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<div id="i_frontis" class="p4 figcenter" style="max-width: 20.875em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_001.jpg" width="334" height="482" alt="" />
  <div class="caption floatl">From a drawing by Howard Pyle</div>
  <div class="caption floatr">[See p. <a href="#Page_105">105</a></div>
  <div class="caption floatc">WATCHING THE BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL</div></div>

<hr />

<h1 class="gesperrt">
DECISIVE BATTLES<br />
OF AMERICA</h1>

<p class="p2 center">BY</p>

<p class="center">ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON,<br />
CLAUDE HALSTEAD VAN TYNE, GEORGE PIERCE GARRISON,<br />
<span class="smcap">Rear-Admiral</span> FRENCH ENSOR CHADWICK, U.S.N. (<span class="smcap">Retired</span>),<br />
JAMES K. HOSMER, J. H. LATANÉ, RICHARD HILDRETH,<br />
BENSON J. LOSSING</p>

<p class="center">AND OTHERS</p>

<p class="p2 center vspace">EDITED BY<br />
<span class="larger gesperrt">RIPLEY HITCHCOCK</span></p>

<p class="p2 center">ILLUSTRATED</p>

<div id="if_i_003" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 3.8125em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_003.jpg" width="61" height="78" alt="" /></div>

<p class="p2 center vspace gesperrt larger">NEW YORK AND LONDON<br />
HARPER &amp; BROTHERS PUBLISHERS<br />
MCMIX</p>

<hr />

<p class="newpage p4 center smaller vspace">
Copyright, 1909, by <span class="smcap">Harper &amp; Brothers</span>.<br />
<i>All rights reserved.</i><br />
Published October, 1909.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iii">iii</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2>
</div>

<table id="toc" summary="Contents">
  <tr class="small">
    <td class="tdr" colspan="2">PAGE</td></tr>
  <tr class="notpad">
    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#INTRODUCTION">xi</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#I">CHAPTER I</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">Territorial Concepts</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec"><span class="smcap">European Contests Affecting America and a Summary of American Expansion</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_1">1</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Albert Bushnell Hart, LL.D.</i>, Professor of History in Harvard University. Author of “National Ideals Historically Traced” and Editor of “The American Nation.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, in the history of Colonial America, between the Landing of Columbus, 1492, and Champlain’s Battle with the Iroquois, 1609.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#II">CHAPTER II</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">A Fight for Life</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec"><span class="smcap">The Hundred Years’ War Between Early Colonists and the Indians</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_2">14</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Thomas Wentworth Higginson</i>. Author of “A History of the United States.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec"><span class="smcap">Champlain’s Battle with the Iroquois, 1609</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_3">27</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D.</i></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between Champlain’s Battle with the Iroquois, 1609, and the Conquest of the Pequots, 1637.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#III">CHAPTER III</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Conquest of the Pequots, 1637</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_4">32</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Richard Hildreth</i>. Author of “The History of the United States of America.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between the Conquest of the Pequots, 1637, and the Defeat of King Philip, 1676.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#IV">CHAPTER IV</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iv">iv</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Defeat of King Philip, 1676</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_5">44</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Richard Hildreth</i>.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between the Defeat of King Philip, 1676, and the Capture of Quebec, 1759.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#V">CHAPTER V</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Fall of Quebec, 1759</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_6">63</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D.</i>, Librarian of the Wisconsin State Historical Society. Author of “France in America.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between the Capture of Quebec, 1759, and the Battle of Bunker Hill, 1775.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#VI">CHAPTER VI</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub">I. <span class="smcap">Causes of the American Revolution, 1775–1783</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_7">79</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">II. <span class="smcap">The Outbreak of War, 1775</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Claude Halstead Van Tyne, Ph.D.</i>, Assistant Professor of American History in the University of Michigan. Author of “The American Revolution.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#VII">CHAPTER VII</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Battle of Bunker Hill, 1775</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_8">102</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Benson J. Lossing</i>. Author of “The Pictorial Field-book of the Revolution.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between the Battle of Bunker Hill, 1775, and the Battle of Saratoga, 1777.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#VIII">CHAPTER VIII</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Battle of Saratoga, 1777</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_9">120</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Richard Hildreth</i>.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between the Battle of Saratoga, 1777, and the Battle of Yorktown, 1781.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#IX">CHAPTER IX</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">v</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub">I. <span class="smcap">Yorktown and the Surrender of Cornwallis, 1781</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_10">145</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">II. <span class="smcap">The Results of Yorktown</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Claude Halstead Van Tyne, Ph.D.</i></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between the Battle of Yorktown, 1781, and the Battles on the Lakes, 1813, 1814.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#X">CHAPTER X</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Battle of Lake Erie, 1813</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_11">157</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>James Barnes</i>. Author of “Naval Actions of the War of 1812.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XI">CHAPTER XI</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Battle of Lake Champlain, 1814</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_12">173</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>James Barnes</i>.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, in the history of the United States, between the Battle of Lake Champlain, 1814, and the War with Mexico, 1846–1847.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XII">CHAPTER XII</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Rupture with Mexico, 1843–1846</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_13">183</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">I. <span class="smcap">The Approach of War</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">II. <span class="smcap">Conquering a Peace, 1846–1848</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>George Pierce Garrison, Ph.D.</i>, Professor of History in the University of Texas. Author of “Westward Extension.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XIII">CHAPTER XIII</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Battle of Buena Vista, 1847</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_14">198</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>John Bonner</i>.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XIV">CHAPTER XIV</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">Scott’s Conquest of Mexico, 1847</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_15">208</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec"><span class="smcap">Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, Contreras, Churubusco, Molino Del Rey, Chapultepec, the Occupation Of the City of Mexico</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>John Bonner</i>.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between the Conquest of Mexico, 1847, and the Bombardment of Fort Sumter, 1861.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XV">CHAPTER XV</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">vi</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">Fort Sumter, 1861</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_16">232</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">I. <span class="smcap">Drift toward Southern Nationalization</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">II. <span class="smcap">Status of the Forts</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">III. <span class="smcap">The Fort Sumter Crisis</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">IV. <span class="smcap">The Fall of Fort Sumter</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>French Ensor Chadwick</i>, Rear-Admiral U. S. N. (Retired). Author of “Causes of the Civil War.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between the Bombardment of Fort Sumter, 1861, and the Battle of the <i>Monitor</i> and <i>Merrimac</i>, 1862.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XVI">CHAPTER XVI</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Battle of the “Monitor” and the “Merrimac”</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_17">274</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">I. <span class="smcap">A Prelude to the Peninsular Campaign of April to June, 1862</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D.</i> Author of “The Appeal to Arms” and “The Outcome of the Civil War.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">II. <span class="smcap">The Story told by Captain Worden and Lieutenant Greene of the “Monitor”</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_18">279</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Lucius E. Chittenden</i>. Author of “Recollections of Lincoln.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XVII">CHAPTER XVII</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">Farragut’s Capture of New Orleans, 1862</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_19">288</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec"><span class="smcap">With some Notes on the Blockade</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D.</i></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between Farragut’s Capture of New Orleans, 1862, and the Battles of Gettysburg and Vicksburg, 1863.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">Vicksburg, January–July, 1863</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_20">295</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D.</i></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XIX">CHAPTER XIX</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">Gettysburg, July 1–3, 1863</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_21">306</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D.</i></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between the Battles of Gettysburg and Vicksburg, 1863, and Appomattox, 1865.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XX">CHAPTER XX</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">vii</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Last Scene—Appomattox, 1865</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_22">329</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec"><span class="smcap">Told by One Who Was Present</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>Gen. G. A. Forsyth, U. S. A.</i> (Retired). Author of “Thrilling Days in Army Life.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">Synopsis of the principal events, chiefly military, between Appomattox, 1865, and the Battles of Manila Bay and Santiago de Cuba, 1898.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XXI">CHAPTER XXI</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Battle of Manila Bay, 1898</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_23">347</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#XXII">CHAPTER XXII</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl chapsub"><span class="smcap">The Battles of Santiago, 1898</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#t_24">357</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">I. <span class="smcap">The First Period of the Spanish-American War in the West Indies</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">II. <span class="smcap">The Land Campaign</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">III. <span class="smcap">The Destruction of Cervera’s Fleet</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">IV. <span class="smcap">The Spanish Surrender</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl sec">V. <span class="smcap">Controversies Caused by the War</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl by">By <i>John Halladay Latané, Ph.D.</i>, Professor of History, Washington and Lee University. Author of “America as a World Power.”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Index</span></td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#INDEX">379</a></td></tr>
</table>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">ix</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="ILLUSTRATIONS">ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>
</div>

<table id="loi" summary="Illustrations">
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">WATCHING THE BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL</td>
    <td class="tdr smaller" colspan="2"><a href="#i_frontis"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td></tr>
  <tr class="smaller">
    <td class="tdr" colspan="3"><i>Facing p.</i></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">INDIANS ON THE WARPATH</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_20">20</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">CHAMPLAIN’S ATTACK ON AN IROQUOIS FORT</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_28">28</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM ON THE MORNING OF THE BATTLE</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_70">70</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_167">166</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">GENERAL SCOTT’S ENTRY INTO THE CITY OF MEXICO</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_194">194</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_202">202</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">CHARGE OF THE “PALMETTOS” AT CHURUBUSCO</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_218">218</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">BATTLE OF MOLINO DEL REY</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_222">222</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">SERGEANT HART NAILING THE COLORS TO THE FLAG-STAFF, FORT SUMTER</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_254">254</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">FIRST CORPS, SEMINARY RIDGE, 3.30 P.M., JULY 1, 1863</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_317">316</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">ATTACK OF PICKETT’S AND ANDERSON’S DIVISION</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_325">324</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">DEPARTURE OF GENERAL LEE AFTER THE SURRENDER</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_340">340</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">BATTLE OF MANILA BAY</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_354">354</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">THE CAPTURE OF THE BLOCK-HOUSE AT SAN JUAN</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_366">366</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">THE LAST OF CERVERA’S FLEET</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_373">372</a></td></tr>
</table>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">xi</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2>
</div>

<p class="drop-cap al"><span class="smcap1">America</span> was discovered in a search for trade routes,
but our country has been in larger part maintained
and transmitted to us directly or indirectly as the result
of war. Almost from the outset there were conflicting
claims on the part of Spain, France, and England, and
also Holland. The struggles against hostile native tribes
along the Atlantic seaboard were followed by war against
the aggressions of the French, who would have kept the
English-speaking colonies east of the Alleghanies. That
long period of strife was followed by two conflicts with England,
the first gaining America for Americans as an independent
nation, the second confirming it as an independent
nationality. While the great Louisiana Purchase was a
peaceful acquisition, Napoleon’s willingness to cede this
territory was intermingled with his military plans. California
and the extreme Southwest came out of conflict
with Mexico. The Civil War preserved the integrity
of the country which Americans had gained. Hawaii was
added through a revolution fortunately bloodless. As a
result of the war with Spain, Porto Rico and the Philippines
were included within the limits of our authority.</p>

<p>Since war is a last resort, a brutal expression of failure
to arrive at an agreement, the series of political events
which have preceded war and the manifold aspects of
civil life have seemed very justly to modern historians
more important than the descriptions of war itself. The
older writers were fond of dwelling upon all the pomp
and circumstances and all the dramatic accompaniments<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">xii</span>
of battle. Modern history is written differently, so differently,
in fact, that we are apt to find battles summarized
in paragraphs by scientific historians. Thus the pendulum
has swung from one extreme to another, until it has become
a difficult matter to find in the newest shorter histories
accounts of significant military events which approach
completeness. Take, for example, the battle of
Bunker Hill. No name in our own military history is
more familiar, and yet in many of the books most readily
available for older as well as younger readers this battle
appears as a brief summary of facts. As to the Mexican
War, such remarkable military events as Taylor’s victory
at Buena Vista over a force five times as large, or the
series of desperate battles which won the City of Mexico
for Scott, are practically little more than obscure names
for readers of to-day. It is not strange that Mr. Charles
Francis Adams once inaugurated his presidency of the
American Historical Association with an earnest plea for
military history.</p>

<p>In the present volume, which is a companion to
Harper &amp; Brothers’ new edition of Sir Edward Creasy’s
<cite>Decisive Battles of the World</cite>, the editor has kept in mind
the importance of preserving historical relations and
continuity. The concise chronology of leading events in
American history which runs through from beginning to
end is not entirely limited to the military side of history.
The introductory chapter sketches world relations from the
fifteenth century. The second chapter affords a broad
view of the relations of the early colonists to the Indians,
and there is also specific reference to Champlain’s alliance
with the Algonquins and the consequent hostility of the
Iroquois. For the rest, the conditions and causes leading
up to conflict are set forth wherever necessary in
order to furnish a perspective, and to afford a narrative
in some degree consecutive. As to the question of selection,
there is obvious justice in Creasy’s dictum that the
importance of battles is to be measured by their significance,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiii">xiii</span>
and not by the number of men engaged or by
carnage. To New Englanders in the seventeenth century
the struggles with the Pequots and with King Philip were
for the time being a fight for existence as well as for
possession of the country. They were but small affairs,
measured by modern standards; but much history would
have been written differently had the early New England
settlers encountered the fate of the lost colony of Roanoke.</p>

<p>The battle on the Plains of Abraham, which ended French
rule on this continent, was fought by Englishmen with
only slight American aid, but its consequences to Americans
were assuredly momentous. As compared with
Gettysburg, or Sedan, or Mukden, Bunker Hill was a mere
skirmish, yet its fame is well founded, for it was the first
formal stand against the British by an organized American
soldiery, and in this and in the fact of American initiative
in seizing and fortifying Breed’s Hill, it differed from the
hasty gathering of patriots at Lexington and from the
brief conflict at Concord Bridge. In the light of modern
experience, again, the naval battles of Lake Erie and Lake
Champlain seem small engagements, but the one safe-guarded
our northern frontier and the other repelled an
invasion aimed at the very vitals of our country. On the
other hand, the dramatic battle of New Orleans, fought
after peace was made, would have had but slight political
consequences had the outcome been different.</p>

<p>As to the war with Mexico, a certain chastening of the
American conscience has perhaps led us to forget the
extraordinary gallantry of a volunteer as well as a regular
soldiery in a foreign country, repeatedly pitted against
great odds. The story of the more significant battles
in those campaigns is entitled to better acquaintance, and
Taylor’s final victory on the north and the series of desperate
attacks by which Scott reached the heart of Mexico
are therefore set forth in some detail.</p>

<p>Mention of our Civil War calls up a long roll of hard-fought
battles, but Sir Edward Creasy’s point may be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiv">xiv</span>
reiterated that it is not numbers or bloodshed that constitute
the significance of a battle. Fort Sumter was a
small affair; Antietam, Shiloh, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville,
Chickamauga, and other hard-fought battles were
great conflicts. Yet influential as they were, they were
not decisive; while Sumter represented the first open
attack on the Flag and the instant call to arms.</p>

<p>The fight of the <i>Monitor</i> brought a revolution in naval
warfare. The blockade of the South, which can be only
touched upon here, represented that decisive influence of
sea power which has been so eloquently expounded by
Captain Mahan. This influence was illustrated more
concretely in Farragut’s capture of New Orleans, which
was as necessary as Grant’s conquest of Vicksburg to clear
the Mississippi and cut the Confederacy in two. In spite
of the military importance of Sherman’s march to the sea,
the fact that, like Grant’s ceaseless battering in Virginia,
it was a campaign rather than an event, renders any
adequate description impossible in the limits of a book
dealing, for the most part, with crises or facts of immediately
significant consequence. On the other hand,
Gettysburg, which destroyed once and for all the possibility
of a successful invasion of the North, is a historical
landmark in concrete form. It is described in this volume
by a historian who is also a veteran of the Civil War.</p>

<p>Insignificant as was the war with Spain in comparison
with the great struggle of 1861–65, it is assuredly of historical
consequence that the battles of Santiago de Cuba
destroyed the last vestiges of a Spanish rule in the Western
Hemisphere which had lasted nearly four hundred years.
Out of this came freedom at last for Cuba, and its grave
responsibilities. Earlier in the same year Dewey’s guns
drove the Spanish flag from the Pacific, and gave us a not
wholly welcome partnership in the vexed questions of the
Orient.</p>

<p>Fortunately, our Temple of Janus is closed—let us trust,
never to be reopened. But there are momentous lessons<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xv">xv</span>
of patriotism and self-sacrifice to be read in these accounts
of deeds which have preserved our country and helped
to make it great. The eminent historians whose works
have furnished these chapters have been moved by no
desire to glorify war in itself—rather the reverse; but
they have dealt with phases of history so vital and of
such supreme interest that this story of these events
will help general readers, old and young, to an ampler
knowledge of our history.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">1</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="DECISIVE_BATTLES_OF_AMERICA"><span class="large vspace gesperrt">DECISIVE BATTLES OF AMERICA</span></h2>

<h2 id="I" class="nobreak p2 vspace">I<br />

<span id="t_1" class="subhead">TERRITORIAL CONCEPTS</span></h2>
</div>

<h3><i>European Contests Affecting America, and a Summary
of American Expansion</i></h3>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> settlers’ task of conquering the wilderness might
have been simpler had they not spent so much
energy in conquering one another; for side by side with
the advance of the frontier goes a process of territorial
rivalry of which the end is not yet. Along with a contest
with the aborigines for the face of the country went a
nominal subdivision of the continent among the occupying
European powers, a process made more difficult by
the slow development of knowledge about the interior:
as late as 1660 people thought that the upper Mississippi
emptied into the Gulf of California.</p>

<p>At the very beginning came an effort to settle the prime
problem of European title by religious authority. Three
papal bulls of 1493 attempted to draw a meridian through
the middle of the Atlantic Ocean, west of which Spain
should have the whole occupancy of newly discovered
lands, and, east of it, Portugal.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">2</span>
Spain was first to see the New World, first to coast the
continents, first to explore the interior, first to conquer
tribes of the natives, and first to set up organized colonies.
Except in Brazil, which was east of the demarcation line,
for a century after discovery Spain was the only American
power. A war for the mastery of North America between
the Anglo-Saxon and the Spaniard continued for more
than two centuries. After the defeat of the Spanish
Armada by the English, in 1588, it became possible to
break in upon the monopoly of American territory; as
soon as the war with Spain was over, England gave the
first charter, which resulted in the founding of a lasting
English colony in America—the Virginia grant of 1606.</p>

<p>The claim of Spain would have been more effective
had it not included the whole continent of North America,
hardly an eighth of which was occupied by Spanish colonies.
International law as to the occupation of new countries
was in a formative state: everybody admitted that
you might seize the territory of pagans, but how did you
know when you had seized it? Was the state of which
an accredited vessel first followed a coast thereby possessed
of all the back country draining into that coast? Did
actual exploration of the interior create presumptive
title to the surrounding region? Was a trading-post
proof that occupation was meant to be permanent?
Did actual colonies of settlers, who expected to spend their
lives there, make a complete evidence of rightful title?</p>

<div id="ip_2" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 50em;">
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  <div class="caption">TERRITORIAL GROWTH
  <span class="browser center small"><a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_023f.jpg">(FULL SIZE)</a></span>
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<div class="epub">
<div id="ip_2b" class="figcenter">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_023l.jpg" width="800" height="1000" alt="" /></div>

<div id="ip_2c" class="figcenter">
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</div>

<p>These various sorts of claims were singularly tangled
and contorted in America. Who had the best title to
the Chesapeake—the English, who believed Sebastian
Cabot had followed that part of the coast in 1498, or the
French, whose commander Verrazzano undoubtedly was
there in 1524, or the Spaniards, for whom De Ayllon made
a voyage in 1526? Spanish explorers had crossed and
followed the Mississippi River, but it is doubtful whether
in 1600 they could easily have found its mouth. The
French, in like manner, had explored the St. Lawrence,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">3<a class="hidep" id="Page_4">4</a></span>
but without permanent results. Therefore, the territorial
history of the United States may be said to begin with the
almost simultaneous planting of settlements in the New
World by France, England, and Holland, between 1600
and 1615. The French happened first on the St. Lawrence,
which was the gateway into the interior, with its
valuable fur-trade; and they set up their first permanent
establishment at Quebec in 1608. The English, after
thirty years of attempts on the Virginia coast, finally
planted the colony of Jamestown in 1607. The Dutch
rediscovered the Hudson River in 1609, and founded New
Amsterdam in 1614. The next great river south, the
Delaware, was occupied by the Swedes in 1638. It is one
of the misfortunes of civilization that Germany, then the
richest and most intellectual nation in Europe, and well
suited for taking a share in the development of the New
World, was in this critical epoch absorbed in the fearful
Thirty Years’ War, which in 1648 left the country ruined
and helpless, so that no attempt could be made to link
the destinies of Germany with those of America.</p>

<p>Soon began seizures of undoubted Spanish territory:
the English first picked up various small islands in the
West Indies, in 1655 wrested away the Spanish island of
Jamaica, and thereupon made a little settlement on the
coast of Honduras. The next step was a determined onset
against the nearer neighbors in North America. Quebec
was taken and held from 1629 to 1632; the Dutch, who
had absorbed the Swedish colonies, were dispossessed in
1664;<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> and the English proceeded to contest Hudson Bay
with the French. These conflicts marked a deliberate
intention to seize points of vantage like Belize and
Jamaica, and to uproot the colonies of other European
powers in North America; it was part of a process of
English expansion which was going on also on the opposite
side of the globe.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">5</span>
As the eighteenth century began, France, England,
and Spain were still in antagonism for the possession of
North America; and the French, in 1699, succeeded in
planting a colony on the Gulf in the side of the Spanish
colonial empire. These international rivalries were soon
altered by the struggle of England against the attempt
of Louis XIV. to bring about the practical consolidation
of Spain and France, which would have made an immense
Latin colonial empire. To some degree on religious
grounds, partly to protect their commerce, and partly from
inscrutable international jealousies, the nations of Europe
were plunged into a series of five land and naval wars
between 1689 and 1783, in each of which North American
territory was attacked, and in several of which great
changes were made in the map.</p>

<p>In these wars the colonies formed an ideal as to the
duty of a mother-country to protect daughter colonies,
and aided in developing a policy which has been described
by one of the most brilliant of modern writers
as that of “sea power.”<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> The illustration of that theory
was a succession of fleet engagements in the West Indies,
always followed by a picking up of enemy’s islands; and
also the repeated efforts of the colonists in separate or
joint expeditions to conquer the neighboring French
or Spanish territory. The final result was the destruction
of the French-American power and the serious weakening
of the Spanish.</p>

<p>In 1732 the charter of Georgia was a denial of the
Spanish claims to Florida. By the treaty of 1763 France
was pressed altogether out of the continent, yielding up
to England that splendid region of the eastern part of
the Mississippi Valley which the English coveted, and
with it the St. Lawrence Valley. For the first time since
the capture of Jamaica, a considerable area of Spanish
territory was transferred to England by the cession of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">6</span>
the Floridas. Louisiana to the west of the Mississippi,
together with New Orleans, on the east bank, were allowed
to pass to Spain. From that time to the Revolution
the only two North American powers were England
and Spain, who substantially divided the continent between
them by the line of the Mississippi River.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a></p>

<p>During this period the English were not only acquiring
but were parcelling out their new territory. It was
always a serious question how far west the coast colonies
extended; some of them—Massachusetts, Connecticut,
Virginia, the Carolinas—had bounds nominally reaching
to the Pacific Ocean. To silence this controversy, in
1763 a royal proclamation directed that the colonial
governors should not exercise jurisdiction west of the
heads of the rivers flowing into the Atlantic, leaving in
a kind of territorial limbo the region between the summit
of the Appalachians and the Mississippi.<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> These numerous
territorial grants gave rise to many internal controversies;
but by the time of the Revolution most of the
lines starting at the sea-coast and leading inward had been
adjusted.</p>

<p>The idea of territorial solidarity among the English
colonies was disturbed by the addition of Nova Scotia
and Quebec on the north, and East and West Florida
on the south. Intercolonial jealousy was heightened in
1774 by the Quebec act, under which the almost unpeopled
region north of the Ohio River was added to the
French-speaking province. When the Revolution broke
out in 1775, that jealousy was reflected in the refusal of
Quebec and Nova Scotia and the distant Floridas to join
in it. Almost the first campaign of the war, however,
showed the purpose of territorial enlargement, for in
1775 the Arnold-Montgomery expedition to Canada vainly
attempted to persuade the Frenchmen by force to enter<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">7</span>
the union. Two years later George Rogers Clark lopped
off the southern half of the British western country. The
Southwest, into which settlers had begun to penetrate in
1769, was, during the Revolution, laid hold of by the adventurous
frontiersman; and in 1782 the negotiators of
Paris thought best to leave that, as well as the whole
Northwest, in the hands of the new United States.<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a></p>

