflected on the ironic turn of events which had
transformed Czarist Russia into a land of revolution and converted
the free United States into a citadel of reaction. While still
in jail they had approved the Bolshevik coup as a necessary safeguard
of the revolution. They believed that Lenin and his fellow
leaders, while Marxists and therefore advocates of a strong centralized
government, were devoted to the principles of freedom and
equality and therefore deserved the support of all workers and
libertarians. Now, outcasts from the capitalist stronghold, they
longed to join their Russian comrades in the defense of the revolution.
When she reached the Soviet border, Emma later wrote, "my
heart trembled with anticipation and fervent hope."</p>

<p>Dismay darkened their days throughout the twenty months of
their sojourn in Russia. Their official welcome quickly spent itself.
They began to look about for themselves, to speak privately with
fellow anarchists, and to seek explanations of events and practices
not to their liking. The twin demons of inefficiency and stupidity&mdash;judged
by their American and anarchist standards respectively&mdash;leered
at them wherever they went; the black walls of bureaucracy
rose before them at every turn. Perverse cruelty on the part of the
government came to their attention with distressing frequency. All
their early efforts at rationalization failed to excuse the needless
hunger, the mass arrests, the arbitrary executions. They discussed
these events with prominent Bolshevik leaders, including Trotsky
and Lenin, in the hope of persuading them to mitigate conditions
injurious to the revolution. In each instance the response was either
enigmatic or equivocal. Angelica Balabanova, then secretary of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span>
Third International and later as disaffected an exile as herself, told
Emma that life was "a rock on which the highest hopes are shattered.
Life thwarts the best intentions and breaks the finest spirits."
Alexandra Kollontay, the hard-headed diplomat, chilled her with
the advice to stop "brooding over a few dull gray spots." Even
Lenin impressed her and Berkman as callous and unsympathetic.</p>

<p>Time only deepened their perturbation. After eight months of
life in Russia, Emma began to doubt the revolution itself. "Its
manifestations were so completely at variance with what I had conceived
and propagated as revolution that I did not know any more
which was right. My old values had been shipwrecked and I myself
thrown overboard to sink or swim." The climax of her quarrel with
the Bolsheviki came a year later during the attack upon the mutinous
Kronstadt sailors. That hundreds of true sons of the revolution
should be shot down for sympathizing with striking workers
seemed to her a crime worse than any committed by the Czarist
regime. Neither she nor Berkman could any longer stomach such
ruthless authoritarianism and both left the country as soon as they
were able to obtain visas.</p>

<p>Once past the Soviet border, the hapless pair became true Ishmaelites,
without either home or country. No government offered
them asylum, and few were willing to provide them with even temporary
visas. Devoted friends had great difficulty in getting Swedish
officials to permit the two refugees a long-enough stay in Stockholm
to procure visas for a sojourn in Germany.</p>

<p>Their one great mission now became the unmasking of the Bolsheviki,
and their attacks were more virulent and hysterical than
those of the most extreme reactionaries. Berkman's <i>The Bolshevik
Myth</i> and Emma's <i>My Disillusionment in Russia</i> and <i>My Further
Disillusionment in Russia</i> (the book was published in two separate
volumes as a result of an inadvertent misunderstanding) are
charged with fanatic hatred. Both insisted that Lenin and his monstrous
crew were perverting the Russian Revolution to their own
sinister purposes and must be destroyed at all costs. They made
no effort to view the situation objectively.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span></p>

<p>In 1924 Emma was permitted to make her home in England.
At once she busied herself with plans to rouse the people against
the Bolsheviki, but found herself either snubbed or scorned. The
liberals refused to support her for fear of endangering Soviet Russia's
precarious relations with Great Britain; the radicals insisted
on the need of bolstering the Bolsheviki during the period of revolutionary
experimentation. Her lectures were poorly attended; her
audiences failed to be impressed. After two years of discouragement
she decided to leave England altogether. Shortly before her
departure she married James Colton, an old rebel, for the convenience
of British citizenship.</p>

<p>A vacation in France preceded a lecture tour through Canada.
Again on American soil, she resumed the old pattern of agitation.
But the Dominion did not provide sufficient scope for her seething
energy. And when friends, who had long urged her to write her
autobiography, provided her with funds for that purpose, she returned
to France.</p>

<p><i>Living My Life</i> appeared in 1932. It is a lively story, palpitating
with strong feeling and epitomizing the blazing years of her anarchist
activity. The writing is vivacious, forceful, exciting. The narrative
is colorful and wholly uninhibited. Emma's strong personality
stamps every page. She was as dynamic in her numerous
amours as in her work for human freedom, and she discusses both
with equal zest. Her unrepressed egotism prompts her to relate
personal incidents which have little bearing on her own development
and none on that of anarchism&mdash;incidents that sometimes
reveal petty malice and that might better have been left unrecorded.
The final impression, however, is of her generous character, her
profound devotion to the ideal of liberty, her extraordinary energy,
her great courage, and her successful insistence on living her life
in her own way.</p>

<p>When Emma had completed her long book and was ready to
resume her role as lecturer and agitator, the menace of fascism
drove the Bolshevik betrayal from the forefront of her mind. A
tour through Germany and other parts of Europe convinced her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span>
that the Nazis were the greater threat to freedom and must be
fought without let. Late in 1933 she returned to Canada and addressed
large audiences on such topics as "Hitler and His Cohorts,"
"Germany's Tragedy," and "The Collapse of German
Culture." With Cassandra-like foresight she argued that England
and Germany's neighbors were blind to the danger confronting
them and that if the Nazis were not ousted from power they would
destroy civilization.</p>

<p>In January 1934 she was granted permission to visit the United
States for ninety days. Friends arranged for a two-month lecture
tour. Her audiences were large, though a good percentage came
more out of curiosity than to pay homage to her anarchist leadership.
Some hotels refused to admit her, and detectives and policemen
were as conspicuous within the halls as in former times. Communists
heckled her, but there was comparatively little of the excitement
and defiance of her previous "tours of agitation." In
truth neither Emma nor her hearers bothered much about the doctrine
of anarchism. The immediate menace had become not the
capitalistic state but fascist authoritarianism (to Emma, Bolshevism
was "only left-wing fascism"); and she attacked it not as the
apostolic anarchist but as the passionate libertarian. The end of
April came all too soon, and again she had to depart from the land
in which she had spent her best years. Nor did the fact that she
was an old woman without roots elsewhere make leavetaking any
easier.</p>

<p>The following year she sojourned in Canada, lecturing, writing,
hoping in vain for readmission to the United States. In the spring
of 1935 she went to France. Berkman was already there, and the
two old friends again saw much of each other. The day after her
sixty-seventh birthday their lifelong intimacy was abruptly ended
by his suicide; he had been ill for some time and characteristically
preferred death to a wretched old age. The tragic event oppressed
her grievously.</p>

<p>The Spanish Civil War, beginning shortly after, provided her
with much-needed distraction. With energies renewed she at once<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span>
went to Spain. Her previous friendly association with Spanish anarchists
made her a welcome addition to their ranks. For the next
two years she devoted herself to bolstering the cause of the Loyalists.
Since England's sympathy was of crucial importance, she went to
London to work in behalf of the Spanish government. The callous
and undiscerning attitude of the ruling Tories deprived her of the
last atom of hope. She returned to Spain in 1938, wishing to stand
beside her comrades during their final futile efforts to hold back the
fascist inundation.</p>

<p>Early in 1939, with darkness rapidly enveloping the whole of
Europe, Emma returned to Canada. There she died on May 13,
1940, clinging tenaciously to the shreds of her revolutionary ideal
until her last gasp.</p>

<hr style="width: 45%;" />

<p>Emma Goldman was unquestionably the most active and audacious
rebel of her time. An idealist to the core of her being, cherishing
liberty as the most precious of human possessions, completely
dedicated to the full and free life for all mankind, she early became
the object of concentrated contumely and brutal abuse on the part
of the defenders of the status quo. Her threat to society lay not so
much in her revolutionary doctrine as in her attacks upon the abuses
of capitalism. B. R. Tucker and other individualist anarchists were
equally opposed to authority, but they were not molested so long
as they did not concern themselves with economic exploitation.
Emma, however, had made it her duty to fight against injustice
toward the worker and the nonconformist. Consequently she organized
mass-meetings and marches against unemployment; she
became a picket-leader and fund-raiser, and protested openly and
persistently against violations of free speech and against police brutality.
This activity, especially effective because of her untiring zeal
and bold eloquence, gave her pre-eminence as a dangerous enemy
of capitalism and subjected her to persecution by the authorities
until she was driven out of the country.</p>

<p>Quite a few Americans, however, respected her for her honest
idealism and valued her as a goad stinging the social conscience of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span>
our complacent public. One of them, William Marion Reedy,
called her "the daughter of the dream" after a meeting with her
in 1908 and added: "She threatens all society that is sham, all
society that is slavery, all society that is a mask of greed and lust."
Floyd Dell spoke for many in the blithe year of 1912 when he
wrote: "She has a legitimate social function&mdash;that of holding
before our eyes the ideals of freedom. She is licenced to taunt us
with our moral cowardice, to plant in our souls the nettles of remorse
at having acquiesced so tamely in the brutal artifice of present-day
society."</p>

<p>For all her courage and iconoclasm, she was deeply feminine in
outlook and behavior. Her strongest attribute was of an emotional
rather than intellectual nature: she felt first and thought afterwards.
She had an extraordinary capacity for believing whatever
suited her ideological or personal purposes. Rationalization and
ratiocination merged in her mind very readily. Thus in her autobiography
she was punctilious in recording the details of her love
affairs, presumably in the belief that everything she did and felt
affected her revolutionary development. Yet at all times she was
ready to sacrifice her own happiness for the good of anarchism.</p>

<p>On her fiftieth birthday, while in prison for obstructing the draft,
she took stock of her past. "Fifty years&mdash;thirty of them on the
firing line&mdash;had they borne fruit or had I merely been repeating
Don Quixote's idle chase? Had my efforts served only to fill my
inner void, to find an outlet for the turbulence of my being? Or was
it really the ideal that had dictated my conscious course?" She had
not the slightest doubt, however, that her life had not been lived in
vain. She had fought valiantly, and was to remain on the firing line
for another twenty years. And while it is in the very nature of an
ideal to fail of achievement, its mere existence gives life its impetus
and its reward. Emma's quotation from Ibsen, made while waiting
for deportation in 1919&mdash;"that it is the struggle for the ideal that
counts, rather than the attainment of it"&mdash;may well be her
epitaph.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span></p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span></p>


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