<p>The result of the Revolutionary War was the entrance
into the American continent of a third territorial power,
the United States, which was divided into two nearly
equal portions: between the sea and the mountains lay the
original thirteen states; between the mountains and the
Mississippi was an area destined to be organized into
separate states and immediately opened for settlement.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a>
This destiny was solemnly announced by votes of Congress
in 1780, and by the territorial ordinance of 1784,
the land ordinance of 1785, and the Northwest Ordinance
of 1787, which, taken together, were virtually a charter
for the western country, very similar in import to the
old colonial charters.<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a></p>

<p>In this sketch of territorial development up to 1787
may be seen the elements of a national policy and a
national system: the territories were practically colonies
and inchoate states, soon to be admitted into the Union;
while the expansion of the national boundary during the
war was a presage of future conquest and enlargement;
and, considering the military and naval strength of Great
Britain, the only direction in which annexation was likely
was the southwest. Although the Federal Constitution
of 1787 acknowledged the difference between states and
territories only in general terms, and made no provision
for the annexation of territory, the spirit and the reasonable
implication of that instrument was that the Union<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">8</span>
might be and probably would be enlarged; some writers
at the time felt sure that republican government was
applicable to large areas.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a></p>

<p>Hence it was neither unnatural nor unsuitable that the
new nation should at once show a spirit of expansion:
in 1795 and 1796 its boundaries were finally acknowledged
by its southern and northern neighbors. Various
wild schemes of invading Spanish territory were broached,
but not till 1803 was the question of the Mississippi fairly
faced. Repeating the bold policy of Louis XIV., Napoleon
attempted to combine the military and colonial forces of
Spain with those of France, in order to make head against
Great Britain. As a preliminary, in 1800 he practically
compelled the cession of the former French province of
Louisiana, and thereby revealed to the American people
that it would be a menace to national prosperity to permit
a powerful military nation to block the commercial
outlet of the interior. Hence, when Napoleon changed his
mind and offered the province to the United States in
1803, there was nothing for the envoys, the President, the
Senate, the House, and the people to do but to accept it
as a piece of manifest destiny. The boundaries of the
Union were thus extended to the Gulf and to the distant
Rocky Mountains.<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a></p>

<p>With a refinement of assurance the United States also
claimed, and in 1814 forcibly occupied West Florida. In
the same period began a purposeful movement for extending
the territory of the United States to the Pacific.
Taking advantage of the discovery of the mouth of the
Columbia River by an American ship in 1792, President
Jefferson sent out a transcontinental expedition, under
Lewis and Clark, which reached the Pacific in 1805, and
thereby forged a second link in the American claims to
Oregon. By this time the Spanish empire was in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">9</span>
throes of colonial revolution, and in 1819 the Spanish
government ceded East Florida and withdrew any claims
to Oregon, Texas being left to Spain.</p>

<p>This is a stirring decade, and it completely changed the
territorial status of the United States. By 1819 the
Atlantic coast all belonged to the United States, from the
St. Croix River around Florida to the Sabine; the country
was reaching out toward Mexico, and was building a
bridge of solid territory across the continent, where, as
all the world knew, far to the south of Oregon lay the
harbor of San Francisco, the best haven on the Pacific
coast. The bold conceptions of Jefferson and John
Quincy Adams and their compeers included the commercial
and political advantages of a Pacific front;
and they were consciously preparing the way for the
homes of unborn generations under the American
flag.</p>

<p>One result of the new position of the United States was
to bring out sharply a territorial rivalry with Great
Britain. The War of 1812 had been an attempt to annex
Canada, and after it was over a controversy as to the
boundary between Maine and Nova Scotia kept the two
countries harassed until its settlement in 1842.<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> After
that the rivalry for Oregon, which had been held in joint
occupation since 1818, was intensified. About 1832
immigration began in which the Americans outran the
English; and it was fortunate for both countries that in
1846 the disputed territory was divided by a fair compromise
line, the forty-ninth parallel.<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> A third territorial
controversy was fought out within the limits of the Union
itself, between the friends and opponents of the annexation
of Texas, in 1845.<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> This was the first instance of an
American colony planting itself within the acknowledged
limits of another power, until it was strong enough to set<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">10</span>
up for itself as an independent state and to ask for admission
to the Union.</p>

<p>The annexation of Texas inevitably led to a movement
on California, which could be obtained only by aggressive
war upon Mexico, and for connection with which
the possession of New Mexico was also thought necessary.
Ever since 1820 explorers had been opening up the region
between the Mississippi and the Pacific,<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> and it was known
that there were several practicable roads to that distant
coast.<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> The annexation of California almost led the
United States into a serious territorial adventure; for
apparently nothing but the hasty treaty negotiated by
Trist in 1848 stopped a movement for the annexation of
the whole of Mexico.<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> The Gadsden Purchase of 1853
conveniently rounded out the cession of New Mexico and
closed this second era of territorial expansion.</p>

<p>The annexation of Texas was logical, and delayed only
by the accidental connection with slavery; but the annexation
of Oregon and California added to the Union
very distant possessions, the settlement of which must
have been slow but for the discovery of gold in California
in 1848. At once a new set of territorial questions arose:
the necessity of reaching California across the plains led
to the organization of Nebraska and Kansas territories in
1854, which convulsed the parties of the time; the movement
across the Isthmus to California brought up the
question of an interoceanic canal in a new light; the
commercial footing on the Pacific led to a pressure which
broke the shell of Japanese exclusion in 1854. Above all,
these annexations brought before the nation two questions
of constitutional law, which proved both difficult
and disturbing: the issue of slavery in the territories,
which precipitated, if it did not cause, the Civil War, and
the eventual status of territories which, from their situation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">11</span>
or their population, were not likely to become
states.</p>

<p>The third era of national expansion began in 1867 with
the purchase of Alaska,<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> which was wholly a personal plan
of Secretary Seward, in which the nation took very little
interest; nor was the public aroused by Seward’s more
important scheme for annexing the Danish West India
Islands and a part of Santo Domingo; when the latter
project was taken up in 1870 and pushed with unaccountable
energy by President Grant,<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> popular sentiment
showed itself plainly averse to annexing a country with
a population wholly negro and little in accord with the
American spirit. For twenty-five years thereafter there
was the same indisposition to annex territory that brought
problems with it; and then the movement for the annexation
of Hawaii was headed off by President Cleveland
in 1893.<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> The Spanish War of 1898 swept all these barriers
away, and left the United States in possession of the
Philippine Islands, a distant archipelago containing seven
and a half millions of Catholic Malays; of the island of
Porto Rico, in the West Indies; of the Hawaiian group;
of a responsible protectorate over Cuba; and, four years
later, of the Panama strip, which may include the future
Constantinople of the western world.</p>

<p>In the whole territorial history of the country, never
has there been such a transition. The Philippines, which
“Mr. Dooley” in 1898 thought might be canned goods,
are now, according to the Supreme Court, in one sense
“a part of the United States,” yet not an organic part
in financial or governmental or legal relations. The
country, which from 1850 to 1902 divided with Great
Britain the responsibility for a future Isthmian canal, is
now “making the dirt fly” in a canal strip which is virtually
Federal territory. China, which a few years ago was one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">12</span>
of the remotest parts of the earth, now lies but a few
hundred miles from American possessions. The romantic
era of annexations has gone by: the automobile trundles
across the Great American Desert and stops for lunch at
a railroad restaurant, and the South Sea Islands have lost
their mystery since the trade-winds straighten out the
American flag above some of those tiny land-spots.</p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, IN THE HISTORY OF COLONIAL<br />
AMERICA BETWEEN THE LANDING<br />
OF COLUMBUS, 1492, AND<br />
CHAMPLAIN’S BATTLE<br />
WITH THE IROQUOIS,<br />
1609</h3>

<p>1492. Columbus discovers the western world.</p>

<p>1497. John Cabot reaches the mainland of North
America.</p>

<p>1498. Columbus discovers the mainland of South
America.</p>

<p>1512. Ponce de Leon lands in Florida.</p>

<p>1513. Balboa discovers the Pacific Ocean.</p>

<p>1519. Entry of Cortez into the City of Mexico.</p>

<p>1521. Conquest of Mexico by Cortez.</p>

<p>1531–33. Conquest of Peru by Pizarro.</p>

<p>1534. Cartier’s first voyage to the St. Lawrence.</p>

<p>1535–36. Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca crosses the
continent from near the mouth of the Mississippi to
Sinaloa in Mexico.</p>

<p>1541. The expedition of De Soto reaches the Mississippi
River. Coronado, coming from Mexico, reaches the
interior, probably northeastern Kansas.</p>

<p>1562. The Huguenots attempt a settlement on the coast
of South Carolina.</p>

<p>1564. Huguenot settlement on the St. John’s River in
Florida.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">13</span>
1565. Founding of St. Augustine by the Spanish.</p>

<p>1583. Sir Humphrey Gilbert takes possession of Newfoundland
in the name of Queen Elizabeth.</p>

<p>1584. Raleigh’s expedition to North Carolina. The
region is named Virginia in honor of Queen Elizabeth.</p>

<p>1585. Unsuccessful settlement by the English on
Roanoke Island.</p>

<p>1602. Bartholomew Gosnold attempts a settlement on
the coast of Massachusetts.</p>

<p>1606. James I. grants a patent to the London and
Plymouth Companies.</p>

<p>1607. Foundation of Jamestown.</p>

<p>1608. Foundation of Quebec by the French.</p>

<p>1609. Champlain, with Algonquin Indians, defeats
Mohawks, of the Iroquois Confederacy, near Ticonderoga.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">14</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="II" class="vspace">II<br />

<span class="subhead">A FIGHT FOR LIFE</span></h2>
</div>

<h3 id="t_2"><i>The Hundred Years’ War Between Early Colonists and
the Indians</i></h3>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">European</span> history makes much of the “Seven Years’
War” and the “Thirty Years’ War”; and when we
think of a continuous national contest for even the least of
those periods, there is something terrible in the picture.
But the feeble English colonies in America, besides all
the difficulties of pioneer life, had to sustain a warfare
that lasted, with few intermissions, for about a hundred
years. It was, moreover, a warfare against the most
savage and stealthy enemies, gradually trained and reinforced
by the most formidable military skill of Europe.
Without counting the early feuds, such as the Pequot
War, there elapsed almost precisely a century from the
accession of King Philip, in 1662, to the Peace of Paris,
which nominally ended the last French and Indian War
in 1763. During this whole period, with pacific intervals
that sometimes lasted for years, the same essential contest
went on; the real question being, for the greater part
of the time, whether France or England should control
the continent. The description of this prolonged war
may, therefore, well precede any general account of the
colonial or provincial life in America.</p>

<p>The early explorers of the Atlantic coast usually testify
that they found the Indians a gentle, not a ferocious,
people. They were as ready as could be expected to
accept the friendship of the white race. In almost every
case of quarrel the white men were the immediate aggressors,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">15</span>
and where they were attacked without seeming
cause—as when Smith’s Virginian colony was assailed by
the Indians in the first fortnight of its existence—there is
good reason to think that the act of the Indians was in
revenge for wrongs elsewhere. One of the first impulses
of the early explorers was to kidnap natives for exhibition
in Europe, in order to excite the curiosity of kings or the
zeal of priests; and even where these captives were restored
unharmed, the distrust could not be removed. Add
to this the acts of plunder, lust, or violence, and there
was plenty of provocation given from the very outset.</p>

<div id="ip_15" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 50em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_036.jpg" width="800" height="512" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">DISTRIBUTION OF
AMERICAN INDIANS
ABOUT 1500
BY LINGUISTIC STOCKS
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<p>The disposition to cheat and defraud the Indians has
been much exaggerated, at least as regards the English
settlers. The early Spanish invaders made no pretence
of buying one foot of land from the Indians, whereas the
English often went through the form of purchase, and
very commonly put in practice the reality. The Pilgrims,
at the very beginning, took baskets of corn from an Indian
grave to be used as seed, and paid for it afterward. The
year after the Massachusetts colony was founded the court
decreed: “It is ordered that Josias Plastowe shall (for
stealing four baskets of corne from the Indians) returne
them eight baskets againe, be fined five pounds, and hereafter
called by the name of Josias, and not Mr., as formerly
he used to be.” As a mere matter of policy, it was
the general disposition of the English settlers to obtain
lands by honest purchase; indeed, Governor Josiah Winslow,
of Plymouth, declared, in reference to King Philip’s
War, that “before these present troubles broke out the
English did not possess one foot of land in this colony but
what was fairly obtained by honest purchase of the Indian
proprietors.” This policy was quite general. Captain
West, in 1610, bought the site of what is now Richmond,
Virginia, for some copper. The Dutch Governor
Minuit bought the island of Manhattan, in 1626, for sixty
gilders. Lord Baltimore’s company purchased land for
cloth, tools, and trinkets; the Swedes obtained the site of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">16<a class="hidep" id="Page_17">17</a></span>
Christiania for a kettle; Roger Williams bought the island
of Rhode Island for forty fathoms of white beads; and
New Haven was sold to the whites, in 1638, for “twelve
coats of English cloth, twelve alchemy spoons, twelve
hoes, twelve hatchets, twelve porringers, twenty-four
knives, and twenty-four cases of French knives and
spoons.” Many other such purchases will be found recorded
by Doctor Ellis. And though the price paid
might often seem ludicrously small, yet we must remember
that a knife or a hatchet was really worth more to
an Indian than many square miles of wild land; while
even the beads were a substitute for wampum, or wompom,
which was their circulating medium in dealing with
each other and with the whites, and was worth, in 1660,
five shillings a fathom.</p>

<p>So far as the mere bargaining went, the Indians were not
individually the sufferers in the early days; but we must remember
that behind all these transactions there often lay a
theory which was as merciless as that of the Spanish “Requisition,”<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a>
and which would, if logically carried out, have made
all these bargainings quite superfluous. Increase Mather
begins his history of King Philip’s War with this phrase,
“That the Heathen People amongst whom we live, and
whose Land the Lord God of our Fathers hath given to us
for a rightful Possession”; and it was this attitude of hostile
superiority that gave the sting to all the relations of the
two races. If a quarrel rose, it was apt to be the white
man’s fault; and after it had arisen, even the humaner
Englishmen usually sided with their race, as when the
peaceful Plymouth men went to war in defence of the
Weymouth reprobates. This fact, and the vague feeling
that an irresistible pressure was displacing them, caused
most of the early Indian outbreaks. And when hostilities
had once arisen, it was very rare for a white man of English
birth to be found fighting against his own people,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">18</span>
although it grew more and more common to find Indians
on both sides.</p>

<p>As time went on each party learned from the other. In
the early explorations, as of Champlain and Smith, we
see the Indians terrified by their first sight of firearms,
but soon becoming skilled in the use of them. “The
King, with fortie Bowmen to guard me,” says Capt. John
Smith, in 1608, “entreated me to discharge my Pistoll,
which they there presented to me, with a mark at six-score
to strike therewith; but to spoil the practise I broke
the cocke, whereat they were much discontented.” But
writing more than twenty years later, in 1631, he says of
the Virginia settlers, “The loving Salvages their kinde
friends they trained up so well to shoot in a Peace [fowling-piece]
to hunt and kill them fowle, they became more
expert than our own countrymen.” La Hontan, writing
in 1703, says of the successors of those against whom
Champlain had first used firearms, “The Strength of the
Iroquese lies in engaging with Fire Arms in a Forrest, for
they shoot very dexterously.” They learned also to make
more skilful fortifications, and to keep a regular watch at
night, which in the time of the early explorers they had
omitted. The same La Hontan says of the Iroquois,
“They are as negligent in the night-time as they are vigilant
in the day.”</p>

<p>But it is equally true that the English colonists learned
much in the way of forest warfare from the Indians. The
French carried their imitation so far that they often disguised
themselves to resemble their allies, with paint,
feathers, and all; it was sometimes impossible to tell in
an attacking party which warriors were French and which
were Indians. Without often going so far as this, the
English colonists still modified their tactics. At first they
seemed almost irresistible because of their armor and
weapons. In the very first year of the Plymouth settlement,
when report was brought that their friend Massasoit
had been attacked by the Narrangansets, and a friendly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">19</span>
Indian had been killed, the colony sent ten armed men,
including Miles Standish, to the Indian town of Namasket
(now Middleborough) to rescue or revenge their friend;
and they succeeded in their enterprise, surrounding the
chief’s house and frightening every one in a large Indian
village by two discharges of their muskets.</p>

<p>But the heavy armor gradually proved a doubtful advantage
against a stealthy and light-footed foe. In spite
of the superior physical strength of the Englishman, he
could not travel long distances through the woods or
along the sands without lightening his weight. He
learned also to fight from behind a tree, to follow a trail,
to cover his body with hemlock boughs for disguise when
scouting. Captain Church states in his own narrative
that he learned from his Indian soldiers to march his
men “thin and scattering” through the woods; that the
English had previously, according to the Indians, “kept
in a heap together, so that it was as easy to hit them as
to hit a house.” Even the advantage of firearms involved
the risk of being without ammunition, so that the
Rhode Island colony, by the code of laws adopted in 1647,
required that every man between seventeen and seventy
should have a bow with four arrows, and exercise with
them; and that each father should furnish every son
from seven to seventeen years old with a bow, two arrows,
and shafts, and should bring them up to shooting. If this
statute was violated a fine was imposed, which the father
must pay for the son, the master for the servant, deducting
it in the latter case from his wages.</p>

<p>Less satisfactory was the change by which the taking
of scalps came to be a recognized part of colonial warfare.
Hannah Dustin, who escaped from Indian captivity in
1698, took ten scalps with her own hand, and was paid
for them. Captain Church, undertaking his expedition
against the eastern Indians, in 1705, after the Deerfield
massacre, announced that he had not hitherto permitted
the scalping of “Canada men,” but should thenceforth<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">20</span>
allow it. In 1722, when the Massachusetts colony sent
an expedition against the village of “praying Indians,”
founded by Father Rasle, they offered for each scalp a
bounty of £15, afterward increased to £100; and this
inhumanity was so far carried out that the French priest
himself was one of the victims. Jeremiah Bumstead, of
Boston, made this entry in his almanac in the same year:
“Aug. 22, 28 Indian scalps brought to Boston, one of
which was Bombazen’s [an Indian chief] and one fryer
Raile’s.” Two years after, the celebrated but inappropriately
named Captain Lovewell, the foremost Indian
fighter of his region, came upon ten Indians asleep round
a pond. He and his men killed and scalped them all, and
entered Dover, New Hampshire, bearing the ten scalps
stretched on hoops and elevated on poles. After receiving
an ovation in Dover they went by water to Boston, and
were paid a thousand pounds for their scalps. Yet Lovewell’s
party was always accompanied by a chaplain, and
had prayers every morning and evening.</p>

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  <div class="captionl b03">From a drawing by Howard Pyle</div>
  <div class="caption">INDIANS ON THE WARPATH</div></div>

<p>The most painful aspect of the whole practice lies in
the fact that it was not confined to those actually engaged
in fighting, but that the colonial authorities actually
established a tariff of prices for scalps, including even
non-combatants—so much for a man’s, so much for a
woman’s, so much for a child’s. Doctor Ellis has lately
pointed out the striking circumstance that whereas
William Penn had declared the person of an Indian to
be “sacred,” his grandson, in 1764, offered $134 for the
scalp of an Indian man, $130 for that of a boy under ten,
and $50 for that of a woman or girl. The habit doubtless
began in the fury of retaliation, and was continued in
order to conciliate Indian allies; and when bounties were
offered to them, the white volunteers naturally claimed
a share. But there is no doubt that Puritan theology
helped the adoption of the practice. It was partly because
the Indian was held to be something worse than
a beast that he was treated with very little mercy. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">21</span>
truth is that he was viewed as a fiend, and there could
not be much scruple about using inhumanities against a
demon. Cotton Mather calls Satan “the old landlord”
of the American wilderness, and says in his <cite>Magnalia</cite>:
“These Parts were then covered with Nations of Barbarous
Indians and Infidels, in whom the Prince of the
Power of the Air did work as a Spirit; nor could it be expected
that Nations of Wretches whose whole religion was
the most Explicit sort of Devil-Worship should not be
acted by the devil to engage in some early and bloody
Action for the Extinction of a Plantation so contrary to
his Interests as that of New England was.”</p>

<p>Before the French influence began to be felt there was
very little union on the part of the Indians, and each
colony adjusted its own relations with them. At the time
of the frightful Indian massacre in the Virginia colony
(March 22, 1622), when three hundred and forty-seven
men, women, and children were murdered, the Plymouth
colony was living in entire peace with its savage neighbors.
“We have found the Indians,” wrote Governor
Winslow, “very faithful to their covenants of peace with
us, very loving and willing to pleasure us. We go with
them in some cases fifty miles into the country, and walk
as safely and peacefully in the woods as in the highways
of England.” The treaty with Massasoit lasted for more
than fifty years, and the first bloodshed between the Plymouth
men and the Indians was incurred in the protection
of the colony of Weymouth, which had brought trouble
on itself in 1623. The Connecticut settlements had far
more difficulty with the Indians than those in Massachusetts,
but the severe punishment inflicted on the
Pequots in 1637 quieted the savages for a long time. In
that fight a village of seventy wigwams was destroyed by
a force of ninety white men and several hundred friendly
Indians; and Captain Underhill, the second in command,
has left a quaint delineation of the attack.</p>

<p>There was a period resembling peace in the eastern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">22</span>
colonies for nearly forty years after the Pequot War,
while in Virginia there were renewed massacres in 1644
and 1656. But the first organized Indian outbreak began
with the conspiracy of King Philip in 1675, although
the seeds had been sown before that chief succeeded to
power in 1662. In that year Wamsutta, or Alexander,
Philip’s brother—both being sons of Massasoit—having
fallen under some suspicion, was either compelled or persuaded
by Major Josiah Winslow, afterwards the first
native-born Governor of Plymouth, to visit that settlement.
The Indian came with his whole train of warriors
and women, including his queen, the celebrated “squaw
sachem” Weetamo, and they stayed at Winslow’s house.
Here the chief fell ill. The day was very hot, and though
Winslow offered his horse to the chief, it was refused,
because there was none for his squaw or the other women.
He was sent home because of illness, and died before he
got half-way there. This is the story as told by Hubbard,
but not altogether confirmed by other authorities. If
true, it is interesting as confirming the theory of that
careful student, Lucien Carr, that the early position of
women among the Indians was higher than has been generally
believed. It is pretty certain, at any rate, that
Alexander’s widow, Weetamo, believed her husband to
have been poisoned by the English, and she ultimately
sided with Philip when the war broke out, and apparently
led him and other Indians to the same view as to the
poisoning. It is evident that from the time of Philip’s
accession to authority, whatever he may have claimed,
his mind was turned more and more against the English.</p>

<p>It is now doubted whether the war known as King
Philip’s War was the result of such deliberate and organized
action as was formerly supposed, but about the
formidable strength of the outbreak there can be no question.
It began in June, 1675; Philip was killed August
12, 1676, and the war was prolonged at the eastward for
nearly two years after his death. Ten or twelve Puritan<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">23</span>
towns were utterly destroyed, many more damaged, and
five or six hundred men were killed or missing. The war
cost the colonists £100,000, and the Plymouth colony
was left under a debt exceeding the whole valuation of its
property—a debt ultimately paid, both principal and interest.
On the other hand, the war tested and cemented
the league founded in 1643 between four colonies—Massachusetts,
Plymouth, New Haven, and Connecticut—against
the Indians and Dutch, while this prepared the
way more and more for the extensive combinations that
came after. In this early war, as the Indians had no
French allies, so the English had few Indian allies, and
it was less complex than the later contests, and so far less
formidable. But it was the first real experience on the
part of the eastern colonists of all the peculiar horrors of
Indian warfare—the stealthy approach, the abused hospitality,
the early morning assault, the maimed cattle,
tortured prisoners, slain infants. All the terrors that
lately attached to a frontier attack of Apaches or Comanches
belonged to the daily life of settlers in New
England and Virginia for many years, with one vast difference,
arising from the total absence in those early days
of any personal violence or insult to women. By the
general agreement of witnesses from all nations, including
the women captives themselves, this crowning crime
was then wholly absent. The once famous “white
woman,” Mary Jemison, who was taken prisoner by the
Senecas at ten years old, in 1743—who lived in that tribe
all her life, survived two Indian husbands, and at last
died at ninety—always testified that she had never received
an insult from an Indian, and had never known
of a captive’s receiving any. She added that she had
known few instances in the tribe of conjugal immorality,
although she lived to see it demoralized and ruined by
strong drink.</p>

<p>The English colonists seem never to have inflicted on
the Indians any cruelty resulting from sensual vices, but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">24</span>
of barbarity of another kind there was plenty, for it was
a cruel age. When the Narraganset fort was taken by
the English, December 19, 1675, the wigwams within the
fort were all set on fire, against the earnest entreaty of
Captain Church; and it was thought that more than one-half
the English loss—which amounted to several hundred—might
have been saved had there been any shelter
for their own wounded on that cold night. This, however,
was a question of military necessity; but the true
spirit of the age was seen in the punishments inflicted
after the war was over. The heads of Philip’s chief followers
were cut off, though Captain Church, their captor,
had promised to spare their lives; and Philip himself was
beheaded and quartered by Church’s order, since he was
regarded, curiously enough, as a rebel against Charles the
Second, and this was the state punishment for treason.
Another avowed reason was, that “as he had caused many
an Englishman’s body to lye unburied,” not one of his
bones should be placed under ground. The head was set
upon a pole in Plymouth, where it remained for more
than twenty-four years. Yet when we remember that
the heads of alleged traitors were exposed in London at
Temple Bar for nearly a century longer—till 1772 at
least—it is unjust to infer from this course any such
fiendish cruelty as it would now imply. It is necessary
to extend the same charity, however hard it may be, to
the selling of Philip’s wife and little son into slavery at
the Bermudas; and here, as has been seen, the clergy were
consulted and the Old Testament called into requisition.</p>

<p>While these events were passing in the eastern settlements
there were Indian outbreaks in Virginia, resulting
in war among the white settlers themselves. The colony
was, for various reasons, discontented; it was greatly
oppressed, and a series of Indian murders brought the
troubles to a climax. The policy pursued against the
Indians was severe, and yet there was no proper protection
afforded by the government; war was declared<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">25</span>
against them in 1676, and then the forces sent out were
suddenly disbanded by the governor, Berkeley. At last
there was a popular rebellion, which included almost
all the civil and military officers of the colony, and the
rebellious party put Nathaniel Bacon, Jr., a recently
arrived but very popular planter, at their head. He
marched with five hundred men against the Indians, but
was proclaimed a traitor by the governor, whom Bacon
proclaimed a traitor in return. The war with the savages
became by degrees quite secondary to the internal contests
among the English, in the course of which Bacon
took and burned Jamestown, beginning, it is said, with
his own house; but he died soon after. The insurrection
was suppressed, and the Indians were finally quieted by
a treaty.</p>

<p>Into all the Indian wars after King Philip’s death two
nationalities besides the Indian and English entered in
an important way. These were the Dutch and the French.
It was the Dutch who, soon after 1614, first sold firearms
to the Indians in defiance of their own laws, and by this
means greatly increased the horrors of the Indian warfare.
On the other hand, the Dutch, because of the close
friendship they established with the Five Nations, commonly
called the Iroquois, did to the English colonists,
though unintentionally, a service so great that the whole
issue of the prolonged war may have turned upon it.
These tribes, the Cayugas, Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas,
and Senecas—afterward joined by the Tuscaroras—held
the key to the continent. Occupying the greater part of
what is now the State of New York, they virtually ruled
the country from the Atlantic to the Mississippi and from
the Great Lakes to the Savannah River. They were from
the first treated with great consideration by the Dutch,
and they remained, with brief intervals of war, their firm
friends. One war, indeed, there was under the injudicious
management of Governor Kieft, lasting from 1640 to
1643; and this came near involving the English colonies,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">26</span>
while it caused the death of sixteen hundred Indians, first
or last, seven hundred of these being massacred under
the borrowed Puritan leader Captain Underhill. But
this made no permanent interruption to the alliance between
the Iroquois and the Dutch.</p>

<p>When New Netherlands yielded to the English, the same
alliance was retained, and to this we probably owe the
preservation of the colonies, their union against England,
and the very existence of the present American nation.
Yet the first English governor, Colden, has left on record
the complaint of an Indian chief, who said that they very
soon felt the difference between the two alliances.
“When the Dutch held this country,” he said, “we lay
in our houses, but the English have always made us lie
out-of-doors.”</p>

<p>But if the Dutch were thus an important factor in the
Indian wars, the French became almost the controlling
influence on the other side. Except for the strip of English
colonies along the sea-shore, the North American continent
north of Mexico was French. This was not the
result of accident or of the greater energy of that nation,
but of a systematic policy, beginning with Champlain
and never abandoned by his successors. This plan was,
as admirably stated by Parkman, “to influence Indian
counsels, to hold the balance of power between adverse
tribes, to envelop in the net-work of French power and
diplomacy the remotest hordes of the wilderness.” With
this was combined a love of exploration so great that it
was hard to say which assisted the most in spreading their
dominion—religion, the love of adventure, diplomatic
skill, or military talent. These between them gave the
interior of the continent to the French. One of the New
York governors wrote home that if the French were to
hold all that they had discovered, England would not
have a hundred miles from the sea anywhere.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">27</span></p>

<h3 id="t_3">CHAMPLAIN’S BATTLE WITH THE IROQUOIS</h3>

<p class="p1 b2 center"><i>By Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D.</i></p>

<p>From the time of the restoration of New France (1632)
till the final catastrophe of 1759, Canada remained uninterruptedly
French; and from the tide-water of the St.
Lawrence as a base, French traders, soldiers, and settlers
(<em>habitants</em>) spread westward, northward, and eventually
southward. In the year of the restoration probably not
over a hundred and eighty of its inhabitants might properly
be called settlers, with perhaps a few score military
men, seafarers, and visiting commercial adventurers.
The majority of residents, of course, centred at Quebec,
with a few at the outlying trading-posts of Tadoussac
on the east, Three Rivers on the west, and the intervening
hamlets of Beaupré, Beauport, and Isle d’Orleans.
At the same time the English and Dutch settlements in
Virginia, the Middle Colonies, and Massachusetts had
probably amassed an aggregate population of twenty-five
thousand—for between the years 1627 and 1637 upward
of twenty thousand settlers emigrated thither from
Europe. While the English government was engaged in
efforts to repress the migration toward its own colonies,
the utmost endeavors of the powerful French companies,
their arguments reinforced by bounties, could not induce
more than a few home-loving Frenchmen to try their
fortunes amid the rigors of the New World.</p>

<p>With all his tact, Champlain had committed one act
of indiscretion, the effects of which were left as an ill-fated
legacy to the little colony which he otherwise
nursed so well. Seeking to please his Algonquian neighbors
upon the St. Lawrence, and at the time eager to
explore the country, the commandant, with two of his
men-at-arms, accompanied (1609) one of their frequent
war-parties against the confederated Iroquois, who lived,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">28</span>
for the most part, in New York state and northeastern
Pennsylvania. Meeting a hostile band of two hundred
and fifty warriors near where Fort Ticonderoga was afterward
constructed, Champlain and his white attendants
easily routed the enemy by means of firearms, with which
the interior savages were as yet unacquainted.<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> His
success in this direction was, through the unfortunate
importunity of his allies, repeated in 1610; but five years
later, when he invaded the Iroquois cantonments in the
company of a large body of Huron, whose country to the
east of Lake Huron he had been visiting that summer,
the tribesmen to the southeast of Lake Ontario were
found to have lost much of their fear for white men’s
weapons, and the invaders retreated in some disorder.</p>

<div id="ip_28" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 29.3125em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_051.jpg" width="469" height="312" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><p>CHAMPLAIN’S ATTACK ON AN IROQUOIS FORT<br />
  <span class="smaller">(From an old print)</span></p></div></div>

<p>The results were highly disastrous both to the Huron
and the French. The former were year by year mercilessly
harried by the bloodthirsty Iroquois, until in 1649<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">29</span>
they were driven from their homes, and in the frenzy of
fear fled first to the islands of Lake Huron, then to
Mackinac and Sault Ste. Marie, finally to the southern
shores of Lake Superior, and deep within the dark pine
forests of northern Wisconsin. In the destruction of
Huronia, several Jesuit missionaries suffered torture and
death.</p>

<p>As for the squalid little French settlements at Three
Rivers, Quebec, and Tadoussac, they soon felt the wrath
of the Iroquois, who were the fiercest and best-trained
fighters among the savages of North America. Almost
annually the war-parties of this dread foe raided the
lands of the king, not infrequently appearing in force
before the sharp-pointed palisades of New France, over
which were waged bloody battles for supremacy. Fortunately
logs could turn back a primitive enemy unarmed
with cannon; but not infrequently outlying parties of
Frenchmen had sorry experiences with the stealthy foe,
of whose approach through the tangled forest they had
no warning. Champlain’s closing years were much saddened
by these merciless assaults which he had unwittingly
invited; in the decade after his death the operations
of his successors were largely hampered thereby.
Montreal, founded by religious enthusiasts in 1642, during
its earliest years served as a buffer colony, in the
direction of the avenging tribesmen, and supped to the
dregs the cup of border turmoil.</p>

<p>Not only were Frenchmen obliged to huddle within
their defences, but far and near their Indian allies were
swept from the earth. The Iroquois practically destroyed
the Algonquin tribes between Quebec and the Saguenay,
as well as the Algonquins of the Ottawa, the Huron, and
the Petun and Neutrals of the Niagara district. The fur-trade
of New France was for a long period almost wholly
destroyed; English and Dutch rivals to the south were
friendly to the Iroquois, furnished them cheap goods and
abundant firearms and ammunition, and egged them on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">30</span>
in their northern forays; while toward the Mississippi,
and south of the Great Lakes, Iroquois raiders terrorized
those tribes which dared to entertain trade relations with
the French.</p>

<p>In 1646, however, the blood-stained confederates, after
nearly a half-century of opposition, consented to a peace
which lasted spasmodically for almost twenty years;
until in 1665 the French government found itself strong
enough to threaten the chastisement of the New York
tribesmen, and thereafter the Iroquois opposition, while
not altogether quelled, was of a far less threatening
character.</p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN CHAMPLAIN’S BATTLE<br />
WITH THE IROQUOIS, 1609, AND<br />
THE CONQUEST OF THE<br />
PEQUOTS, 1637</h3>

<p>1609. Henry Hudson ascends the Hudson River.</p>

<p>1610. Henry Hudson explores Hudson Bay.</p>

<p>1614. The Dutch erect a Fort on Manhattan Island.</p>

<p>1619. A colonial assembly is convened at Jamestown.
Negro slavery is introduced into Virginia.</p>

<p>1620. Landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth.</p>

<p>1622. The Dutch West India Company take possession
of New Netherlands. Indian massacre in Virginia.</p>

<p>1623. Settlement of New Hampshire.</p>

<p>1624. Dissolution of the London Company. Virginia
becomes a Crown Colony.</p>

<p>1626. The Dutch purchase Manhattan Island from the
Indians.</p>

<p>1628. Settlement of Salem by the Massachusetts Bay
Company.</p>

<p>1629. The English take Quebec.</p>

<p>1630. Foundation of Boston.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">31</span>
1631. Settlement of Maryland by Clayborne.</p>

<p>1632. Canada is restored to France by England. Lord
Baltimore receives a charter for a colony in Maryland.</p>

<p>1634. Settlement of St. Mary’s, Maryland, by Calvert.</p>

<p>1634–36. Settlement of Connecticut by the English.
Settlement of Rhode Island by Roger Williams.</p>

<p>1636. Foundation of Harvard College.</p>

<p>1637. Conquest of the Pequots by the New England
colonists.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">32</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="III" class="vspace">III<br />

<span id="t_4" class="subhead">THE CONQUEST OF THE PEQUOTS, 1637</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">In</span> 1636 the Massachusetts colony, under Vane’s administration,
became involved in new troubles—a violent
internal controversy and a dangerous Indian war.
The most powerful native tribes of New England were
concentrated in the neighborhood of Narragansett Bay.
The Wampanoags, or Pocanokets, were on the east side of
that bay within the limits of the Plymouth patent, and the
Narragansets, a more powerful confederacy, on the west
side. Still more numerous and more powerful were the
Pequots, whose chief seats were on or near Pequot River,
now the Thames, but whose authority extended over
twenty-six petty tribes, along both shores of the Sound to
the Connecticut River, and even beyond it, almost or quite
to the Hudson. In what is now the northeast corner of the
State of Connecticut dwelt a smaller tribe, the enemies,
perhaps the revolted subjects, of the Pequots, known to
the colonists as Mohegans—an appropriation of a general
name properly including all the Indians along the shores
of Long Island Sound as far west as the Hudson, and even
the tribes beyond that river, known afterward to the English
as the Delawares. The Indians about Massachusetts
Bay, supposed to have been formerly quite numerous,
had almost died out before the arrival of the colonists, and
the smallpox had since proved very fatal among the few
that remained. Some tribes of no great consideration—the
Nipmucks, the Wachusetts, the Nashaways—dwelt
among the interior hills, and others, known collectively
to the colonists as the River Indians, fished at the falls of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">33</span>
the Connecticut, and cultivated little patches of its rich
alluvial meadows. The lower Merrimac, the Piscataqua,
and their branches were occupied by the tribes of a considerable
confederacy, that of Penacook, or Pawtucket,
whose chief sachem, Passaconaway, was reported to be
a great magician. The interior of New Hampshire and
of what is now Vermont seems to have been an uninhabited
wilderness. The tribes eastward of the Piscataqua,
known to the English by the general name of Tarenteens,
and reputed to be numerous and powerful, were distinguished
by the rivers on which they dwelt. They seem
to have constituted two principal confederacies, those
east of the Kennebec being known to the French of Acadie
as the Abenakis. All the New England Indians spoke
substantially the same language, the Algonquin, in various
dialects. From the nature of the country, they were
more stationary than some other tribes, being fixed principally
at the falls of the rivers. They seem to have entertained
very decided ideas of the hereditary descent of
authority, and of personal devotion to their chiefs. What
might have been at this time the total Indian population
of New England it is not very easy to conjecture; but it
was certainly much less than is commonly stated. Fifteen
or twenty thousand would seem to be a sufficient allowance
for the region south of the Piscataqua, and as many
more, perhaps, for the more easterly district. The Pequots,
esteemed the most powerful tribe in New England,
were totally ruined, as we shall presently see, by the
destruction or capture of hardly more than a thousand
persons.</p>

<p>The provocation for this exterminating war was extremely
small. Previous to the Massachusetts migration
to the Connecticut, one Captain Stone, the drunken
and dissolute master of a small trading vessel from Virginia,
whom the Plymouth people charged with having
been engaged at Manhattan in a piratical plot to seize
one of their vessels, having been sent away from Boston<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">34</span>
with orders not to return without leave, under pain of
death, on his way homeward to Virginia, in 1634, had entered
the Connecticut River, where he was cut off, with
his whole company, seven in number, by a band of
Pequots. There were various stories, none of them authentic,
as to the precise manner of his death, but the
Pequots insisted that he had been the aggressor—a thing
in itself sufficiently probable. As Stone belonged to Virginia,
the magistrates of Massachusetts wrote to Governor
Harvey to move him to stir in the matter. Van Cuyler,
the Dutch commissary at Fort Good Hope, in fact revenged
Stone’s death by the execution of a sachem and
several others. This offended the Pequots, who renounced
any further traffic with the Dutch, and sent
messengers to Boston desiring an intercourse of trade, and
assistance to settle their pending difficulties with the
Narragansets, who intervened between them and the
English settlements. They even promised to give up—at
least so the magistrates understood them—the only two
survivors, as they alleged, of those concerned in the death
of Stone. These offers were accepted; for the convenience
of this traffic a peace was negotiated between the
Pequots and the Narragansets, and a vessel was presently
sent to open a trade. But this traffic disappointed the
adventurers; nor were the promised culprits given up.
The Pequots, according to the Indian custom, tendered,
instead, a present of furs and wampum. But this was
refused, the colonists seeming to think themselves under
a religious obligation to avenge blood with blood.</p>

<p>Thus matters remained for a year or two, when, in
July, 1636, the crew of a small bark, returning from Connecticut,
saw close to Block Island a pinnace at anchor,
and full of Indians. This pinnace was recognized as belonging
to Oldham, the Indian trader, the old settler at
Nantasket, and explorer of the Connecticut. Conjecturing
that something must be wrong, the bark approached
the pinnace and hailed, whereupon the Indians on board<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">35</span>
slipped the cable and made sail. The bark gave chase,
and soon overtook the pinnace; some of the Indians
jumped overboard in their fright, and were drowned;
several were killed, and one was made prisoner. The
dead body of Oldham was found on board, covered with
an old seine. This murder, as appeared from the testimony
of the prisoner, who was presently sentenced by the
Massachusetts magistrates to be a slave for life, was
committed at the instigation of some Narraganset chiefs,
upon whom Block Island was dependent, in revenge
for the trade which Oldham had commenced under the
late treaty with the Pequots, their enemies. Indeed, all
the Narraganset chiefs, except the head sachem, Canonicus,
and his nephew and colleague, Miantonimoh, were
believed to have had a hand in this matter, especially the
chieftain of the Niantics, a branch of the Narragansets,
inhabiting the continent opposite Block Island.</p>

<p>Canonicus, in great alarm, sent to his friend and neighbor,
Roger Williams, by whose aid he wrote a letter to
the Massachusetts magistrates, expressing his grief at
what had happened, and stating that Miantonimoh had
sailed already with seventeen canoes and two hundred
warriors to punish the Block Islanders. With this letter
were sent two Indians, late sailors on board Oldham’s
pinnace, and presently after two English boys, the remainder
of his crew. In the recapture of Oldham’s pinnace
eleven Indians had been killed, several of them
chiefs; and that, with the restoration of the crew, seems
to have been esteemed by Canonicus a sufficient atonement
for Oldham’s death. But the magistrates and ministers
of Massachusetts, assembled to take this matter
into consideration, thought otherwise. Volunteers were
called for in August, 1636; and four companies, ninety
men in all, commanded by Endicott, whose submissiveness
in Williams’ affair had restored him to favor, were
embarked in three pinnaces, with orders to put to death
all the men of Block Island, and to make the women and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">36</span>
children prisoners. The old affair of the death of Stone
was now also called to mind, though the murder of Oldham
had no connection with it, except in some distant
similarity of circumstances. Endicott was instructed, on
his return from Block Island, to go to the Pequots, and to
demand of them the murderers of Stone, and a thousand
fathoms of wampum for damages—equivalent to from
three to five thousand dollars—also, some of their children
as hostages; and, if they refused, to employ force.</p>

<p>The Block Islanders fled inland, hid themselves, and
escaped; but Endicott burned their wigwams, staved
their canoes, and destroyed their standing corn. He
then sailed to Fort Saybrook, at the mouth of the Connecticut,
and marched thence to Pequot River. After some
parley, the Indians refused his demands, when he burned
their village and killed one of their warriors. Marching
back to the Connecticut River, he inflicted like vengeance
on the Pequot village there, whence he returned to Boston,
after a three weeks’ absence and without the loss of a
man.</p>

<p>The Pequots, enraged at what they esteemed a treacherous
and unprovoked attack, lurked about Fort Saybrook,
killed or took several persons, and did considerable
mischief. They sent, also, to the Narragansets to
engage their alliance against the colonists, whom they
represented as the common enemy of all the Indians.
Williams, informed of this negotiation, sent word of it to
the Massachusetts magistrates, and, at their request, he
visited Canonicus, to dissuade him from joining the Pequots.
This mission was not without danger. In the
wigwam of Canonicus, Williams encountered the Pequot
messengers, full of rage and fury. He succeeded, however,
in his object, and, in October, Miantonimoh was induced
to visit Boston, where, being received with much
ceremony by the governor and magistrates, he agreed to
act with them as a faithful ally. Canonicus thought it
would be necessary to attack the Pequots with a very<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">37</span>
large force; but he recommended, as a thing likely to be
agreeable to all the Indians—so Williams informs us—that
the women and children should be spared, a humane
piece of advice which received in the end but little
attention.</p>

<p>The policy of this war, or, at least, the wisdom of Endicott’s
conduct, was not universally conceded. A letter
from Plymouth reproached the Massachusetts magistrates
with the dangers likely to arise from so inefficient an attack
upon the Pequots. Gardiner, the commandant at
Fort Saybrook, who lost several men during the winter,
was equally dissatisfied. The new settlers up the Connecticut
complained bitterly of the dangers to which they
were exposed. Sequeen, the same Indian chief at whose
invitation the Plymouth people had first established a
trading-house on the Connecticut River, had granted land
to the planters at Wethersfield on condition that he might
settle near them, and be protected; but when he came
and built his wigwam, they had driven him away. He
took this opportunity for revenge by calling in the Pequots,
who attacked the town, and killed nine of the inhabitants.
The whole number killed by the Pequots
during the winter was about thirty.</p>

<p>In December a special session of the General Court of
Massachusetts organized the militia into three regiments,
the magistrates to appoint the field officers—called sergeant-majors—and
to select the captains and lieutenants
out of a nomination to be made by the companies respectively.
Watches were ordered to be kept, and
travellers were to go armed....</p>

<p>The new towns on the Connecticut had continued to
suffer during the winter. The attack on Wethersfield
has been mentioned already. Fort Saybrook was beleaguered;
several colonists were killed, and two young
girls were taken prisoners, but were presently redeemed
and sent home by some Dutch traders. It had been resolved
in Massachusetts to raise a hundred and sixty men<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">38</span>
for the war, and already Underhill had been sent, with
twenty men, to reinforce Fort Saybrook; but, during
Vane’s administration, these preparations had been retarded—not
from any misgivings as to the justice of the
war, but because the army “was too much under a
covenant of works.” The expedition was now got ready,
and, by a “solemn public invocation of the word of
God,” a leader was designated by lot from among three
of the magistrates set apart for that purpose. The lot
fell on Stoughton, whose adherence to the orthodox party
during the late dissensions had restored him to favor, and
obtained for him, at the late election, one of the vacant
magistrates’ seats. Wilson was also designated by lot
as chaplain to the expedition. The people of Plymouth
agreed to furnish forty-five men.</p>

<p>The decisive battle, however, had been already fought.
The Connecticut towns, impatient of delay, having obtained
the alliance of Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans,
had marched, to the number of ninety men, almost their
entire effective force, under the command of John Mason,
bred a soldier in the Netherlands, whom Hooker, on May
10, with prayers and religious ceremonies, solemnly invested
with the staff of command. After a night spent
in prayer, this little army, joined by Uncas with sixty
Indians, and accompanied by Stone, Hooker’s colleague,
as chaplain, embarked at Hartford. They were not without
great doubts as to their Indian allies, but were reassured
at Fort Saybrook. While Stone was praying “for
one pledge of love, that may confirm us of the fidelity of
the Indians,” these allies came in with five Pequot scalps
and a prisoner. Underhill joined with his twenty men,
and the united forces proceeded by water to Narragansett
Bay, where they spent Sunday, May 21, in religious
exercises. They were further strengthened by Miantonimoh
and two hundred Narraganset warriors; but the
English force seemed so inadequate that many of the
Narragansets became discouraged and returned home.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">39</span>
The Pequots were principally collected a few miles
east of Pequot River, now the Thames, in two forts, or
villages, fortified with trees and brushwood. After a fatiguing
march of two days, Mason reached one of these
strongholds, situated on a high hill, at no great distance
from the sea-shore. He encamped a few hours to rest
his men, but marched again before daybreak, and at
early dawn approached the fort. The Pequots had seen
the vessels pass along the sea-shore toward the bay of
Narragansett, and, supposing the hostile forces afraid to
attack them, they had spent the night in feasting and
dancing, and Mason could hear their shoutings in his
camp. Toward morning they sunk into a deep sleep,
from which they were roused by the barking of their
dogs, as the colonists, in two parties, approached the fort,
one led by Mason, the other by Underhill, both of whom
have left us narratives of the battle. The assailants
poured in a fire of musketry, and, after a moment’s hesitation,
forced their way into the fort. Within were
thickly clustered wigwams containing the families of the
Indians, and what remained of their winter stores. The
astonished Pequots seized their weapons and fought with
desperation; but what could their clubs and arrows avail
against the muskets and plate-armor of the colonists?
Yet there was danger in the great superiority of their
numbers, and Mason, crying out “we must burn them,”
thrust a firebrand among the mats with which the wigwams
were covered. Almost in a moment the fort was
in a blaze. The colonists, “bereaved of pity and without
compassion,” so Underhill himself declares, kept up
the fight within the fort, while their Indian allies, forming
a circle around, struck down every Pequot who attempted
to escape. No quarter was given, no mercy
was shown; some hundreds, not warriors only, but old
men, women, and children, perished by the weapons of the
colonists, or in the flames of the burning fort. “Great
and doleful,” says Underhill, “was the bloody sight to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">40</span>
the view of young soldiers, to see so many souls lie gasping
on the ground, so thick you could hardly pass along.”
The fact that only seven prisoners were taken, while
Mason boasts that only seven others escaped, evinces the
unrelenting character of this massacre, which was accomplished
with but trifling loss, only two of the colonists
being killed, and sixteen or twenty wounded. Yet the
victors were not without embarrassments. The morning
was hot, there was no water to be had, and the men,
exhausted by their long march the two days before, the
weight of their armor, want of sleep, and the sharpness
of the late action, must now encounter a new body of
Pequots from the other village, who had taken the alarm,
and were fast approaching. Mason, with a select party,
kept this new enemy at bay, and thus gave time to the
main body to push on for Pequot River, into which some
vessels had just been seen to enter. When the Indians
approached the hill where their fort had stood, at sight
of their ruined habitations and slaughtered companions
they burst out into a transport of rage, stamped on the
ground, tore their hair, and, regardless of everything
save revenge, rushed furious in pursuit. But the dreaded
firearms soon checked them, and Mason easily made
good his retreat to Pequot harbor, now New London,
where he found not only his own vessels, but Captain Patrick
also, just arrived in a bark from Boston, with forty
men. Mason sent the wounded and most of his forces
by water, but, in consequence of Patrick’s refusal to lend
his ship, was obliged to march himself, with twenty men,
followed by Patrick, to Fort Saybrook, where his victory
was greeted by a salvo of cannon.</p>

<p>In about a fortnight Stoughton arrived at Saybrook
with the main body of the Massachusetts forces. Mason,
with forty Connecticut soldiers and a large body of Narragansets,
joined also in pursuing the remnants of the
enemy. The Pequots had abandoned their country, or
concealed themselves in the swamps. In July one of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">41</span>
these fortresses was attacked by night, and about a hundred
Indians captured. The men, twenty-two in number,
were put to death; thirty women and children were
given to the Narraganset allies; some fifty others were
sent to Boston, and distributed as slaves among the principal
colonists. The flying Pequots were pursued as far
as Quinapiack, now New Haven. A swamp in that
neighborhood, where a large party had taken refuge, being
surrounded and attacked, a parley was had, and life was
offered to “all whose hands were not in English blood.”
About two hundred, old men, women, and children, reluctantly
came out and gave themselves up. Daylight
was exhausted in this surrender; and as night set in,
the warriors who remained renewed their defiances.
Toward morning, favored by a thick fog, they broke
through and escaped. Many of the surviving Pequots
put themselves under the protection of Canonicus and
other Narraganset chiefs. Sassacus, the head sachem,
fled to the Mohawks; but they were instigated by their
allies, the Narragansets, to put him to death. His scalp
was sent to Boston, and many heads and hands of Pequot
warriors were also brought in by the neighboring
tribes. The adult male prisoners who remained in the
hands of the colonists were sent to the West Indies to be
sold into slavery; the women and children experienced
a similar fate at home. It was reckoned that between
eight and nine hundred of the Pequots had been killed
or taken. Such of the survivors as had escaped, forbidden
any longer to call themselves Pequots, were distributed
between the Narragansets and Mohegans, and
subjected to an annual tribute. A like tribute was imposed,
also, on the inhabitants of Block Island. The
colonists regarded their success as ample proof of Divine
approbation, and justified all they had done to these
“bloody heathen” by abundant quotations from the Old
Testament. Having referred to “the wars of David,”
Underhill adds, “We had sufficient light from the word<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">42</span>
of God for our proceedings”; and Mason, after some exulting
quotations from the Psalms, concludes: “Thus
the Lord was pleased to smite our enemies in the hinder
parts, and to give us their land for an inheritance!”
The Indian allies admired the courage of the colonists,
but they thought their method of war “too furious, and
to slay too many.”</p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN THE CONQUEST OF<br />
THE PEQUOTS, 1637, AND THE DEFEAT<br />
OF KING PHILIP, 1676</h3>

<p>1638. Settlement of Rhode Island. Establishment of
the Colony of New Haven. Swedes and Finns settle
in Delaware.</p>

<p>1639. Adoption of the Connecticut Constitution.</p>

<p>1642. War between Charles I. and Parliament. Indecisive
Battle of Edgehill.</p>

<p>1643. The Colonies of New England form a confederacy.</p>

<p>1644. Battle of Marston Moor, in which the English
Royalists are defeated. Roger Williams obtains a patent
from Parliament for the United Government of the
Rhode Island Settlements.</p>

<p>1645. Defeat of the English Royalists at the Battle of
Naseby.</p>

<p>1649. Execution of Charles I.</p>

<p>1653. Cromwell is made Lord Protector of England.</p>

<p>1655. Peter Stuyvesant, Director-General of New
Netherlands, dispossesses the Swedish settlers at the
mouth of the Delaware.</p>

<p>1660. Restoration of the Stuarts in England.</p>

<p>1662. The Connecticut and New Haven Colonies receive
a charter from Charles II.</p>

<p>1664. Charles II. grants the region between the Connecticut
and Delaware rivers to his brother James, Duke<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">43</span>
of York. The English occupy New Amsterdam and take
possession of the province of New Netherland. The
Colony of New Jersey is established.</p>

<p>1665. The union of the Connecticut and New Haven
Colonies is completed.</p>

<p>1668. Father Marquette founds the Mission of Sault
Ste. Marie.</p>

<p>1670. Incorporation of the Hudson Bay Company.</p>

<p>1673. The Dutch occupy New York and New Jersey.</p>

<p>1674. New York and New Jersey are restored to the
English.</p>

<p>1675. King Philip’s War.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">44</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="IV" class="vspace">IV<br />

<span id="t_5" class="subhead">THE DEFEAT OF KING PHILIP, 1676</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Except</span> in the destruction of the Pequots, the native
tribes of New England had, in 1673, undergone no
very material diminution. The Pocanokets, or Wampanoags,
though somewhat curtailed in their limits, still
occupied the eastern shore of Narragansett Bay. The
Narragansets still possessed the western shore. There
were several scattered tribes in various parts of Connecticut;
though, with the exception of some small
reservations, they had already ceded all their lands.
Uncas, the Mohegan chief, was now an old man. The
Pawtucket, or Penacook, confederacy continued to occupy
the falls of the Merrimac and the heads of the Piscataqua.
Their old sachem, Passaconaway, regarded
the colonists with awe and veneration. In the interior of
Massachusetts and along the Connecticut were several
other less noted tribes. The Indians of Maine and the
region eastward possessed their ancient haunts undisturbed;
but their intercourse was principally with the
French, to whom, since the late peace with France, Acadie
had been again yielded up. The New England Indians
were occasionally annoyed by war parties of Mohawks;
but, by the intervention of Massachusetts, a peace had
recently been concluded.</p>

<p>Efforts for the conversion and civilization of the Indians
were still continued by Eliot and his coadjutors,
supported by the funds of the English society. In Massachusetts
there were fourteen feeble villages of these
praying Indians, and a few more in Plymouth colony.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">45</span>
The whole number in New England was about thirty-six
hundred, but of these near one-half inhabited the
islands of Nantucket and Martha’s Vineyard.</p>

<p>Massachusetts held a strict hand over the Narragansets
and other subject tribes, and their limits had been contracted
by repeated cessions, not always entirely voluntary.
The Wampanoags, within the jurisdiction of
Plymouth, experienced similar treatment. By successive
sales of parts of their territory, they were now shut up,
as it were, in the necks or peninsulas formed by the
northern and eastern branches of Narragansett Bay, the
same territory now constituting the continental eastern
portion of Rhode Island. Though always at peace with
the colonists, the Wampanoags had not always escaped
suspicion. The increase of the settlements around
them, and the progressive curtailment of their limits,
aroused their jealousy. They were galled, also, by the
feudal superiority, similar to that of Massachusetts over
her dependent tribes, claimed by Plymouth on the
strength of certain alleged former submissions. None
felt this assumption more keenly than Pometacom, head
chief of the Wampanoags, better known among the
colonists as King Philip of Mount Hope, nephew and successor
of that Massasoit who had welcomed the Pilgrims
to Plymouth. Suspected of hostile designs, he had been
compelled to deliver up his firearms, and to enter into
certain stipulations. These stipulations he was accused
of not fulfilling; and nothing but the interposition of the
Massachusetts magistrates, to whom Philip appealed,
prevented Plymouth from making war upon him. He
was sentenced instead to pay a heavy fine, and to acknowledge
the unconditional supremacy of that colony.</p>

<p>A praying Indian, who had been educated at Cambridge
and employed as a teacher, upon some misdemeanor had
fled to Philip, who took him into service as a sort of secretary.
Being persuaded to return again to his former
employment, this Indian accused Philip anew of being<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">46</span>
engaged in a secret hostile plot. In accordance with
Indian ideas, the treacherous informer was waylaid and
killed. Three of Philip’s men, suspected of having killed
him, were arrested by the Plymouth authorities, and, in
accordance with English ideas, were tried for murder by
a jury half English, half Indians, convicted upon very
slender evidence, and hanged. Philip retaliated by plundering
the houses nearest Mount Hope. Presently he
attacked Swanzey, and killed several of the inhabitants.
Plymouth took measures for raising a military force.
The neighboring colonies were sent to for assistance.
Thus, by the impulse of suspicion on the one side and
passion on the other, New England became suddenly engaged
in a war very disastrous to the colonists, and utterly
ruinous to the native tribes. The lust of gain, in
spite of all laws to prevent it, had partially furnished the
Indians with firearms, and they were now far more formidable
enemies than they had been in the days of the
Pequots. Of this the colonists hardly seem to have
thought. Now, as then, confident of their superiority,
and comparing themselves to the Lord’s chosen people
driving the heathen out of the land, they rushed eagerly
into the contest, without a single effort at the preservation
of peace. Indeed, their pretensions hardly admitted
of it. Philip was denounced as a rebel in arms against
his lawful superiors, with whom it would be folly and weakness
to treat on any terms short of absolute submission.</p>

<p>A body of volunteers, horse and foot, raised in Massachusetts,
marched under Major Savage, in June, 1675,
four days after the attack on Swanzey, to join the Plymouth
forces. After one or two slight skirmishes, they
penetrated to the Wampanoag villages at Mount Hope,
but found them empty and deserted. Philip and his
warriors, conscious of their inferiority, had abandoned
their homes. If the Narragansets, on the opposite side
of the bay, did not openly join the Wampanoags, they
would, at least, be likely to afford shelter to their women<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">47</span>
and children. The troops were therefore ordered into
the Narraganset country, accompanied by commissioners
to demand assurances of peaceful intentions, and a promise
to deliver up all fugitive enemies of the colonists—pledges
which the Narragansets felt themselves constrained
to give.</p>

<p>Arrived at Taunton on their return from the Narraganset
country, news came that Philip and his warriors
had been discovered by Church, of Plymouth colony, collected
in a great swamp at Pocasset, now Tiverton, the
southern district of the Wampanoag country, whence
small parties sallied forth to burn and plunder the neighboring
settlements. After a march of eighteen miles,
having reached the designated spot, the soldiers found
there a hundred wigwams lately built, but empty and deserted,
the Indians having retired deep into the swamp.
The colonists followed; but the ground was soft; the
thicket was difficult to penetrate; the companies were
soon thrown into disorder. Each man fired at every
bush he saw shake, thinking an Indian might lay concealed
behind it, and several were thus wounded by their
own friends. When night came on, the assailants retired
with the loss of sixteen men. The swamp continued to
be watched and guarded, but Philip broke through, not
without some loss, and escaped into the country of the
Nipmucks, in the interior of Massachusetts. That tribe
had already commenced hostilities by attacking Mendon.
They waylaid and killed Captain Hutchinson, a son of
the famous Mrs. Hutchinson, and sixteen out of a party
of twenty sent from Boston to Brookfield to parley with
them. Attacking Brookfield itself, they burned it, except
one fortified house. The inhabitants were saved
by Major Willard, who, on information of their danger,
came with a troop of horse from Lancaster, thirty miles
through the woods, to their rescue. A body of troops
presently arrived from the eastward, and were stationed
for some time at Brookfield.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">48</span>
The colonists now found that by driving Philip to extremity
they had roused a host of unexpected enemies.
The River Indians, anticipating an intended attack upon
them, joined the assailants. Deerfield and Northfield,
the northernmost towns on the Connecticut River, settled
within a few years past, were attacked, and several
of the inhabitants killed and wounded. Captain
Beers, sent from Hadley to their relief with a convoy of
provisions, was surprised near Northfield in September,
and slain, with twenty of his men. Northfield was abandoned,
and burned by the Indians.</p>

<p>“The English at first,” says Gookin, “thought easily
to chastise the insolent doings and murderous practice
of the heathen; but it was found another manner of
thing than was expected; for our men could see no enemy
to shoot at, but yet felt their bullets out of the thick
bushes where they lay in ambush. The English wanted
not courage or resolution, but could not discover nor find
an enemy to fight with, yet were galled by the enemy.”
In the arts of ambush and surprise, with which the Indians
were so familiar, the colonists were without practice.
It is to the want of this experience, purchased at
a very dear rate in the course of the war, that we must
ascribe the numerous surprises and defeats from which
the colonists suffered at its commencement.</p>

<p>Driven to the necessity of defensive warfare, those in
command on the river determined to establish a magazine
and garrison at Hadley. Captain Lathrop, who
had been dispatched from the eastward to the assistance
of the river towns, was sent with eighty men, the flower
of the youth of Essex County, to guard the wagons intended
to convey to Hadley three thousand bushels of
unthreshed wheat, the produce of the fertile Deerfield
meadows. Just before arriving at Deerfield, near a small
stream still known as Bloody Brook, under the shadow
of the abrupt conical Sugar Loaf, the southern termination
of the Deerfield mountain, Lathrop, on September<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">49</span>
18, fell into an ambush, and, after a brave resistance,
perished there with all his company. Captain Moseley,
stationed at Deerfield, marched to his assistance, but arrived
too late to help him. Deerfield was abandoned,
and burned by the Indians. Springfield, about the same
time, was set on fire, but was partially saved by the
arrival, with troops from Connecticut, of Major Treat,
successor to the lately deceased Mason in the chief command
of the Connecticut forces. An attack on Hatfield
was vigorously repelled by the garrison.</p>

<p>Meanwhile, hostilities were spreading; the Indians on
the Merrimac began to attack the towns in their vicinity,
and the whole of Massachusetts was soon in the utmost
alarm. Except in the immediate neighborhood of Boston,
the country still remained an immense forest dotted
by a few openings. The frontier settlements could not be
defended against a foe familiar with localities, scattered
in small parties, skilful in concealment, and watching
with patience for some unguarded or favorable moment.
Those settlements were mostly broken up, and the inhabitants,
retiring toward Boston, spread everywhere
dread and intense hatred of “the bloody heathen.” Even
the praying Indians, and the small dependent and tributary
tribes, became objects of suspicion and terror. They
had been employed at first as scouts and auxiliaries, and
to good advantage; but some few, less confirmed in the
faith, having deserted to the enemy, the whole body of
them were denounced as traitors. Eliot the apostle, and
Gookin, superintendent of the subject Indians, exposed
themselves to insults, and even to danger, by their efforts
to stem this headlong fury, to which several of the magistrates
opposed but a feeble resistance. Troops were sent
to break up the praying villages at Mendon, Grafton, and
others in that quarter. The Natick Indians, “those poor
despised sheep of Christ,” as Gookin affectionately calls
them, were hurried off to Deer Island, in Boston harbor,
where they suffered excessively from a severe winter. A<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">50</span>
part of the praying Indians of Plymouth colony were
confined, in like manner, on the islands in Plymouth
harbor.</p>

<p>Not content with realities sufficiently frightful, superstition,
as usual, added bugbears of her own. Indian
bows were seen in the sky, and scalps in the moon. The
northern lights became an object of terror. Phantom
horsemen careered among the clouds or were heard to
gallop invisible through the air. The howling of wolves
was turned into a terrible omen. The war was regarded
as a special judgment in punishment of prevailing sins.
Among these sins, the General Court of Massachusetts,
after consultation with the elders, enumerated neglect
in the training of the children of church-members; pride,
in men’s wearing long and curled hair; excess in apparel;
naked breasts and arms, and superfluous ribbons; the
toleration of Quakers; hurry to leave meeting before
blessing asked; profane cursing and swearing; tippling-houses;
want of respect for parents; idleness; extortion
in shopkeepers and mechanics; and the riding from
town to town of unmarried men and women, under pretence
of attending lectures—“a sinful custom, tending
to lewdness.” Penalties were denounced against all these
offences; and the persecution of the Quakers was again
renewed. A Quaker woman had recently frightened the
Old South congregation in Boston by entering that meeting-house
clothed in sackcloth, with ashes on her head,
her feet bare, and her face blackened, intending to personify
the smallpox, with which she threatened the
colony, in punishment for its sins.</p>

<p>About the time of the first collision with Philip, the
Tarenteens, or Eastern Indians, had attacked the settlements
in Maine and New Hampshire, plundering and
burning the houses, and massacring such of the inhabitants
as fell into their hands. This sudden diffusion of
hostilities and vigor of attack from opposite quarters
made the colonists believe that Philip had long been plotting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">51</span>
and had gradually matured an extensive conspiracy,
into which most of the tribes had deliberately entered,
for the extermination of the whites. This belief infuriated
the colonists, and suggested some very questionable
proceedings. It seems, however, to have originated, like
the war itself, from mere suspicions. The same griefs
pressed upon all the tribes; and the struggle once commenced,
the awe which the colonists inspired thrown off,
the greater part were ready to join in the contest. But
there is no evidence of any deliberate concert; nor, in
fact, were the Indians united. Had they been so, the
war would have been far more serious. The Connecticut
tribes proved faithful, and that colony remained untouched.
Uncas and Ninigret continued friendly; even
the Narragansets, in spite of so many former provocations,
had not yet taken up arms. But they were
strongly suspected of intention to do so, and were accused
by Uncas of giving, notwithstanding their recent
assurances, aid and shelter to the hostile tribes.</p>

<p>An attempt had lately been made to revive the union
of the New England colonies. At a meeting of commissioners,
on September 9, 1675, those from Plymouth presented
a narrative of the origin and progress of the present
hostilities. Upon the strength of this narrative the
war was pronounced “just and necessary,” and a resolution
was passed to carry it on at the joint expense, and
to raise for that purpose a thousand men, one-half to be
mounted dragoons. If the Narragansets were not crushed
during the winter, it was feared they might break out
openly hostile in the spring; and at a subsequent meeting
a thousand men were ordered to be levied to co-operate
in an expedition specially against them.</p>

<p>The winter was unfavorable to the Indians; the leafless
woods no longer concealed their lurking attacks.
The frozen surface of the swamps made the Indian fastnesses
accessible to the colonists. The forces destined to
act against the Narragansets—six companies from Massachusetts,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">52</span>
under Major Appleton; two from Plymouth,
under Major Bradford; and five from Connecticut, under
Major Treat—were placed under the command of
Josiah Winslow, Governor of Plymouth since Prince’s
death—son of that Edward Winslow so conspicuous in
the earlier history of the colony. In December the
Massachusetts and Plymouth forces marched to Petasquamscot,
on the west shore of Narragansett Bay, where
they made some forty prisoners. Being joined by the
troops from Connecticut, and guided by an Indian deserter,
after a march of fifteen miles through a deep snow,
they approached a swamp in what is now the town of
South Kingston, one of the ancient strongholds of the
Narragansets. Driving the Indian scouts before them,
and penetrating the swamp, the colonial soldiers soon
came in sight of the Indian fort, built on a rising ground
in the morass, a sort of island of two or three acres, fortified
by a palisade, and surrounded by a close hedge a
rod thick. There was but one entrance, quite narrow,
defended by a tree thrown across it, with a block-house
of logs in front and another on the flank. It was the
“Lord’s day,” but that did not hinder the attack. As
the captains advanced at the heads of their companies,
the Indians opened a galling fire, under which many fell.
But the assailants pressed on, and forced the entrance.
A desperate struggle ensued. The colonists were once
driven back, but they rallied and returned to the charge,
and, after a two hours’ fight, became masters of the fort.
Fire was put to the wigwams, near six hundred in number,
and all the horrors of the Pequot massacre were renewed.
The corn and other winter stores of the Indians were
consumed, and not a few of the old men, women, and children
perished in the flames. In this bloody contest, long
remembered as the “Swamp Fight,” the colonial loss was
terribly severe. Six captains, with two hundred and
thirty men, were killed or wounded; and at night, in the
midst of a snow-storm; with a fifteen miles’ march before<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">53</span>
them, the colonial soldiers abandoned the fort, of which
the Indians resumed possession. But their wigwams were
burned; their provisions destroyed; they had no supplies
for the winter; their loss was irreparable. Of those who
survived the fight, many perished of hunger.</p>

<p>Even as a question of policy, this attack on the Narragansets
was more than doubtful. The starving and infuriated
warriors, scattered through the woods, revenged
themselves by attacks on the frontier settlements. On
February 10, 1676, Lancaster was burned, and forty of
the inhabitants killed or taken; among the rest, Mrs.
Rolandson, wife of the minister, the narrative of whose
captivity is still preserved. Groton, Chelmsford, and
other towns in that vicinity were repeatedly attacked.
Medfield, twenty miles from Boston, was furiously assaulted,
and, though defended by three hundred men,
half the houses were burned. Weymouth, within eighteen
miles of Boston, was attacked a few days after. These
were the nearest approaches which the Indians made to
that capital. For a time the neighborhood of the Narraganset
country was abandoned. The Rhode Island
towns, though they had no part in undertaking the war,
yet suffered the consequences of it. In March, Warwick
was burned, and Providence was partially destroyed.
Most of the inhabitants sought refuge in the islands,
but the aged Roger Williams accepted a commission as
captain for the defence of the town he had founded.
Walter Clarke was presently chosen governor in Coddington’s
place, the times not suiting a Quaker chief
magistrate.</p>

<p>The whole colony of Plymouth was overrun. Houses
were burned in almost every town, but the inhabitants,
for the most part, saved themselves in their garrisons, a
shelter with which all the towns now found it necessary
to be provided. On March 26 Captain Pierce, with
fifty men and some friendly Indians, while endeavoring
to cover the Plymouth towns, fell into an ambush and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">54</span>
was cut off. That same day, Marlborough was set on fire;
two days after Rehoboth was burned. The Indians seemed
to be everywhere. On April 18 Captain Wadsworth,
marching to the relief of Sudbury, fell into an ambush,
and perished with fifty men. The alarm and terror of
the colonists reached again a great height. But affairs
were about to take a turn. The resources of the Indians
were exhausted; they were now making their last efforts.</p>

<p>A body of Connecticut volunteers, under Captain Denison,
and of Mohegan and other friendly Indians, Pequots
and Niantics, swept the entire country of the Narragansets,
who suffered, as spring advanced, the last extremities
of famine. Canonchet, the chief sachem, said
to have been a son of Miantonimoh, but probably his
nephew, had ventured to his old haunts to procure seed-corn
with which to plant the rich intervals on the Connecticut,
abandoned by the colonists. Taken prisoner,
he conducted himself with all that haughty firmness esteemed
by the Indians the height of magnanimity. Being
offered his life on condition of bringing about a peace,
he scorned the proposal. His tribe would perish to the
last man rather than become servants to the English.
When ordered to prepare for death, he replied, “I like
it well; I shall die before my heart is soft, or I shall
have spoken anything unworthy of myself.” Two Indians
were appointed to shoot him, and his head was cut
off and sent to Hartford.</p>

<p>The colonists had suffered severely. Men, women,
and children had perished by the bullets of the Indians,
or fled naked through the wintry woods by the light of
their blazing houses, leaving their goods and cattle a
spoil to the assailants. Several settlements had been destroyed,
and many more had been abandoned; but the
oldest and wealthiest remained untouched. The Indians,
on the other hand, had neither provisions nor ammunition.
On May 12, while attempting to plant corn and
catch fish at Montague Falls, on the Connecticut River,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">55</span>
they were attacked with great slaughter by the garrison
of the lower towns, led by Captain Turner, a Boston Baptist,
and at first refused a commission on that account,
but as danger increased, pressed to accept it. Yet this
enterprise was not without its drawbacks. As the troops
returned, Captain Turner fell into an ambush and was
slain, with thirty-eight men. Hadley was attacked on a
lecture day, June 12, while the people were at meeting;
but the Indians were repulsed by the bravery of Goffe,
one of the fugitive regicides, long concealed in that town.
Seeing this venerable unknown man come to their rescue,
and then suddenly disappear, the inhabitants took him
for an angel.</p>

<p>Major Church, at the head of a body of two hundred
volunteers, English and Indians, energetically hunted
down the hostile bands in Plymouth colony. The interior
tribes about Mount Wachusett were invaded and subdued
by a force of six hundred men, raised for that purpose.
Many fled to the north to find refuge in Canada—guides
and leaders, in after years, of those French and
Indian war parties by which the frontiers of New England
were so terribly harassed. Just a year after the fast
at the commencement of the war, a thanksgiving was
observed for success in it.</p>

<p>No longer sheltered by the River Indians, who now began
to make their peace, and even attacked by bands of
the Mohawks, Philip returned to his own country, about
Mount Hope, where he was still faithfully supported by
his female confederate and relative, Witamo, squaw sachem
of Pocasset. Punham, also, the Shawomet vassal
of Massachusetts, still zealously carried on the war, but
was presently killed. Philip was watched and followed
by Church, who surprised his camp on August 1st, killed
upward of a hundred of his people, and took prisoners his
wife and boy. The disposal of this child was a subject
of much deliberation. Several of the elders were urgent
for putting him to death. It was finally resolved to send<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">56</span>
him to Bermuda, to be sold into slavery—a fate to which
many other of the Indian captives were subjected. Witamo
shared the disasters of Philip. Most of her people
were killed or taken. She herself was drowned while
crossing a river in her flight; but her body was recovered,
and the head, cut off, was stuck upon a pole at Taunton,
amid the jeers and scoffs of the colonial soldiers, and the
tears and lamentations of the Indian prisoners.</p>

<p>Philip still lurked in the swamps, but was now reduced
to extremity. Again attacked by Church, he was
killed by one of his own people, a deserter to the colonists.
His dead body was beheaded and quartered, the sentence
of the English law upon traitors. One of his hands was
given to the Indian who had shot him, and on August 17,
the day appointed for a public thanksgiving, his head
was carried in triumph to Plymouth.</p>

<p>The popular rage against the Indians was excessive.
Death or slavery was the penalty for all known or suspected
to have been concerned in shedding English blood.
Merely having been present at the “Swamp Fight” was
adjudged by the authorities of Rhode Island sufficient
foundation for sentence of death, and that, too, notwithstanding
they had intimated an opinion that the origin
of the war would not bear examination. The other captives
who fell into the hands of the colonists were distributed
among them as ten-year servants. Roger Williams
received a boy for his share. Many chiefs were
executed at Boston and Plymouth on the charge of rebellion;
among others, Captain Tom, chief of the Christian
Indians at Natick, and Tispiquin, a noted warrior,
reputed to be invulnerable, who had surrendered to
Church on an implied promise of safety. A large body
of Indians, assembled at Dover to treat of peace, were
treacherously made prisoners by Major Waldron, who
commanded there. Some two hundred of these Indians,
claimed as fugitives from Massachusetts, were sent by
water to Boston, where some were hanged, and the rest<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">57</span>
shipped off to be sold as slaves. Some fishermen of
Marblehead having been killed by the Indians at the
eastward, the women of that town, as they came out of
meeting on a Sunday, fell upon two Indian prisoners
who had just been brought in, and murdered them on
the spot. The same ferocious spirit of revenge which
governed the contemporaneous conduct of Berkeley in
Virginia toward those concerned in Bacon’s rebellion,
swayed the authorities of New England in their treatment
of the conquered Indians. By the end of the year
the contest was over in the South, upward of two thousand
Indians having been killed or taken. But some
time elapsed before a peace could be arranged with the
Eastern tribes, whose haunts it was not so easy to reach.</p>

<p>In this short war of hardly a year’s duration the
Wampanoags and Narragansets had suffered the fate of
the Pequots. The Niantics alone, under the guidance
of their aged sachem, Ninigret, had escaped destruction.
Philip’s country was annexed to Plymouth, though sixty
years afterward, under a royal order in council, it was
transferred to Rhode Island. The Narraganset territory
remained as before, under the name of King’s Province,
a bone of contention between Connecticut, Rhode Island,
the Marquis of Hamilton, and the Atherton claimants.
The Niantics still retained their ancient seats along the
southern shores of Narragansett Bay. Most of the surviving
Narragansets, the Nipmucks, and the River Indians,
abandoned their country, and migrated to the
North and West. Such as remained, along with the
Mohegans and other subject tribes, became more than
ever abject and subservient.</p>

<p>The work of conversion was now again renewed, and,
after such overwhelming proofs of Christian superiority,
with somewhat greater success. A second edition of the
Indian Old Testament, which seems to have been more
in demand than the New, was published in 1683, revised
by Eliot, with the assistance of John Cotton, son of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">58</span>
“great Cotton,” and minister of Plymouth. But not an
individual exists in our day by whom it can be understood.
The fragments of the subject tribes, broken in
spirit, lost the savage freedom and rude virtues of their
fathers, without acquiring the laborious industry of the
whites. Lands were assigned them in various places,
which they were prohibited by law from alienating. But
this very provision, though humanely intended, operated
to perpetuate their indolence and incapacity. Some
sought a more congenial occupation in the whale fishery,
which presently began to be carried on from the islands
of Nantucket and Martha’s Vineyard. Many perished
by enlisting in the military expeditions undertaken in
future years against Acadie and the West Indies. The
Indians intermarried with the blacks, and thus confirmed
their degradation by associating themselves with another
oppressed and unfortunate race. Gradually they dwindled
away. A few sailors and petty farmers, of mixed blood,
as much African as Indian, are now the sole surviving
representatives of the aboriginal possessors of southern
New England.</p>

<p>On the side of the colonists the contest had also been
very disastrous. Twelve or thirteen towns had been entirely
ruined, and many others partially destroyed. Six
hundred houses had been burned, near a tenth part of
all in New England. Twelve captains and more than
six hundred men in the prime of life had fallen in battle.
There was hardly a family not in mourning. The pecuniary
losses and expenses of the war were estimated
at near a million of dollars. Massachusetts was burdened
with a heavy debt. No aid nor relief seems to have come
from abroad, except a contribution from Ireland of £500
for the benefit of the sufferers by the war, chiefly collected
by the efforts of Nathaniel Mather, lately successor to his
brother Samuel as minister of the non-conformist congregation
at Dublin.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">59</span></p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN THE DEFEAT OF KING<br />
PHILIP, 1676, AND THE CAPTURE<br />
OF QUEBEC, 1759</h3>

<p>1676. Bacon’s Rebellion in Virginia against the government
of Sir William Berkeley.</p>

<p>1679. The Scottish Covenanters are defeated by the
Duke of Monmouth at Bothwell Bridge.</p>

<p>1681. William Penn obtains his patent from the English
Crown.</p>

<p>1682. Purchase of East Jersey by William Penn. He
takes possession of New Castle (Delaware) and founds
the Colony of Pennsylvania. La Salle descends the
Mississippi to its mouth.</p>

<p>1684. The charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company
is declared forfeited to the English Crown.</p>

<p>1685. James II. succeeds his brother, Charles II., as
King of England. Insurrection of the Earl of Argyll and
the Duke of Monmouth. Defeat of Monmouth at Sedgemoor;
his execution.</p>

<p>1686. Sir Edmund Andros is made Governor of New
England.</p>

<p>1688. William of Orange lands in England; flight of
James II.</p>

<p>1689. William and Mary are proclaimed King and
Queen of England. England declares war against France.
Victory of the Scottish Jacobites at Killiecrankie. Overthrow
of Andros in New England. Beginning of King
William’s War in America.</p>

<p>1690. The Orangemen in Ireland win the battle of the
Boyne. Destruction of Schenectady by the French and
Indians. Sir William Phips, commanding a New England
expedition, captures Port Royal, and later makes a fruitless
demonstration against Quebec.</p>

<p>1691. The Jacobites are overcome in Scotland. Surrender<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">60</span>
of Limerick, the last stronghold of James II. in
Ireland.</p>

<p>1692. Union of the Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies.
Witchcraft delusion at Salem.</p>

<p>1693. The French Admiral Tourville defeats the English
fleet off Cape St. Vincent.</p>

<p>1697. France makes peace at Ryswick with Holland,
Spain, and England. Close of King William’s War in
America.</p>

<p>1699. The French begin the settlement of Louisiana.</p>

<p>1701. Beginning of the War of the Spanish Succession.</p>

<p>1702. Death of William III. and accession of Queen
Anne. Successful campaign of Churchill (Marlborough)
in the Netherlands. Naval triumph of the English and
Dutch over the Spanish and French at Vigo. Queen
Anne’s War in America. French settlement in Alabama.</p>

<p>1704. The English are victorious over the French at
the battle of Blenheim. Capture of Gibraltar by the English.
Massacre of white settlers by the Indians at Deerfield,
Massachusetts.</p>

<p>1706. Marlborough defeats the French and Bavarians
at the battle of Ramillies.</p>

<p>1708. Victory of Marlborough and Prince Eugene, at
Oudenarde, over the Dukes of Burgundy and Vendôme.</p>

<p>1711. Unsuccessful expedition of the English and New
England forces under Walker against Canada.</p>

<p>1713. Treaty of Utrecht. Close of Queen Anne’s War in
America. Acadia (Nova Scotia, etc.) ceded to England by
France, which also restores the Hudson Bay region. The
power of the Tuscarora Indians broken by the Carolinians.</p>

<p>1714. George I., Elector of Hanover, succeeds to the
English Crown.</p>

<p>1715. Rebellion in Scotland and in the North of England
in favor of James Edward Stuart, the Jacobite pretender.</p>

<p>1718. French settlement of New Orleans.</p>

<p>1720. Failure of Law’s Mississippi scheme in France.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">61</span>
1722. Establishment of the Moravian settlement in
Pennsylvania under Count Zinzendorf.</p>

<p>1727. Accession of George II.</p>

<p>1728. Discovery of Behring’s Strait.</p>

<p>1729. Carolina, purchased by the English Crown, is
divided into the royal provinces of North and South
Carolina.</p>

<p>1730. Baltimore is laid out.</p>

<p>1732. Oglethorpe embarks from England to establish
a settlement in Georgia.</p>

<p>1733. Founding of Savannah.</p>

<p>1741. New Hampshire is finally separated from Massachusetts.</p>

<p>1744. Beginning of King George’s War in America. The
French capture Canseau (afterward Canso), and are repulsed
at Annapolis.</p>

<p>1745. Jacobite rising in Scotland. Charles Edward,
the young Pretender, is victorious at Prestonpans. The
New England troops, under Sir William Pepperell, reduce
the French fortress of Louisburg.</p>

<p>1746. Jacobite defeat at Culloden.</p>

<p>1748. The Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle terminates the
War of the Austrian Succession and King George’s War
in America. Louisburg restored to France.</p>

<p>1749. The Ohio Company receives its grant from
George II.</p>

<p>1753. Friction between French and Americans on
tributaries of the Alleghany, along American western
frontier. Washington’s vain protest against the French
seizure of Venango.</p>

<p>1754. Beginning of the French and Indian War in
America. Washington’s attack upon Jumonville, near
Great Meadows, the first action. The French compel
Washington to capitulate at Fort Necessity.</p>

<p>1755. Braddock’s expedition against Fort Duquesne
and his disastrous defeat. Abortive expeditions by the
English against Niagara and Crown Point.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">62</span>
1756. Formal declaration of hostilities between France
and England, and beginning of the Seven Years’ War.
Capture of Oswego by the French.</p>

<p>1757. Montcalm takes Fort William Henry on Lake
George.</p>

<p>1758. Victory of Montcalm at Ticonderoga. Reduction
of Louisburg, and capture of Forts Frontenac and
Duquesne by the English.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">63</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="V" class="vspace">V<br />

<span id="t_6" class="subhead">THE FALL OF QUEBEC, 1759</span></h2>
</div>

<blockquote>

<p>[The visits of Breton fishermen to Newfoundland in the early
sixteenth century, the voyages of Cartier to the St. Lawrence in
1534 and 1541–43, the foundation of Port Royal in Acadia in 1605,
and of Quebec by Champlain in 1608, were the beginnings of a
French occupancy of the northern and central portions of North
America which led inevitably to conflict with England and the
American colonists. The title based upon Marquette’s discovery
of the Mississippi in 1673, and La Salle’s exploration and claim to
the whole vast valley in 1682, would have confined the English to
the Atlantic seaboard. The contact between the wholly different
types represented in English and French colonization caused friction
which became acute when King William’s War broke out in
1689. The eight years of that war, with its profitless capture of
Port Royal, Nova Scotia, were followed by Queen Anne’s War,
1702–13, and King George’s War, 1744–48, and the interval after
the Treaty of Utrecht was a truce rather than peace. The French
were strengthening their hold along the western frontier of the
English colonists, at Fort Duquesne, and elsewhere. Braddock’s
defeat in 1755, and attacks upon Crown Point and Niagara, preceded
the formal declaration of hostilities between France and
England in 1756, the beginning of the Seven Years’ War, involving
nearly all Europe, with England and Prussia facing Russia,
France, Austria, Sweden, and Saxony. In America, in 1756–57,
the incompetency of Loudon and Abercrombie, the dilatory preparations
to attack Louisburg, and Montcalm’s capture of Fort
William Henry, made the first stage of the war a gloomy one. But
Pitt’s entrance into the British cabinet as Secretary of State
brought an intelligent and active prosecution of the war. The
next year, 1758, witnessed the capture of Fort Frontenac on
Ontario, Fort Duquesne, and Louisburg by the English and
American forces.—<span class="smcap">Editor.</span>]</p></blockquote>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> British Parliament met late in November, 1758,
at a time when the nation was aglow with enthusiasm
over the successes of the year—Louisburg and Frontenac<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">64</span>
in North America, and the driving of the French from the
Guinea coast as the result of battles at Sénégal (May) and
Gorée (November).<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> The war was proving far more
costly than had been anticipated, yet Pitt rigidly held the
country to the task; but not against its will, and the
necessary funds were freely voted. Walpole wrote to a
friend: “Our unanimity is prodigious. You would as
soon hear ‘No’ from an old maid as from the House of
Commons.” The preparations for the new year were on
a much larger scale than before; both by land and sea
France was to be pushed to the uttermost, and the warlike
spirit of Great Britain seemed wrought to the highest
pitch.</p>

<p>The new French premier, Choiseul, was himself not
lacking in activity. He renewed with vigor the project
of invading Great Britain, preparations therefor being
evident quite early in the year 1759. Fifty thousand men
were to land in England, and twelve thousand in Scotland,
where the Stuart cause still lingered. But as usual
the effort came to naught. The Toulon squadron was to
co-operate with one from Brest; Boscawen, who now
commanded the Mediterranean fleet, apprehended the
former while trying to escape through the Straits of
Gibraltar in a thick haze (August 17), and after destroying
several of the ships dispersed the others; while
Sir Edward Hawke annihilated the Brest fleet in a brilliant
sea-fight off Quiberon Bay (November 20).<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> Relieved
of the possibility of insular invasion, the Channel and
Mediterranean squadrons were now free to raid French
commerce, patrol French ports, and thus intercept communication
with New France, and to harry French—and,
later, Spanish—colonies overseas.</p>

<div id="ip_64" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 50em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_089.jpg" width="800" height="509" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><p>PROGRESS OF FRENCH DISCOVERY IN THE INTERIOR 1600–1762</p>
  <span class="browser center small"><a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_089f.jpg">(FULL SIZE)</a></span>
</div></div>

<div class="epub">
<div id="ip_64b" class="figcenter">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_089l.jpg" width="800" height="1000" alt="" /></div>

<div id="ip_64c" class="figcenter">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_089r.jpg" width="800" height="1000" alt="" /></div>
</div>

<p>In 1757 Clive had regained Calcutta and won Bengal
at the famous battle of Plassey. Two years thereafter
the East Indian seas were abandoned by the French after<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">65<a class="hidep" id="Page_66">66</a></span>
three decisive actions won by Pitt’s valiant seamen, and
India thus became a permanent possession of the British
empire.<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> In January, 1759, also, the British captured
Guadeloupe, in the West Indies.<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> Lacking sea power, it
was impossible for France much longer to hold her colonies;
it was but a question of time when the remainder
should fall into the clutches of the mistress of the
ocean.</p>

<p>Notwithstanding all this naval activity, Pitt’s principal
operations were really centred against Canada. The
movement thither was to be along two lines, which eventually
were to meet in co-operation. First, a direct attack
was to be made upon Quebec, headed by Wolfe, who was
to be convoyed and assisted by a fleet under the command
of Admiral Saunders; second, Amherst—now commander-in-chief
in America, Abercrombie having been
recalled—was to penetrate Canada by way of Lakes
George and Champlain. He was to join Wolfe at Quebec,
but was authorized to make such diversions as he found
practicable—principally to re-establish Oswego and to
relieve Pittsburg (Fort Duquesne) with reinforcements
and supplies.</p>

<p>Wolfe’s selection as leader of the Quebec expedition
occasioned general surprise in England. Yet it was in
the natural course of events. He had been the life of the
Louisburg campaign of the year before, and when Amherst
was expressing the desire of attacking Quebec after
the reduction of Cape Breton he wrote to the latter: “An
offensive, daring kind of war will awe the Indians and
ruin the French. Block-houses and a trembling defensive
encourage the meanest scoundrels to attack us. If you
will attempt to cut up New France by the roots, I will
come with pleasure to assist.”<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a></p>

<p>Wolfe, whose family enjoyed some influence, had attained
a captaincy at the age of seventeen and became a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">67</span>
major at twenty. He was now thirty-two, a major-general,
and with an excellent fighting record both in Flanders
and America. Quiet and modest in demeanor, although
occasionally using excitable and ill-guarded language, he
was a refined and educated gentleman; careful of and
beloved by his troops, yet a stern disciplinarian; and
although frail in body, and often overcome by rheumatism
and other ailments, capable of great strain when
buoyed by the zeal which was one of his characteristics.
The majority of his portraits represent a tall, lank, ungainly
form, with a singularly weak facial profile; but it
is likely that these belie him, for he had an indubitable
spirit, a profound mind, quick intuition, a charming manner,
and was much thought of by women. Indeed, just
before sailing, he had become engaged to the beautiful
and charming Katharine Lowther, sister of Lord Lonsdale,
and afterward the Duchess of Bolton.<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a></p>

<p>On February 17 Wolfe departed with Saunders’ fleet
of twenty-one sail, bearing the king’s secret instructions
to “carry into execution the said important operation
with the utmost application and vigor.”<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> The voyage
was protracted, and after arrival at Louisburg he was
obliged to wait long before the promised troops appeared.
He had expected regiments from Guadeloupe, but these
could not yet be spared, owing to their wretched condition;
and the Nova Scotia garrisons had also been weakened
by disease, so that of the twelve thousand agreed
upon he finally could muster somewhat under nine
thousand.<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> These were of the best quality of their kind;
although the general still entertained a low opinion of
the value of the provincials, who, it must be admitted,
were, however serviceable in bush-ranging, far below the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">68</span>
efficiency of the regulars in a campaign of this character.
The force was divided into three brigades, under Monckton,
Townsend, and Murray, young men of ability; although
Townsend’s supercilious manner—the fruit of a
superior social connection—did not endear him either to
his men or his colleagues.</p>

<p>On June 1 the fleet began to leave Louisburg. There
were thirty-nine men-of-war, ten auxiliaries, seventy-six
transports, and a hundred and sixty-two miscellaneous
craft, which were manned by thirteen thousand naval
seamen and five thousand of the mercantile marine—an
aggregate of eighteen thousand, or twice as many as the
landsmen under Wolfe.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> While to the latter is commonly
given credit for the result, it must not be forgotten that
the victory was quite as much due to the skilful management
of the navy as to that of the army, the expedition
being in all respects a joint enterprise, into which the
men of both branches of the service entered with intense
enthusiasm.</p>

<p>The French had placed much reliance on the supposed
impossibility of great battle-ships being successfully navigated
up the St. Lawrence above the mouth of the
Saguenay without the most careful piloting. This portion
of the river, a hundred and twenty miles in length,
certainly is intricate water, being streaked with perplexing
currents created by the mingling of the river’s strong
flow with the flood and ebb of the tide; the great stream
is diverted into two parallel channels by reefs and islands,
and there are numerous shoals—moreover, the French
had removed all lights and other aids to navigation. But
British sailors laughed at difficulties such as these, and,
while they managed to capture a pilot, had small use for
him, preferring their own cautious methods. Preceded
by a crescent of sounding-boats, officered by Captain
James Cook, afterward of glorious memory as a pathfinder,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">69</span>
the fleet advanced slowly but safely, its approach
heralded by beacons gleaming nightly to the fore, upon
the rounded hill-tops overlooking the long thin line of
riverside settlement which extended eastward from Quebec
to the Saguenay.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a></p>

<p>The French had at first expected attacks only from
Lake Ontario and from the south. But receiving early
tidings of Wolfe’s expedition, through convoys with supplies
from France that had escaped Saunders’ patrol of
the gulf, general alarm prevailed, and Montcalm decided
to make his stand at Quebec. To the last he appears to
have shared in the popular delusion that British men-of-war
could not ascend the river; nevertheless, he promptly
summoned to the capital the greater part of the militia
from all sections of Canada, save that a thousand whites
and savages were left with Pouchot to defend Niagara,
twelve hundred men under De la Corne to guard Lake
Ontario, and Bourlamaque, with upward of three thousand,
was ordered to delay Amherst’s advance and thus
prevent him from joining Wolfe. The population of
Canada at the time was about eighty-five thousand souls,
and of these perhaps twenty-two thousand were capable
of bearing arms.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> The force now gathered in and about
Quebec aggregated about seventeen thousand, of whom
some ten thousand were militia, four thousand regulars
of the line, and a thousand each of colonial regulars, seamen,
and Indians; of these two thousand were reserved
for the garrison of Quebec, under De Ramezay, while the
remainder were at the disposal of Montcalm for the
general defence.<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a></p>

<p>The “rock of Quebec” is the northeast end of a long,
narrow triangular promontory, to the north of which lies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">70</span>
the valley of the St. Charles and to the south that of the
St. Lawrence. The acclivity on the St. Charles side is
lower and less steep than the cliffs fringing the St. Lawrence,
which rise almost precipitously from two to three
hundred feet above the river—the citadel cliff being three
hundred and forty-five feet, almost sheer. Either side
of the promontory was easily defensible from assault, the
table-land being only reached by steep and narrow paths.
Surmounting the cliffs, at the apex of the triangle, was
Upper Town, the capital of New France. Batteries, largely
manned by sailors, lined the cliff-tops within the town,
and the western base, fronting the Plains of Abraham,
was protected by fifteen hundred yards of insecure wall—for,
after all, Quebec had, despite the money spent
upon it, never been scientifically fortified, its commanders
having from the first relied chiefly upon its natural position
as a stronghold.</p>

<p>At the base of the promontory, on the St. Lawrence
side, is a wide beach occupied by Lower Town, where were
the market, the commercial warehouses, a large share of
the business establishments, and the homes of the trading
and laboring classes. A narrow strand, little more than
the width of a roadway, extended along the base of the
cliffs westward, communicating with the up-river country;
another road led westward along the table-land above.
Thus the city obtained its supplies from the interior both
by highway and by river.</p>

<div id="ip_70" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 31.6875em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_095.jpg" width="507" height="337" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM ON THE MORNING OF THE BATTLE</div></div>

<p>Entrance to the St. Charles side of the promontory had
been blocked by booms at the mouth of that river, protected
by strong redoubts; and off Lower Town was a
line of floating batteries. Beyond the St. Charles, for
a distance of seven miles eastward to the gorge of the
Montmorenci, Montcalm disposed the greater part of his
forces, his position being a plain naturally protected by
a steep slope descending to the meadow and tidal flats
which here margin the St. Lawrence. This plain rises
gradually from the St. Charles, until at the Montmorenci<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">71</span>
cataract it attains a height of three hundred feet, and
along the summit of the slope were well-devised trenches.
The gorge furnished a strong natural defence to the left
wing, for it could be forded only in the dense forest at a
considerable distance above the falls, and to force this
approach would have been to invite an ambuscade.
Wolfe contented himself, therefore, with intrenching a
considerable force along the eastern bank of the gorge,
and thence issuing for frontal attacks on the Beauport
Flats—so called from the name of the village midway.
Montcalm had chosen this as the chief line of defence,
on the theory that the approach by the St. Charles would
be the one selected by the invaders; as, indeed, it long
seemed to Wolfe the only possible path to the works of
Upper Town.</p>

<p>Westward of the city, upon the table-land, Bougainville
headed a corps of observation, supposed continually
to patrol the St. Lawrence cliff-tops and keep communications
open with the interior; but this precaution failed
in the hour of need. The height of Point Lévis, across
the river from the town, on the south bank, was unoccupied.
Montcalm had wished to fortify this vantage-point,
and thus block the river from both sides, but Vaudreuil
had overruled him, and the result was fatal. Other weak
points in the defence were divided command and the
scarcity of food and ammunition, occasioned largely by
Bigot’s rapacious knavery.</p>

<p>On June 26 the British fleet anchored off the Isle of
Orleans, thus dissipating the fond hopes of the French
that some disaster might prevent its approach. Three
days later Wolfe’s men, now encamped on the island at
a safe distance from Montcalm’s guns, made an easy capture
of Point Lévis, and there erected batteries which
commanded the town. British ships were, in consequence,
soon able to pass Quebec, under cover of the
Point Lévis guns, and destroy some of the French shipping
anchored in the upper basin; while landing parties<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">72</span>
harried the country to the west, forcing <em>habitants</em> to
neutrality and intercepting supplies. Frequently the
British forces were, upon these various enterprises, divided
into three or four isolated divisions, which might
have been roughly handled by a venturesome foe. But
Montcalm rigidly maintained the policy of defence, his
only offensive operations being the unsuccessful dispatch
of fire-ships against the invading fleet.</p>

<p>On his part, Wolfe made several futile attacks upon
the Beauport redoubts. The position was, however, too
strong for him to master, and in one assault (July 31) he
lost half of his landing party—nearly five hundred killed,
wounded, and missing.<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> This continued ill-success fretted
Wolfe and at last quite disheartened him, for the season
was rapidly wearing on, and winter sets in early at Quebec;
moreover, nothing had yet been heard of Amherst. There
was, indeed, some talk of waiting until another season.
However, more and more British ships worked their way
past the fort, and, by making frequent feints of landing
at widely separated points, caused Bougainville great
annoyance. Montcalm was accordingly obliged to weaken
his lower forces by sending reinforcements to the plains
west of the city. Thus, while Wolfe was pining, French
uneasiness was growing, for the British were now intercepting
supplies and reinforcements from both above and
below, and Bougainville’s men were growing weary of
constantly patrolling fifteen or twenty miles of cliffs.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile, let us see how Amherst was faring. At the
end of June the general assembled five thousand provincials
and sixty-five hundred regulars at the head of Lake
George. He had previously dispatched Brigadier Prideaux
with five thousand regulars and provincials to reduce<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">73</span>
Niagara, and Brigadier Stanwix, who had been of
Bradstreet’s party the year before, to succor Pittsburg,
now in imminent danger from French bush-rangers and
Indians who were swarming at Presque Isle, Le Bœuf,
and Venango.</p>

<p>Amherst himself moved slowly, it being July 21 before
the army started northward upon the lake. Bourlamaque,
whose sole purpose was to delay the British
advance, lay at Ticonderoga with thirty-five hundred
men, but on the twenty-sixth he blew up the fort and
retreated in good order to Crown Point. On the British
approaching that post he again fell back, this time to a
strong position at Isle aux Noix, at the outlet of Lake
Champlain, where, wrote Bourlamaque to a friend, “we
are entrenched to the teeth, and armed with a hundred
pieces of cannon.”<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> Amherst now deeming vessels essential,
yet lacking ship-carpenters, it was the middle of
September before his little navy was ready, and then he
thought the season too far advanced for further operations.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a>
Amherst’s advance had, however, induced Montcalm
to defend Montreal, Lévis having been dispatched
thither for this purpose.</p>

<p>Prideaux, advancing up the Mohawk, proceeded to
Oswego, where he left half of his men to cover his retreat,
and then sailed to Niagara. Slain by accident during the
siege, his place was taken by Sir William Johnson, the
Indian commander, who pushed the work with vigor.
Suddenly confronted by a French force of thirteen hundred
rangers and savages from the West, who had been
deflected thither from a proposed attack on Pittsburg,
with the view of recovering that fort, Johnson completely
vanquished them (July 24). The discomfited crew
burned their posts in that region and retreated precipitately<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">74</span>
to Detroit. The following day Niagara surrendered,
and thus, with Pittsburg also saved, the West was
entirely cut off from Canada, and the upper Ohio Valley
was placed in British hands. The work of Stanwix having
been accomplished by Johnson, the former, who had
been greatly delayed by transport difficulties, advanced
as promptly as possible to the Forks of the Ohio, and in
the place of the old French works built the modernized
stronghold of Fort Pitt.<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a></p>

<p>On August 20, Wolfe fell seriously ill. Both he and
the army were discouraged. The casualties had thus far
been over eight hundred men, and disease had cut a wide
swath through the ranks. Desperate, he at last accepted
the counsel of his officers, that a landing be attempted
above the town, supplies definitively cut off from Montreal,
and Montcalm forced to fight or surrender. From
September 3 to 12, Wolfe, arisen from his bed but still
weak, quietly withdrew his troops from the Montmorenci
camp and transported them in vessels which successfully
passed through a heavy cannonading from the
fort to safe anchorage in the upper basin. Reinforcements
marching along the southern bank, from Point
Lévis, soon joined their comrades aboard the ships. For
several days this portion of the fleet regularly floated up
and down the river above Quebec, with the changing tide,
thus wearing out Bougainville’s men, who in great perplexity
followed the enemy along the cliff-tops, through
a beat of several leagues, until from sheer exhaustion they
at last became careless.</p>

<p>On the evening of September 12, Saunders—whose admirable
handling of the fleet deserves equal recognition
with the services of Wolfe—commenced a heavy bombardment
of the Beauport lines, and feigned a general
landing at that place. Montcalm, not knowing that the
majority of the British were by this time above the town,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">75</span>
and deceived as to his enemy’s real intent, hurried to
Beauport the bulk of his troops, save those necessary for
Bougainville’s rear guard. Meanwhile, however, Wolfe
was preparing for his desperate attempt several miles up
the river.</p>

<p>Before daylight the following morning (September
13), thirty boats containing seventeen hundred picked
men, with Wolfe at their head, floated down the stream
under the dark shadow of the apparently insurmountable
cliffs. They were challenged by sentinels along the
shore; but, by pretending to be a provision convoy which
had been expected from up-country, suspicion was disarmed.
About two miles above Quebec they landed at
an indentation then known as Anse du Foulon, but
now called Wolfe’s
Cove. From the
narrow beach a
small, winding
path, sighted by
Wolfe two days
before, led up
through the trees
and underbrush to
the Plains of Abraham.
The climbing
party of twenty-four
infantrymen
found the path obstructed by an abatis and trenches;
but, nothing daunted, they clambered up the height of
two hundred feet by the aid of stunted shrubs, reached
the top, overcame the weak and cowardly guard of a
hundred men, made way for their comrades, and by sunrise
forty-five hundred men of the British army were
drawn up across the plateau before the walls of Quebec.<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></p>

<div id="ip_75" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 25em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_101.jpg" width="400" height="245" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">SIEGE OF QUEBEC</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">76</span>
Montcalm, ten miles away on the other side of the St.
Charles, was amazed at the daring feat, but by nine
o’clock had massed his troops and confronted his enemy.
The battle was brief but desperate. The intrepid Wolfe
fell on the field—“the only British general,” declared
Horace Walpole, “belonging to the reign of George the
Second who can be said to have earned a lasting reputation.”<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a>
Montcalm, mortally wounded, was carried by
his fleeing comrades within the city, where he died before
morning. During the seven hours’ battle the British
had lost forty-eight killed and five hundred and ninety-seven
wounded, about twenty per cent. of the firing-line;
the French lost about twelve hundred killed, wounded,
and prisoners, of whom perhaps a fourth were killed.<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a></p>

<p>Tom by disorder, the militia mutinous, the walls in
ruins from the cannonading of the British fleet, and Vaudreuil
and his fellows fleeing to the interior, the helpless
garrison of Quebec surrendered, September 17, the British
troops entering the following day. The English flag now
floated over the citadel, and soon there was great rejoicing
throughout Great Britain and her American colonies;
and well there might be, for the affair on the Plains
of Abraham was one of the most heroic and far-reaching
achievements ever wrought by Englishmen in any land
or sea.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">77</span></p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN THE CAPTURE OF<br />
QUEBEC, 1759, AND THE BATTLE<br />
OF BUNKER HILL, 1775</h3>

<p>1760. Accession of George III. to throne of England.
The English capture Montreal.</p>

<p>1761. American commerce and industry closely restricted
by enforcement of navigation laws, acts of trade,
and writs of assistance. Protests of James Otis and
Patrick Henry.</p>

<p>1762. England declares war against Spain and captures
Havana.</p>

<p>1763. Treaty of Paris, and cession of Canada to England.</p>

<p>1765. Passage of the Stamp Act by the British Parliament,
followed by American protests.</p>

<p>1766. Repeal of the Stamp Act.</p>

<p>1767. The British Parliament, by the Townshend Acts,
imposes duties on paper, glass, tea, etc., imported into
America.</p>

<p>1769. Massachusetts House of Representatives refuses
to pay for quartering British troops. Defeat of Paoli
and subjection of Corsica by the French.</p>

<p>1770. “Boston Massacre”—British soldiers, provoked
by citizens, kill three and wound several.</p>

<p>1772. First partition of Poland between Russia, Austria,
and Prussia. Samuel Adams actively advocates independence
in Boston. British ship, the <i>Gaspee</i>, burned
by Rhode Islanders. Virginia Assembly appoints Committee
of Correspondence to keep in touch with other
colonies.</p>

<p>1773. “Boston Tea-party”—taxed tea from England
thrown overboard in Boston harbor by disguised Americans.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">78</span>
1774. Five oppressive Acts, including Boston Port
Bill, passed by British Parliament. General Gage, commissioned
as Governor, comes to Boston with additional
British troops. A Congress meets in Philadelphia, with
delegates from all colonies except Georgia, and issues a
“Declaration of Rights,” frames Articles of Association,
and indorses opposition of Massachusetts to the Oppressive
Acts of Parliament.</p>

<p>1775. General Gage sends troops to destroy supplies
gathered at Concord. Battles of Lexington and Concord.
North Carolina the first to instruct delegates to Congress
for independence. Battle of Bunker Hill. Seizure of
Ticonderoga and occupation of Crown Point by Americans.
Washington takes command of the army at Cambridge.
The Americans capture Montreal. Arnold repulsed
at Quebec and Montgomery killed.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">79</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="VI" class="vspace">VI<br />

<span id="t_7" class="subhead">CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION</span></h2>
</div>

<h3>I</h3>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Not</span> a clause in the Declaration of Independence sets
forth the real and underlying cause of the American
Revolution. The attention of its writer was bent upon
recent events, and he dwelt only upon the immediate
reasons for throwing off allegiance to the British government.
In the dark of the storm already upon them, the
men of the time could hardly look with clear vision back
to ultimate causes. They could not see that the English
kings had planted the seeds of the Revolution when, in
their zeal to get America colonized, they had granted such
political and religious privileges as tempted the radicals
and dissenters of the time to migrate to America. Only
historical research could reveal the fact that from the
year 1620 the English government had been systematically
stocking the colonies with dissenters and retaining
in England the conformers. The tendency of colonization
was to leave the conservatives in England, thus
relatively increasing the conservative force at home, while
the radicals went to America to fortify the radical political
philosophy there. Thus England lost part of her potentiality
for political development.</p>

<p>Not only were radicals constantly settling in the colonies,
because of the privileges granted them there, but
the Crown neglected to enforce in the colonies the same
regulations that it enforced at home. The Act of Uniformity
was not extended to the colonies, though rigidly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">80</span>
enforced in England; the viceregal officers, the governors,
permitted themselves again and again to be browbeaten
and disobeyed by the colonial legislatures;<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> and even the
king himself had allowed Massachusetts (1635) to overreach
him by not giving up her charter.<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a></p>

<p>After a century of great laxity toward the colonies—a
century in which the colonists were favored by political
privileges shared by no other people of that age; after the
environment had established new social conditions, and
remoteness and isolation had created a local and individual
hatred of restraint; after the absence of traditions
had made possible the institution of representation by
population, and self-government had taken on a new
meaning in the world; after a great gulf had been fixed
between the social, political, and economic institutions
of the two parts of the British empire—only then did the
British government enter upon a policy intended to make
the empire a unity.<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a></p>

<p>Independence had long existed in spirit in most of the
essential matters of colonial life, and the British government
had only to seek to establish its power over the
colonies in order to arouse a desire for formal independence.
The transition in England, therefore, to an imperial
ideal, about the middle of the eighteenth century,
doubtless caused the rending of the empire. Walpole and
Newcastle, whose administrations had just preceded the
reign of George III., had let the colonies alone, and thus
aided the colonial at the expense of the imperial idea;
while their successors, Grenville and Townshend, ruling
not wisely but too well, forced the colonists to realize that
they cared more for America than for England.</p>

<p>The time had come, though these ministers failed to
see it, when the union of Great Britain with her colonies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">81</span>
depended on the offspring’s disposition toward the
mother-country. Good feeling would preserve the union,
but dissatisfaction would make even forcible control impossible.
Social and political and economic ties still
bound the colonists to the home land, but these were
weak ties as compared with an irrepressible desire for
self-growth. The expression of their political ideals unrestrained
by the conservatism of the parent was a desired
end to which they strove, almost unconscious of
their object.</p>

<p>To understand the American Revolution, therefore,
several facts must be clearly in mind—first, that Great
Britain had for one hundred and fifty years been growing
to the dignity of an empire, and that the thirteen
colonies were a considerable part of that empire; second,
the colonies had interests of their own which were not
favored by the growing size and strength of the empire.
They were advancing to new political ideals faster than
the mother-country. Their economic interests were becoming
differentiated from those of England. They were
coming to have wants and ambitions and hopes of their
own quite distinct from those of Great Britain.</p>

<p>At the fatal time when the independent spirit of America
had grown assertive, the politically active part of the
British people began unconsciously to favor an imperial
policy, which their ministers suggested, and which to
them seemed the very essence of sound reasoning and
good government. They approved of the proposed creation
of executives who should be independent of the dictation
of the colonial assemblies. There were also to be
new administrative organs having power to enforce the
colonial trade regulations; and the defensive system of
the colonies was to be improved by a force of regular
troops, which was in part to be supported by colonial
taxes.</p>

<p>In order to accomplish these objects, the king’s new
minister, the assiduous Grenville, who knew the law better<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">82</span>
than the maxims of statesmanship, induced Parliament,
in March, 1764, to resolve upon “certain stamp
duties” for the colonies. A year later the “Gentle Shepherd,”
as Pitt had dubbed him, proved his watchfulness
by getting a stamp act passed,<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> which, though nearly a
duplicate of one in force in England, and like one of
Massachusetts’ own laws, nevertheless aroused every
colony to violent wrath.</p>

<p>This sudden flame of colonial passion rose from the
embers of discontent with Grenville’s policy of enforcing
the trade or navigation laws—those restrictions upon
colonial industries and commerce which were the outgrowth
of a protective commercial policy which England
had begun even before the discovery of America.<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> As
the colonies grew they began to be regarded as a source
of wealth to the mother-country; and, at the same time
that bounties were given them for raising commodities
desired by England, restrictions were placed upon American
trade.<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> When the settlers of the northern and middle
colonies began manufacturing for themselves, their
industry no sooner interfered with English manufactures
than a law was passed to prevent the exportation of the
production and to limit the industry itself. This system
of restrictions, though it necessarily established a real
opposition of interest between America and England,
does not seem on the whole to have been to the disadvantage
of the colonies;<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> nor was the English colonial
system a whit more severe than that of other European
countries.</p>

<p>In 1733, however, the Molasses Act went into effect,<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">83</span>
and, had it been enforced, would have been a serious
detriment to American interests. It not only aimed to
stop the thriving colonial trade with the Dutch, French,
and Spanish West Indies, but was intended to aid English
planters in the British West Indies by laying a prohibitive
duty on imported foreign sugar and molasses. It was not
enforced, however, for the customs officials, by giving
fraudulent clearances, acted in collusion with the colonial
importers in evading the law; but, in 1761, during the war
with France, the thrifty colonists carried on an illegal
trade with the enemy, and Pitt demanded that the restrictive
laws be enforced.</p>

<p>The difficulty of enforcing was great, for it was hard
to seize the smuggled goods, and harder still to convict
the smuggler in the colonial courts. Search-warrants
were impracticable, because the legal manner of using
them made the informer’s name public, and the law was
unable to protect him from the anger of a community
fully in sympathy with the smugglers. The only feasible
way to put down this unpatriotic trade with the enemy
was to resort to “writs of assistance,” which would give
the customs officers a right to search for smuggled goods
in any house they pleased.<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> Such warrants were legal,
had been used in America, and were frequently used in
England;<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> yet so highly developed was the American love
of personal liberty that when James Otis, a Boston lawyer,
resisted by an impassioned speech the issue of such
writs his arguments met universal approval.<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> In perfect
good faith he argued, after the manner of the ancient
law-writers, that Parliament could not legalize tyranny,
ignoring the historical fact that since the revolution of
1688 an act of Parliament was the highest guarantee of
right, and Parliament the sovereign and supreme power.
Nevertheless, the popularity of Otis’ argument showed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">84</span>
what America believed, and pointed very plainly the
path of wise statesmanship.</p>

<p>When, in 1763, the Pontiac Indian rebellion endangered
the whole West and made necessary a force of soldiers
in Canada, Grenville, in spite of the recent warning,
determined that the colonies should share the burden
which was rapidly increasing in England. He lowered
the sugar and molasses duties,<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> and set out to enforce
their collection by every lawful means. The trouble
which resulted developed more quickly in Massachusetts,
because its harsh climate and sterile soil drove it to a
carrying-trade, and the enforced navigation laws were
thought to threaten its ruin. It was while American
economic affairs were in this condition that Grenville
rashly aggravated the discontent by the passage of his
Stamp Act.</p>

<p>As the resistance of the colonies to this taxation led
straight to open war and final independence, it will be
worth while to look rather closely at the stamp tax, and
at the subject of representation, which was at once linked
with it. The terms of the Stamp Act are not of great
importance, because, though it did have at least one bad
feature as a law, the whole opposition was on the ground
that there should be no taxation whatever without representation.
It made no difference to its enemies that the
money obtained by the sale of stamps was to stay in
America to support the soldiers needed for colonial protection.
Nothing would appease them while the taxing
body contained no representatives of their own choosing.</p>

<p>To attain this right, they made their fight upon legal
and historical grounds—the least favorable they could
have chosen. They declared that, under the British
constitution, there could be no taxation except by persons
known and voted for by the persons taxed. The
wisest men seemed not to see the kernel of the dispute.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">85</span>
A very real danger threatened the colonies—subject as
they were to a body unsympathetic with the political and
economic conditions in which they were living—but they
had no legal safeguard.<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> They must either sever the
existing constitutional bond or get Parliament of its
own will to limit its power over the colonies. All unwittingly
the opponents of the Stamp Act were struggling
with a problem that could be solved only by revolution.</p>

<p>Two great fundamental questions were at issue: Should
there be a British empire ruled by Parliament in all its
parts, either in England or oversea? or should Parliament
govern at home, and the colonial assemblies in America,
with only a federal bond to unite them? Should the English
understanding of representation be imposed upon
the colonies? or should America’s institution triumph in
its own home? If there was to be a successful imperial
system, Parliament must have the power to tax all parts
of the empire. It was of no use to plead that Parliament
had never taxed the colonies before, for, as Doctor Johnson
wrote, “We do not put a calf into the plough: we
wait till it is an ox.”<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> The colonies were strong enough
to stand taxation now, and the reasonable dispute must
be as to the manner of it. To understand the widely different
points of view of Englishmen and Americans, we
must examine their systems of representative government.</p>

<p>In electing members to the House of Commons in England
certain ancient counties and boroughs were entitled
to representation, each sending two members, regardless
of the number of people within its territory. For a century
and a half before the American Revolution only four
new members were added to the fixed number in Parliament.
Meanwhile, great cities had grown up which had
no representation, though certain boroughs, once very<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">86</span>
properly represented, had become uninhabited, and the
lord who owned the ground elected the members to Parliament,
taking them, not from the district represented, but
from any part of the kingdom. The franchise was usually
possessed either by the owners of the favored pieces
of land or in the boroughs chiefly by persons who inherited
certain rights which marked them as freemen.
A man had as many votes as there were constituencies in
which he possessed the qualifications.</p>

<p>In the colonial assemblies there was a more distinct
territorial basis for representation, and changes of population
brought changes of representation. New towns
sent new members to the provincial assembly, and held
the right to be of great value. All adult men—even
negroes in New England—owning a certain small amount
of property could vote for these members. In the South
only the landholders voted, but the supply of land was
not limited, as in England, and it was easily acquired.
Finally, the voter and the representative voted for must,
as a rule, be residents of the same district. From the
first the colonial political ideals were affected by new
conditions. When they established representative government
they had no historic places sanctified by tradition
to be the sole breeding-places of members of Parliament.</p>

<p>Backed by such divergent traditions as these, the two
parts of the British empire, or, more accurately, the
dominant party in each section of the empire, faced each
other upon a question of principle. Neither could believe
in the honesty of the other, for each argued out of a different
past. The opponents of the Stamp Act could not
understand the political thinking which held them to be
represented in the British Parliament. “No taxation
without representation” meant for the colonist that
taxes ought to be levied by a legislative body in which
was seated a person known and voted for by the person
taxed. An Englishman only asked that there be “no
taxation except that voted by the House of Commons.”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">87</span>
He was not concerned with the mode of election to that
house or the interests of the persons composing it. The
colonists called the Stamp Act tyranny, but the British
government certainly intended none, for it acted upon
the theory of virtual representation, the only kind of
representation enjoyed by the great mass of Englishmen
either at home or in the colonies. On that theory nothing
was taxed except by the consent of the virtual representatives
of those taxed. But, replied an American, in
England the interests of electors and non-electors are the
same. Security against any oppression of non-electors
lies in the fact that it would be oppressive to electors
also; but Americans have no such safeguard, for acts
oppressive to them might be popular with English
electors.<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">56</a></p>

<p>When the news of the Stamp Act first came oversea
there was apparent apathy. The day of enforcement was
six months away, and there was nothing to oppose but a
law. It was the fitting time for an agitator. Patrick
Henry, a gay, unprosperous, and unknown country lawyer,
had been carried into the Virginia House of Burgesses
on the public approval of his impassioned denial, in the
“Parson’s Cause” (1763), of the king’s right to veto a
needed law passed by the colonial legislature. He now
offered some resolutions against the stamp tax, denying
the right of Parliament to legislate in the internal affairs
of the colony.<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> This “alarum bell to the disaffected,”
and the fiery speech which secured its adoption by an
irresolute assembly, were applauded everywhere. Jefferson
said of Henry, that he “spoke as Homer wrote.”</p>

<p>As soon as the names of the appointed stamp-distributers
were made known (August 1, 1765) the masses expressed
their displeasure in a way unfortunately too common
in America. Throughout the land there was rifling
of stamp-collectors’ houses, threatening their lives, burning<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">88</span>
their records and documents, and even their houses.
Their offices were demolished and their resignations compelled—in
one case under a hanging effigy, suggestive
of the result of refusal. The more moderate patriots cancelled
their orders with British merchants, agreed not to
remit their English debts, and dressed in homespun to
avoid wearing imported clothes.</p>

<p>On the morning that the act went into effect (November
1, 1765) bells tolled the death of the nation. Shops were
shut, flags hung at half-mast, and newspapers appeared
with a death’s-head where the stamp should have been.
Mobs burned the stamps, and none were to be had to
legalize even the most solemn and important papers.
The courts ignored them and the governors sanctioned
their omission. None could be used, because none could
be obtained. All America endorsed the declaration of
rights of the Stamp-Act Congress, which met in New
York, October, 1765. It asserted that the colonists
had the same liberties as British subjects. Circumstances,
they declared, prevented the colonists from being
represented in the House of Commons, therefore
no taxes could be levied except by their respective
legislatures.<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">58</a></p>

<p>This great ado was a complete surprise to the British
government. On the passage of the Stamp Act, Walpole
had written,<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> “There has been nothing of note in
Parliament but one slight day on the American taxes.”
That expressed the common conception of its importance;
and when the Grenville ministry fell (July, 1765), and
was succeeded by that of Rockingham, the American situation
had absolutely nothing to do with the change.
The new ministry was some months in deciding its policy.
The king was one of the first to realize the situation,
which he declared “the most serious that ever came before
Parliament” (December 5, 1765). Weak and unwilling<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">89</span>
to act as the new ministry was, the situation compelled
attention. The king at first favored coercion of
the rebellious colonies, but the English merchants, suffering
from the suspended trade, urged Parliament to
repeal the act. Their demand decided the ministry to
favor retraction, just as formerly their influence had
forced the navigation laws and the restrictions on colonial
manufactures. If the king and landed gentry were responsible
for the immediate causes of the Revolution,
the influence of the English commercial classes on legislation
was the more ultimate cause.</p>

<p>After one of the longest and most heated debates in
the history of Parliament, under the advice of Benjamin
Franklin, given at the bar of the House of Commons,<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">60</a>
and with the powerful aid of Pitt and Camden, the Stamp
Act was repealed. Another act passed at the same time
asserted Parliament’s power to legislate for the colonies
in all cases whatsoever.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> Thus the firebrand was left
smouldering amid the inflammable colonial affairs; and
Burke was quick to point out that the right to tax, or
any other right insisted upon after it ceased to harmonize
with prudence and expediency, would lead to disaster.<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a></p>

<p>It is plain to-day that the only way to keep up the
nominal union between Great Britain and her colonies
was to let them alone. The colonies felt strongly the
ties of blood, interest, and affection which bound them
to England.<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> They would all have vowed, after the repeal
of the Stamp Act, that they loved their parent much
more than they loved one another. They felt only the
normal adult instinct to act independently. Could the
British government have given up the imperial idea to
which it so tenaciously clung, a federal union might have
been preserved.</p>

<p>The genius of dissolution, however, gained control of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">90</span>
the ministry which next came into power. When illness
withdrew Pitt from the “Mosaic Ministry,” which he and
Grafton had formed, Townshend’s brilliant talents gave him
the unquestioned lead. This man, who is said to have
surpassed Burke in wit and Chatham in solid sense, determined
to try again to tax the colonies for imperial
purposes.<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> He ridiculed the distinction between external
and internal tax; but since the colonists had put stress
on the illegality of the latter he laid the new tax on imported
articles, and prepared to collect at the customhouses.
The income was to pay the salaries of colonial
governors and judges, and thus render them independent
of the tyrannical and contentious assemblies. Writs of
assistance, so effective in enforcing the revenue laws but
so hated by the colonists, were legalized. The collection
of the revenue was further aided by admiralty courts,
which should try the cases without juries, thus preventing
local sympathy from shielding the violators of the law.<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">65</a></p>

<p>All the indifference into which America had relapsed,
and which the agitators so much deplored, at once disappeared.
The right of trial by jury was held to be inalienable.
The control of the judiciary and executive
by the people was necessary to free government, asserted
the pamphleteers. Parliament could not legalize “writs
of assistance,” they rashly cried. The former stickling
at an internal tax was forgotten, and they objected to
any tax whatever—a more logical position, which John
Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, supported by the assertion
“that any law, in so far as it creates expense, is in reality
a tax.” Samuel Adams drew up a circular letter, which
the Massachusetts assembly dispatched to the other colonial
assemblies, urging concerted action against this new
attack on colonial liberties.<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> The British government,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">91</span>
through the colonial governors, attempted to squelch this
letter, but the Massachusetts assembly refused to rescind,
and the other colonies were quick to embrace its
cause.</p>

<p>Signs were not wanting that the people as well as the
political leaders were aroused. When the customs officials,
in 1768, seized John Hancock’s sloop <i>Liberty</i> for
alleged evasion of the customs duties, there was a riot
which so frightened the officers that they fled to the fort
and wrote to England for soldiers.</p>

<p>This and other acts of resistance to the government led
Parliament to urge the king to exercise a right given him
by an ancient act to cause persons charged with treason
to be brought to England for trial. The Virginia assembly
protested against this, and sent their protest to the
other colonies for approval.<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> The governor dissolved the
assembly, but it met and voted a non-importation agreement,
which also met favor in the other colonies. This
economic argument again proved effective, and the
Townshend measures were repealed, except the tax on
tea; Parliament thus doing everything but remove the
offence—“fixing a badge of slavery upon the Americans
without service to their masters.”<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> The old trade regulations
also remained to vex the colonists.</p>

<p>In order that no disproportionate blame may be attached
to the king or his ministry for the bringing on of
the Revolution, it must be noted that the English nation,
the Parliament, and the king were all agreed when the
sugar and stamp acts were passed; and though Parliament
mustered a good-sized minority against the Townshend
acts, nevertheless no unaccustomed influence in its
favor was used by the king. Thus the elements of the
cloud were all gathered before the king’s personality began
to intensify the oncoming storm. The later acts of
Parliament and the conduct of the king had the sole<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">92</span>
purpose of overcoming resistance to established government.
Most of these coercive acts, though no part of
the original policy, were perfectly constitutional even
in times of peace. They must be considered in their
historical setting, however, just as President Lincoln’s
extraordinary acts in a time of like national peril. Henceforth
we are dealing with the natural, though perhaps
ill-judged, efforts of a government to repress a rebellion.</p>

<p>After the riot which followed the seizure of the <i>Liberty</i>
(June, 1768), two regiments of British soldiers were stationed
in Boston. The very inadequacy of the force
made its relations with the citizens strained, for they
resented without fearing it. After enduring months of
jeering and vilification, the soldiers at last (March 5, 1770)
fired upon a threatening mob, and four men were killed.
Much was made of the “massacre,” as it was called, because
it symbolized for the people the substitution of
military for civil government. A Boston jury acquitted
the soldiers, and, after a town-meeting, the removal of
the two regiments was secured.</p>

<p>A period of quiet followed until the assembly and the
governor got into a debate over the theoretical rights of
the colonists. To spread the results of this debate,
Samuel Adams devised the “committees of correspondence,”<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">69</a>
which kept the towns of Massachusetts informed
of the controversy in Boston. This furnished a model
for the colonial committees of correspondence, which became
the most efficient means for revolutionary organization.
They created public opinion, set war itself in
motion, and were the embryos of new governments when
the old were destroyed.</p>

<p>The first provincial committee that met with general
response from the other colonies was appointed by Virginia,
March 12, 1773, to keep its assembly informed of
the “<i>Gaspee</i> Commission.”<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> The <i>Gaspee</i> was a sort of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">93</span>
revenue-cutter which, while too zealously enforcing the
Navigation Acts, ran aground (June 9, 1772) in Narragansett
Bay. Some Providence men seized and burned
the vessel, and the British government appointed a commission
to inquire into the affair.<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> The commission met
with universal opposition and had to report failure.</p>

<p>From this time on the chain of events that led to open
rebellion consists of a series of links so plainly joined
and so well known that they need only the barest mention
in this brief introduction to the actual war. The British
government tried to give temporary aid to the East
India Company by permitting the heavy revenue on tea
entering English ports, through which it must pass before
being shipped to America, and by licensing the company
itself to sell tea in America.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> To avoid yielding the
principle for which they had been contending, they retained
at colonial ports the threepenny duty, which was
all that remained of the Townshend revenue scheme.
Ships loaded with this cheap tea came into the several
American ports and were received with different marks
of odium at different places. In Boston, after peaceful
attempts to prevent the landing proved of no avail, an
impromptu band of Indians threw the tea overboard, so
that the next morning saw it lying like seaweed on
Dorchester beach.</p>

<p>This outrage, as it was viewed in England, caused a
general demand for repressive measures, and the five
“intolerable acts” were passed and sent oversea to do the
last irremediable mischief.<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> Boston’s port was closed
until the town should pay for the tea. Massachusetts’
charter was annulled, its town-meetings irksomely restrained,
and its government so changed that its executive
officers would all be under the king’s control. Two<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">94</span>
other acts provided for the care and judicial privileges of
the soldiers who soon came to enforce the acts. Finally,
great offence was given the Protestant colonies by granting
religious freedom to the Catholics of Quebec, and the
bounds of that colony were extended to the Ohio River,<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">74</a>
thus arousing all the colonies claiming Western lands.
Except in the case of Virginia, there was no real attack
on their territorial integrity, but in the excitement there
seemed to be.</p>

<p>Some strong incentive for the colonies to act together
had long been the only thing needed to send the flame of
rebellion along the whole sea-coast. When the British
soldiers began the enforcement of the punishment meted
to Boston, sympathy and fear furnished the common
bond. After several proposals of an intercolonial congress,
the step was actually taken on a call from oppressed
Massachusetts (June 17, 1774).<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> Delegates from every
colony except Georgia met in Philadelphia in September,
1774. Seven of the twelve delegations were chosen not
by the regular assemblies, but by revolutionary conventions
called by local committees; while in Massachusetts,
Rhode Island, and Connecticut, three of the remaining
five states, the assemblies that sent the delegates were
wholly dominated by the revolutionary element. Local
committees may therefore be said to have created the
congress, and they would now stand ready to enforce its
will.</p>

<p>The assembled congress adopted a declaration of rights,
but their great work was the forming an American association
to enforce a non-importation and non-consumption
agreement.<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> Local committees were to see that all who
traded with England or refused to associate were held up
as enemies of their country. The delegates provided for
a new congress in the following May, and adjourned.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">95</span>
Meanwhile, General Gage and his “pretorian guard”
in Boston were administering the government of Massachusetts
with noteworthy results. A general court of
the colony was summoned by Gage, who, repenting, tried
to put it off; but it met, formed a provincial congress, and,
settling down at Cambridge, governed the whole colony
outside of Boston. It held the new royal government
to be illegal, ordered the taxes paid to its own receiver
instead of Gage’s, and organized a militia. Gage at last
determined to disarm the provincials. His raid to destroy
the stores at Concord (April 19, 1775) resulted in
an ignominious retreat and the loss of two hundred and
seventy-three men, to say nothing of bringing sixteen
thousand patriots swarming about Boston.</p>

<h3>II<br />

<span class="subhead">THE OUTBREAK OF WAR, 1775</span></h3>

<p>Though mainly social and economic forces brought the
revolution to the stage of open warfare, a Massachusetts
politician had so used these forces that both his friends
and enemies thought the blame or the honor to be his.
Samuel Adams began to desire independence as early as
1768. From that time it was his unwearying effort to
keep alive the opposition to the British ministry. For
years he sought to instil in the minds of rising youths the
notion of independence. His adroit mind, always awake
and tireless, toiled for but one end; and he was narrow-minded
enough to be a perfect politician. Two opposing
views could never occupy his mind at the same time. For
sharp practices he had no aversion, but he used them for
public good, as he saw it, and not for private gain. He
was a public servant, great or small, from his earliest
manhood—as inspector of chimneys, tax-collector, or
moderator of town-meetings. He was ever a failure in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">96</span>
business; in politics, shrewd and able. The New England
town-meeting was the theatre of his action;<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> he directed
the Boston meetings, and the other towns followed.
His tools were men. He was intimate with all
classes, from the ship-yard roustabouts to the ministers
of the gospel. In the canvass and caucus he was supreme.
Others were always in the foreground, thinking that theirs
was the glory. An enemy said that he had an unrivalled
“talent for artfully and fallaciously insinuating” malice
into the public mind. A friend dubbed him the “Colossus
of debate.” He was ready in tact and cool in moments
of excitement; his reasoning and eloquence had a nervous
simplicity, though there was little of fire, and he was sincere
rather than rhetorical.</p>

<p>Adams was of medium stature, but in his most intense
moments he attained to a dignity of figure and gesture.
His views were clear and his good sense abundant, so that
he always received profound attention. Prematurely
gray, palsied in hand, and trembling in voice, yet he had
a mental audacity unparalleled. He was dauntless himself,
and thus roused and fortified the people. Nor were
his efforts confined to the town-meeting, for he was also a
voluminous newspaper writer. He showed no tolerance
for an opponent, and his attacks were keenly felt. “Damn
that Adams. Every dip of his pen stings like a horned
snake,” cried an enemy. Thus he went on canvassing,
caucusing, haranguing, and writing until the maddened
Gage attempted to seize him and the munitions of war
which he and his fellow-politicians had induced the colony
to collect. Concord and Lexington and the pursuit into
Boston were the results.</p>

<p>At the close of that long day of fighting (April 19, 1775)
it was plain that war had begun, and the Massachusetts
politicians who had pushed matters to that stage may well
have had misgivings. A single colony could have no hope<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">97</span>
of success, and there was little in the past to make one
believe that the thirteen colonies would unite even to defend
their political liberties. Franklin gave a vivid picture
of their different forms of government, different
laws, different interests, and, in some instances, different
religious persuasions and different manners.<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">78</a>
Their jealousy of one another was, he declared, “so great
that, however necessary a union of the colonies has long
been for their common defence, ... yet they have never
been able to effect such a union among themselves.”
They were more jealous of each other than of England, and
though plans for union had been proposed by their ablest
statesmen, they had refused to consider them.<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> There
were long-standing disputes between neighboring colonies
over boundaries, over relations with the Indians, and over
matters of trade.</p>

<p>The greatest danger, however, that confronted the
American cause was political division on the subject of
the relations with England. As the quarrel with the
mother-country grew more bitter, it was seen that the
British government had many friends in America who,
if they did not defend the action of the ministry, at least
frowned upon the violent opposition to it. They believed
that America’s best interests lay in the union with Great
Britain. The aristocracy of culture, of dignified professions
and callings, of official rank and hereditary wealth
tended to side with the central government.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> The more
prosperous and contented men had no grievances, and
conservatism was the character one would expect in them.
They denounced the agitators as demagogues and their
followers as “the mob.”</p>

<p>Through the long ten years of unrest preceding the
Revolution, these Tories, as they were called, had suffered
at the hands of mobs, and now, when Gage was powerless<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">98</span>
outside of Boston, an active persecution of them began.<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">81</a>
Millers refused to grind their corn, labor would not serve
them, and they could neither buy nor sell. Men refused
to worship in the same church with them. They were denounced
as “infamous betrayers of their country.” Committees
published their names, “sending them down to
posterity with the infamy they deserve.” After the siege
of Boston had begun, those who were even suspected of
Toryism, as their support of the king was called, were
regarded as enemies in the camp. The Massachusetts
committees compelled them to sign recantations or confined
them in jails for refusal. If they escaped they were
pursued with hue and cry.</p>

<p>Some fled to other colonies, but found that, “like Cain,
they had some discouraging mark upon them.” In exile
they learned that the patriot wrath visited their property:
their private coaches were burned or pulled in pieces. A
rich importer’s goods were destroyed or stolen, and his
effigy was hung up in sight of his house during the day
and burned at night. Beautiful estates, where was
“every beauty of art or nature, every elegance, which it
cost years of care and toil in bringing to perfection,” were
laid waste. Looking upon this work of ruin, a despairing
loyalist cried that the Americans were “as blind and mad
as Samson, bent upon pulling the edifice down upon their
heads to perish in the ruins.”</p>

<p>The violence of the patriots’ attack upon the loyalists
seemed for a time to eliminate the latter from the struggle.
The friends of royal power in America expected too much,
and while the king’s enemies were organizing they waited
for him to crush the rising rebellion. They looked on with
wonder as the signal flew from one local committee to another
over thirteen colonies, who now needed only a glowing
fact like Lexington to fuse them into one defensive
whole. The news reached Putnam’s Connecticut farm in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">99</span>
a day; Arnold, at New Haven, had it the next day, and in
four days it had reached New York.<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> Unknown messengers
carried it through Philadelphia, past the Chesapeake, on to
Charleston, and within twenty days the news in many
garbled forms was evoking a common spirit of patriotism
from Maine to Georgia. It was commonly believed that
America must be saved from “abject slavery” by the
bands of patriots encompassing Boston.</p>

<p>The farmers and mechanics who had hurried from their
work to drive the British from Concord into Boston were
not an army. They settled down in a great half-circle
around the port with a common purpose of compelling
Gage to take to his ships, but with no definite plan. Confusion
was everywhere. Men were coming and going, and
there were no regular enlistments.<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> A few natural leaders
were doing wonders in holding them together.<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> Among
them the brave and courteous Joseph Warren, the warm
friend of Samuel Adams and zealous comrade in the recent
work of agitation, was conquering insubordination by the
manly modesty and gentleness of his character. Others
who were old campaigners of the French and Indian wars
worked ceaselessly to bring order out of chaos.</p>

<p>Yet not even the fanatic zeal of the siege could banish
provincial jealousies. There were as many leaders as there
were colonies represented. New Hampshire men were led
by John Stark, a hero of the French war; Connecticut men
were under Israel Putnam, more picturesque as a wolf-slayer
than able as a leader. Nathanael Greene, the philosophic
and literary blacksmith, commanded the Rhode
Island militia.<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> It was with difficulty that “the grand
American army,” as the Massachusetts congress called it,
finally intrusted the chief command to General Artemas
Ward, who, in turn, was controlled by the Massachusetts
committee of safety.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">100</span>
Even with some organization and a leader there was
little outward semblance of an army. In the irregular
dress, brown and green hues were the rule. Uniforms like
those of the British regulars, the hunting-shirt of the backwoodsman,
and even the blankets of savages were seen
side by side in the ranks of the first patriot armies. There
was little distinction between officer and private.<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> Each
company chose its own officers out of the ranks,<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> and the
private could not understand why he should salute his
erstwhile friend and neighbor or ask his permission to go
home. The principle of social democracy was carried into
military life to the great detriment of the service. Difference
in rank was ignored by the officers themselves, who
in some cases did menial work about camp to curry favor
with their men.</p>

<p>Fortunately, there was in this raw militia a good leaven
of soldiers seasoned and trained in the war with France.
These men led expeditions to the islands of Boston Harbor
in the effort to get the stock before it should be seized by
the British.<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> Numerous slight engagements resulted, turning
favorably, as a rule, for the patriots, and the new recruits
gained courage with experience. Thus nearly two
months passed away, and an elated patriot wrote that
“danger and war are become pleasing, and injured virtue
is now aroused to avenge herself.”</p>

<p>The only way to drive Gage out of Boston was to seize
one of the commanding hill-tops either in Dorchester or
Charlestown, whence they might open a cannonade on the
city. Gage saw this danger, and with the arrival of reinforcements
under Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne a plan
was made to get control of the dangerous hill-tops. With
ten thousand well-equipped soldiers to pit against an ill-trained
and poorly commanded multitude of farmers the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">101</span>
task seemed easy. After trying to terrify the rebels by
threatening with the gallows all who should be taken with
arms, and offering to pardon those who would lay them
down, Gage prepared to execute this plan. The patriots
forestalled him by sending twelve hundred men under the
veteran Colonel Prescott to seize Bunker Hill, in Charlestown.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">102</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="VII" class="vspace">VII<br />

<span id="t_8" class="subhead">THE BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL, 1775.</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">In</span> May, 1775, the British force in Boston had increased
by fresh arrivals from England and Ireland to ten
thousand men. The man-of-war <i>Cerberus</i> arrived on the
25th with Generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne—three
officers experienced in the military tactics of Europe, but
little prepared for service here. They were surprised at
the aspect of affairs, and Gage was reproached for his
apparent supineness. However, unity of action was necessary,
and the new-comers heartily co-operated with Gage
in his plans, such as they were, for dispersing the rebel host
that hemmed him in. He issued a proclamation on June
12 insulting in words and menacing in tone. It declared
martial law; pronounced those in arms and their abettors
“rebels, parricides of the Constitution,” and offered a free
pardon to all who would forthwith return to their allegiance,
except John Hancock and Samuel Adams, who were outlawed,
and for whose apprehension as traitors a reward
was offered. This proclamation, so arrogant and insulting,
served only to exasperate the people. In the mean
while several skirmishes had occurred between parties of
the British regulars and the provincials, upon some of the
cultivated islands that dot the harbor of Boston.</p>

<p>At this time (May, 1775) but little progress had been
made by the Americans in erecting fortifications. Some
breastworks had been thrown up at Cambridge, near the
foot of Prospect Hill, and a small redoubt had been formed
at Roxbury. The right wing of the besieging army, under
General Thomas, was at Roxbury, consisting of four thousand<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">103</span>
Massachusetts troops, including four artillery companies,
with field-pieces and a few heavy cannon. The Rhode
Island forces, under Greene, were at Jamaica Plains, and
near there was a greater part of General Spencer’s Connecticut
regiment. General Ward commanded the left
wing at Cambridge, which consisted of fifteen Massachusetts
regiments, the battalion of artillery under Gridley,
and Putnam’s regiment, with other Connecticut troops.
Most of the Connecticut forces were at Inman’s farm.
Paterson’s regiment was at the breastwork on Prospect
Hill, and a large guard was stationed at Lechmere’s Point.
Three companies of Gerrish’s regiment were at Chelsea;
Stark’s regiment was at Medford, and Reid’s at Charlestown
Neck, with sentinels reaching to Penny Ferry and
Bunker Hill.</p>

<p>It was made known to the Committee of Safety that
General Gage had fixed upon the night of June 18 to
take possession of and fortify Bunker Hill and Dorchester
Heights. This brought matters to a crisis, and measures
were taken to perfect the blockade of Boston. The Committee
of Safety ordered Colonel Prescott, with a detachment
of one thousand men, including a company of artillery,
with two field-pieces, to march at night and throw up
intrenchments upon Bunker Hill, an eminence just within
the peninsula of Charlestown, and commanding the great
northern road from Boston, as well as a considerable portion
of the town. Bunker Hill begins at the isthmus, and
rises gradually for about three hundred yards, forming a
round, smooth hill, sloping on two sides toward the water,
and connected by a ridge of ground on the south with the
heights now known as Breed’s Hill. This was a well-known
public place, the name, “Bunker Hill,” being found
in the town records and in deeds from an early period.
Not so with “Breed’s Hill,” for it was not named in any
description of streets previous to 1775, and appears to
have been called after the owners of the pastures into
which it was divided, rather than by the common name<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">104</span>
of Breed’s Hill. Thus, Monument Square was called
Russell’s Pasture; Breed’s Pasture lay farther south, and
Green’s Pasture was at the head of Green Street. The
easterly and westerly sides of this height were steep. On
the east, at its base, were brick-kilns, clay-pits, and
much sloughy land. On the west side, at the base, was the
most settled part of the town. Moulton’s Point, a name
coeval with the settlement of the town, constituted the
southeastern corner of the peninsula. A part of this tract
formed what is called Morton’s Hill. Bunker Hill was
one hundred and ten feet high, Breed’s Hill sixty-two feet,
and Moulton’s Hill thirty-five feet. The principal street of
the peninsula was Main Street, which extended from the
Neck to the ferry. A road ran over Bunker Hill, around
Breed’s Hill, to Moulton’s Point. The westerly portions
of these eminences contained fine orchards.</p>

<p>A portion of the regiments of Prescott, Frye, and Bridge,
and a fatigue party of two hundred Connecticut troops
with intrenching tools, paraded in the Cambridge camp
at six o’clock in the evening. They were furnished with
packs and blankets, and ordered to take provisions for
twenty-four hours. Samuel Gridley’s company of artillery
joined them, and the Connecticut troops were placed
under the command of Thomas Knowlton, a captain in
Putnam’s regiment, who was afterward killed in the battle
on Harlem Heights. After an impressive prayer from the
lips of President Langdon, of Harvard College, Colonel
Prescott and Richard Gridley, preceded by two servants
with dark lanterns, commenced their march, at the head
of the troops, for Charlestown. It was about nine o’clock
at night, the sky clear and starry, and the weather very
warm. Strict silence was enjoined, and the object of the
expedition was not known to the troops until they arrived
at Charlestown Neck, where they were joined by Major
Brooks, of Bridge’s regiment, and General Putnam. A
guard of ten men was placed in Charlestown, and the main
body marched over Bunker Hill. A council was held, to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">105</span>
select the best place for the proposed fortification. The
order was explicit, to fortify Bunker Hill; but Breed’s Hill
being nearer Boston, and appearing to be a more eligible
place, it was concluded to proceed to fortify it, and to
throw up works, also, on Bunker Hill, to cover a retreat,
if necessary, across Charlestown Neck. Colonel Gridley
marked out the lines of the proposed fortifications, and, at
about midnight, the men, having thrown off their packs
and stacked their arms, began their perilous work—perilous,
because British sentinels and British ships-of-war
were almost within sound of their picks.</p>

<p>Officers and men labored together with all their might,
with pickaxes and spades, and were cheered on in their
work by the distant signals of safety—“All’s well!”—that
came from the shipping and the sentinels at the foot of
Copp’s Hill. It proclaimed that they were still undiscovered;
and at every cry of “All’s well!” they plied their
tools with increased vigor. When the day dawned, at
about four o’clock, they had thrown up intrenchments six
feet high; and a strong redoubt, which was afterward the
admiration of the enemy, loomed up on the green height
before the wondering eyes of the astonished Britons like
a work of magic. The British officers could hardly be
convinced that it was the result of a few hours’ labor only,
but deemed it the work of days. Gage saw at once how
foolish he had been in not taking possession of this strong
point, as advised, while it was in his power to do so.</p>

<p>The fortification was first discovered at dawn, by the
watchmen on board the British man-of-war <i>Lively</i>. Without
waiting for orders, the captain put springs upon his
cables, and opened a fire on the American works. The noise
of the cannon aroused the sleepers in Boston, and when the
sun arose on that bright morning, every eminence and roof
in the city swarmed with people, astonished at the strange
apparition upon Breed’s Hill. The shots from the <i>Lively</i>
did no harm, and, defended by their intrenchments, the
Americans plied their tools in strengthening their works<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">106</span>
within, until called to lay aside the pick and shovel for
gun and knapsack.</p>

<div id="ip_106" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 17.25em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_132.jpg" width="276" height="276" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">PLAN OF THE REDOUBT ON BREED’S HILL</div></div>

<p>On June 17 Admiral Graves, the naval commander at
Boston, ordered the firing to cease; but it was soon renewed,
not only by the shipping, but from a battery of six
guns upon Copp’s Hill in the city. Gage summoned a
council of war early
in the morning. As
it was evident that the
Americans were rapidly
gaining strength,
and that the safety of
the town was endangered,
it was unanimously
resolved to
send out a force to
drive them from the
peninsula of Charlestown
and destroy their
works on the heights.
It was decided, also,
to make the attack
in front, and preparations were made accordingly. The
drums beat to arms, and Boston was soon in a tumult.
Dragoons galloping, artillery trains rumbling, and the
marching and countermarching of the regulars and loyalists,
together with the clangor of the church bells, struck
dismay into many a heart before stout in the presence of
British protectors. It is said that the danger which surrounded
the city converted many Tories into patriots; and
the selectmen, in the midst of that fearful commotion, received
large accessions to their list of professed friends
from the ranks of the timid loyalists.</p>

<p>Toward noon between two and three thousand picked
men from the British army, under the command of General
Sir William Howe and General Pigot, embarked in
twenty-eight barges, part from the Long Wharf and some<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">107</span>
from the North Battery, in Boston, and landed at Morton’s,
or Moulton’s Point, beyond the eastern foot of Breed’s Hill,
covered by the guns of the <i>Falcon</i> and other vessels.</p>

<p>The Americans had worked faithfully on their intrenchments
all the morning, and were greatly encouraged by the
voice and example of Prescott, who exposed himself, without
care, to the random shots of the battery on Copp’s
Hill. He supposed, at first, that the enemy would not
attack him, but, seeing the movements in the city, he was
convinced to the contrary, and comforted his toiling troops
with assurances of certain victory. Confident of such a
result himself, he would not at first send to General Ward
for a reinforcement; but between nine and ten o’clock, by
advice of his officers, Major Brooks was dispatched to headquarters
for that purpose. General Putnam had urged
Ward early in the morning to send fresh troops to relieve
those on duty; but only a portion of Stark’s regiment was
allowed to go, as the general apprehended that Cambridge
would be the principal point of attack. Convinced otherwise,
by certain intelligence, the remainder of Stark’s regiment,
and the whole of Reed’s corps, on the Neck, were
ordered to reinforce Prescott. At twelve o’clock the men
in the redoubt ceased work, sent off their intrenching tools,
took some refreshments, hoisted the New England flag, and
prepared to fight. The intrenching tools were sent to
Bunker Hill, where, under the directions of General Putnam,
the men began to throw up a breastwork. Some of
the more timid soldiers made the removal of the tools a
pretext for leaving the redoubt, and never returned.</p>

<p>It was between twelve and one o’clock when the British
troops, consisting of the fifth, thirty-eighth, forty-third,
and fifty-second battalions of infantry, two companies of
grenadiers, and two of light infantry, landed, their rich
uniforms and arms flashing and glittering in the noonday
sun, making an imposing and formidable display. General
Howe reconnoitred the American works, and, while waiting
for reinforcements, which he had solicited from Gage,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">108</span>
allowed his troops to dine. When the intelligence of the
landing of the enemy reached Cambridge, two miles distant,
there was great excitement in the camp and throughout
the town. The drums beat to arms, the bells were
rung, and the people and military were speedily hurrying
in every direction. General Ward used his own regiment,
and those of Paterson and Gardner and a part of Bridge’s,
for the defence of Cambridge. The remainder of the
Massachusetts troops were ordered to Charlestown, and
thither General Putnam conducted those of Connecticut.</p>

<p>At about two o’clock the reinforcement for Howe arrived,
and landed at the present navy-yard. It consisted
of the Forty-seventh battalion of infantry, a battalion of
marines, and some grenadiers and light infantry. The
whole force (about four thousand men) was commanded
and directed by the most skilful British officers then in
Boston; and every man preparing to attack the undisciplined
provincials was a drilled soldier, and quite perfect
in the art of war. It was an hour of the deepest anxiety
among the patriots on Breed’s Hill. They had observed
the whole martial display, from the time of the embarkation
until the forming of the enemy’s line for battle. For
the Americans, as yet, very little succor had arrived.
Hunger and thirst annoyed them, while the labors of the
night and morning weighed them down with excessive
fatigue. Added to this was the dreadful suspicion that
took possession of their minds, when only feeble reinforcements
arrived, that treachery had placed them there for
the purpose of sacrifice. Yet they could not doubt the
patriotism of their principal officers, and before the action
commenced their suspicions were scattered to the winds
by the arrival of their beloved Doctor Warren and General
Pomeroy. Warren, who was president of the Provincial
Congress, then sitting at Watertown, seven miles distant,
informed of the landing of the enemy, hastened toward
Charlestown, though suffering from sickness and exhaustion.
He had been commissioned a major-general four<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">109</span>
days before. Putnam, who was at Cambridge, forwarding
provisions and reinforcements to Charlestown, tried to
dissuade him from going into the battle. Warren was not
to be diverted from his purpose, and, mounting a horse, he
sped across the Neck and entered the redoubt, amid the
loud cheers of the provincials, just as Howe gave orders
to advance. Colonel Prescott offered the command to
Warren, as his superior, when the latter replied, “I am
come to fight as a volunteer, and feel honored in being
allowed to serve under so brave an officer.”</p>

<p>While the British troops were forming, and preparing
to march along the Mystic River for the purpose of flanking
the Americans and gaining their rear, the artillery,
with two field-pieces, and Captain Knowlton, with the
Connecticut troops, left the redoubt, took a position near
Bunker Hill, and formed a breastwork seven hundred feet
in length, which served an excellent purpose. A little in
front of a strong stone and rail fence, Knowlton built another,
and between the two was placed a quantity of new-mown
grass. This apparently slight breastwork formed
a valuable defence to the provincials.</p>

<p>It was now three in the afternoon. The provincial
troops were placed in an attitude of defence as the British
column moved slowly forward to the attack. Colonel
Prescott and the original constructors of the redoubt, except
the Connecticut troops, were within the works. General
Warren also took post in the redoubt. Gridley and
Callender’s artillery companies were between the breastworks
and rail fence on the eastern side. A few troops,
recalled from Charlestown after the British landed, and
a part of Warner’s company, lined the cart-way on the
right of the redoubt. The Connecticut and New Hampshire
forces were at the rail fence on the west of the redoubt,
and three companies were stationed in the main
street at the foot of Breed’s Hill.</p>

<div id="ip_109" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 50em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_136.jpg" width="800" height="550" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">GENERAL PLAN OF THE BATTLE</div></div>

<p>Before General Howe moved from his first position he
sent out strong flank guards, and directed his heavy artillery<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">110</span>
to play upon the American line. At the same time a
blue flag was displayed as a signal, and the guns upon
Copp’s Hill and the ships and floating batteries in the
river poured a storm of round-shot upon the redoubt. A
furious cannonade was opened at the same moment upon<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">111</span>
the right wing of the provincial army at Roxbury, to
prevent reinforcements being sent by General Thomas
to Charlestown. Gridley and Callender, with their field-pieces,
returned a feeble response to the heavy guns of the
enemy. Gridley’s guns were soon disabled; while Callender,
who alleged that his cartridges were too large,
withdrew to Bunker Hill. Putnam was there, and ordered
him back to his first position. He disobeyed, and nearly
all his men, more courageous than he, deserted him. In
the meanwhile, Captain Walker, of Chelmsford, with fifty
resolute men, marched down the hill near Charlestown and
greatly annoyed the enemy’s left flank. Finding their position
very perilous, they marched over to the Mystic, and
did great execution upon the right flank. Walker was
there wounded and made prisoner, but the greater part of
his men succeeded in gaining the redoubt.</p>

<p>Under cover of the discharges of artillery the British
army moved up the slope of Breed’s Hill toward the American
works in two divisions, General Howe with the right
wing, and General Pigot with the left. The former was
to penetrate the American lines at the rail fence; the latter
to storm the redoubt. They had not proceeded far before
the firing of their artillery ceased, in consequence of discovering
that balls too large for the field-pieces had been
sent over from Boston. Howe ordered the pieces to be
loaded with grape; but they soon became useless, on account
of the miry ground at the base of the hill. Small
arms and bayonets now became their reliance.</p>

<p>Silently the British troops, burdened with heavy knapsacks,
toiled up the ascent toward the redoubt in the heat
of a bright summer’s sun. All was silent within the American
intrenchments, and very few provincials were to be
seen by the approaching battalions; but within those breastworks,
and in reserve behind the hills, crouched fifteen
hundred determined men, ready, at a prescribed signal, to
fall upon the foe. The provincials had but a scanty supply
of ammunition, and, to avoid wasting it by ineffectual shots,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">112</span>
Prescott gave orders not to fire until the enemy were so
near that the whites of their eyes could be seen. “Then,”
he said, “aim at their waistbands; and be sure to pick off
the commanders, known by their handsome coats!” The
enemy were not so sparing of their powder and ball, but
when within gunshot of the apparently deserted works
commenced a random firing. Prescott could hardly restrain
his men from responding, and a few did disobey his
orders and returned the fire. Putnam hastened to the
spot, and threatened to cut down the first man who should
again disobey orders, and quiet was restored. At length
the enemy reached the prescribed distance, when, waving
his sword over his head, Prescott shouted, “Fire!” Terrible
was the effect of the volley that ensued. Whole
platoons of the British regulars were laid upon the earth
like grass by the mower’s scythe. Other deadly volleys
succeeded, and the enemy, disconcerted, broke and fled
toward the water. The provincials, joyed at seeing the
regulars fly, wished to pursue them, and many leaped the
rail fence for the purpose; but the prudence of the American
officers kept them in check, and in a few minutes they
were again within their works, prepared to receive a second
attack from the British troops, that were quickly rallied
by Howe. Colonel Prescott praised and encouraged his
men, while General Putnam rode to Bunker Hill to urge
on reinforcements. Many had arrived at Charlestown
Neck, but were deterred from crossing by the enfilading
fire of the <i>Glasgow</i> and two armed gondolas near the
causeway. Portions of regiments were scattered upon
Bunker Hill and its vicinity, and these General Putnam,
by entreaties and commands, endeavored to rally. Colonel
Gerrish, who was very corpulent, became completely exhausted
by fatigue; and other officers, wholly unused to
warfare, coward-like kept at a respectful distance from danger.
Few additional troops could be brought to Breed’s
Hill before the second attack was made.</p>

<p>The British troops, reinforced by four hundred marines<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">113</span>
from Boston, under Major Small, accompanied by Doctor
Jeffries, the army surgeon, advanced toward the redoubt
in the same order as at first, General Howe boldly leading
the van, as he had promised. It was a mournful march
over the dead bodies of scores of their fellow soldiers; but
with true English courage they pressed onward, their
artillery doing more damage to the Americans than at
the first assault. It had moved along the narrow road
between the tongue of land and Breed’s Hill, and when
within a hundred yards of the rail fence, and on a line
with the breastworks, opened a galling fire, to cover the
advance of the other assailants. In the meanwhile, a
carcass and some hot shot were thrown from Copp’s Hill
into Charlestown, which set the village on fire. The houses
were chiefly of wood, and in a short time nearly two hundred
buildings were in flames, shrouding in dense smoke
the heights in the rear whereon the provincials were posted.
Beneath this veil the British hoped to rush unobserved up
to the breastworks, scale them, and drive the Americans
out at the point of the bayonet. At that moment a gentle
breeze, which appeared to the provincials like the breath
of a guardian angel—the first zephyr that had been felt
on that sultry day—came from the west and swept the
smoke away seaward, exposing to the full view of the
Americans the advancing columns of the enemy, who
fired as they approached, but with little execution. Colonels
Brener, Nixon, and Buckminster were wounded,
and Major Moore was killed. As before, the Americans
reserved their fire until the British were within the prescribed
distance, when they poured forth their leaden hail
with such sure aim and terrible effect that whole ranks of
officers and men were slain. General Howe was at the
head, and once he was left entirely alone, his aids and all
about him having perished. The British line recoiled, and
gave way in several parts, and it required the utmost
exertion in all the remaining officers, from the generals
down to the subalterns, to repair the disorder which this<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">114</span>
hot and unexpected fire had produced. All their efforts
were at first fruitless, and the troops retreated in great
disorder to the shore.</p>

<p>General Clinton, who had beheld the progress of the
battle with mortified pride, seeing the regulars repulsed a
second time, crossed over in a boat, followed by a small
reinforcement, and joined the broken army as a volunteer.
Some of the British officers remonstrated against leading
the men a third time to certain destruction; but others,
who had ridiculed American valor, and boasted loudly of
British invincibility, resolved on victory or death. The
incautious loudness of speech of a provincial, during the
second attack, declaring that the ammunition was nearly
exhausted, gave the enemy encouraging and important
information. Howe immediately rallied his troops and
formed them for a third attack, but in a different way.
The weakness of the point between the breastwork and the
rail fence had been discovered by Howe, and thitherward
he determined to lead the left wing with the artillery, while
a show of attack should be made at the rail fence on the
other side. His men were ordered to stand the fire of the
provincials, and then make a furious charge with bayonets.</p>

<p>So long were the enemy making preparations for a third
attack that the provincials began to imagine that the
second repulse was to be final. They had time to refresh
themselves a little and recover from that complete exhaustion
which the labor of the day had produced. It was
too true that their ammunition was almost exhausted,
and, being obliged to rely upon that for defence, as comparatively
few of the muskets were furnished with bayonets,
they began to despair. The few remaining cartridges
within the redoubt were distributed by Prescott, and those
soldiers who were destitute of bayonets resolved to club
their arms and use the breeches of their guns when their
powder should be gone. The loose stones in the redoubt
were collected for use as missiles if necessary, and all resolved
to fight as long as a ray of hope appeared.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">115</span>
During this preparation on Breed’s Hill, all was confusion
elsewhere. General Ward was at Cambridge, without
sufficient staff-officers to convey his orders. Henry
(afterward General) Knox was in the reconnoitring service,
as a volunteer, during the day, and upon his reports Ward
issued his orders. Late in the afternoon, the commanding
general despatched his own, with Paterson and Gardner’s
regiments, to the field of action; but to the raw recruits
the aspect of the narrow Neck was terrible, swept as it
was by the British cannon. Colonel Gardner succeeded in
leading three hundred men to Bunker Hill, where Putnam
set them intrenching, but soon ordered them to the lines.
Gardner was advancing boldly at their head, when a
musket-ball entered his groin and wounded him mortally.
His men were thrown into confusion, and very few of them
engaged in the combat that followed, until the retreat
commenced. Other regiments failed to reach the lines.
A part of Gerrish’s regiment, led by Adjutant Christian
Febiger, a Danish officer, who afterward accompanied
Arnold to Quebec and was distinguished at Stony Point,
reached the lines just as the action commenced, and
effectually galled the British left wing. Putnam, in the
mean time, was using his utmost exertions to form the
confused troops on Bunker Hill and get fresh corps with
bayonets across the Neck.</p>

<p>All was order and firmness at the redoubt on Breed’s
Hill as the enemy advanced. The artillery of the British
swept the interior of the breastwork from end to end,
destroying many of the provincials, among whom was
Lieutenant Prescott, a nephew of the colonel commanding.
The remainder were driven within the redoubt, and
the breastwork was abandoned. Each shot of the provincials
was true to its aim, and Colonel Abercrombie
and Majors Williams and Speedlove fell. Howe was
wounded in the foot, but continued fighting at the head
of his men. His boats were at Boston, and retreat he
could not. His troops pressed forward to the redoubt,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">116</span>
now nearly silent, for the provincials’ last grains of powder
were in their guns. Only a ridge of earth separated the
combatants, and the assailants scaled it. The first that
reached the parapet were repulsed by a shower of stones.
Major Pitcairn, who led the troops at Lexington, ascending
the parapet, cried out, “Now for the glory of the
marines!” and was immediately shot by a negro soldier.
Again numbers of the enemy leaped upon the parapet,
while others assailed the redoubt on three sides. Hand
to hand the belligerents struggled, and the gun-stocks of
many of the provincials were shivered to pieces by the
heavy blows they were made to give. The enemy poured
into the redoubt in such numbers that Prescott, perceiving
the folly of longer resistance, ordered a retreat. Through
the enemy’s ranks the Americans hewed their way, many
of them walking backward and dealing deadly blows with
their musket-stocks. Prescott and Warren were the last
to leave the redoubt. Colonel Gridley, the engineer, was
wounded, and borne off safely. Prescott received several
thrusts from bayonets and rapiers in his clothing, but
escaped unhurt. Warren was the last man that left the
works. He was a short distance from the redoubt, on his
way toward Bunker Hill, when a musket-ball passed
through his head, killing him instantly. He was left on
the field, for all were flying in the greatest confusion, pursued
by the victors, who remorselessly bayoneted those who
fell in their way.</p>

<p>Major Jackson had rallied Gardner’s men upon Bunker
Hill, and, pressing forward with three companies of Ward’s,
and Febiger’s party from Gerrish’s regiment, poured a destructive
fire upon the enemy between Breed’s and Bunker
Hill, and bravely covered the retreat from the redoubt.
The Americans at the rail fence, under Stark, Reed, and
Knowlton, reinforced by Clark, Coit, and Chester’s Connecticut
companies and a few other troops, maintained
their ground, in the meanwhile, with great firmness, and
successfully resisted every attempt of the enemy to turn<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">117</span>
their flank. This service was very valuable, for it saved
the main body, retreating from the redoubt, from being
cut off. But when these saw their brethren, with the
chief commander, flying before the enemy, they too fled.
Putnam used every exertion to keep them firm. He
commanded, pleaded, cursed and swore like a madman,
and was seen at every point in the van trying to rally the
scattered corps, swearing that victory should crown the
Americans. “Make a stand here!” he exclaimed; “we
can stop them yet! In God s name, fire and give them
one shot more!” The gallant old Pomeroy, also, with his
shattered musket in his hand, implored them to rally, but
in vain. The whole body retreated across the Neck, where
the fire from the <i>Glasgow</i> and gondolas slew many of them.
They left five of their six field-pieces and all their intrenching
tools upon Bunker Hill, and they retreated to
Winter Hill, Prospect Hill, and to Cambridge. The British,
greatly exhausted, and properly cautious, did not
follow, but contented themselves with taking possession
of the peninsula. Clinton advised an immediate attack
upon Cambridge, but Howe was too cautious or too timid
to make the attempt. His troops lay upon their arms
all night on Bunker Hill, and the Americans did the same
on Prospect Hill, a mile distant. Two British field-pieces
played upon them, but without effect, and, both sides feeling
unwilling to renew the action, hostilities ceased. The
loss of the Americans in this engagement was one hundred
and fifteen killed and missing, three hundred and five
wounded, and thirty who were taken prisoners; in all, four
hundred and fifty. The British loss is not positively known.
Gage reported two hundred and twenty-six killed, and
eight hundred and twenty-eight wounded; in all, ten
hundred and fifty-four. In this number are included
eighty-nine officers. The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts,
from the best information they could obtain, reported
the British loss at about fifteen hundred. The
number of buildings consumed in Charlestown, before<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">118</span>
midnight, was about four hundred; and the estimated
loss of property (most of the families, with their effects,
having moved out) was nearly six hundred thousand
dollars.</p>

<p>The number engaged in this battle was small, yet contemporary
writers and eye-witnesses represent it as one
of the most determined and severe on record. There was
absolutely no victory in the case. The most indomitable
courage was displayed on both sides; and when the provincials
had retired but a short distance, so wearied and
exhausted were all that neither party desired more fighting,
if we except Colonel Prescott, who earnestly petitioned to
be allowed to lead a fresh corps that evening and retake
Breed’s Hill. It was a terrible day for Boston and its
vicinity, for almost every family had a representative in
one of the two armies. Fathers, husbands, sons, and
brothers were in the affray, and deep was the mental anguish
of the women of the city, who, from roofs and steeples
and every elevation, gazed with streaming eyes upon the
carnage, for the battle raged in full view of thousands of
interested spectators in the town and upon the adjoining
hills. In contrast with the terrible scene were the cloudless
sky and brilliant sun.<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">89</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">119</span></p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN THE BATTLE OF<br />
BUNKER HILL, 1775, AND THE<br />
BATTLE OF SARATOGA, 1777</h3>

<p>1775. Washington conducts the siege of Boston. The
Americans take Montreal. Unsuccessful assaults on
Quebec. Settlement of Kentucky by Daniel Boone.</p>

<p>1776. The British evacuate Boston. The British repulsed
at Charleston, S. C. The Continental Congress
adopts the Declaration of Independence. The British,
under Howe and Clinton, defeat the Americans, under
Putnam and Sullivan, in the battle of Long Island. The
British occupy New York. The Americans defeated at
White Plains. Washington surprises the Hessians at
Trenton.</p>

<p>1777. Washington is victorious at Princeton. Burgoyne
takes Ticonderoga. The Americans are victorious at
Bennington. Washington defeated by Howe in the battle
of the Brandywine. Battle of Stillwater. The British
enter Philadelphia. Repulse of Washington at Germantown.
Battle of Saratoga.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">120</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="VIII" class="vspace">VIII<br />

<span id="t_9" class="subhead">THE BATTLE OF SARATOGA, 1777.</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">In</span> 1777 the British ministry had planned, in addition to
the operations of the main army against Philadelphia,
an invasion from Canada, apprehensions of which had led
the Americans into their late unsuccessful attempt to conquer
that province. Such supplies of men or money as
they asked for were readily voted; but in England, as
well as in America, enlistments were a matter of difficulty.
Lord George Germaine was possessed with an idea, of
which Sir William Howe found it very difficult to disabuse
him, that recruits might be largely obtained among the
American loyalists. In spite, however, of all the efforts
of Tryon, Delancey, and Skinner, the troops of that description
hardly amounted as yet to twelve hundred men;
and Howe complained, not without reason, of the tardiness
of the ministers in filling up his army.</p>

<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div>

<p>The American Northern Department, again placed under
the sole command of Schuyler, had been so bare of troops
during the winter that serious apprehensions had been felt
lest Ticonderoga might be taken by a sudden movement
from Canada over the ice. The Northern army was still
very feeble; and the regiments designed to reinforce it
filled up so slowly, notwithstanding the offer of large additional
bounties, that Massachusetts, Connecticut, and
New Hampshire were obliged to resort to a kind of conscription,
a draft of militia men to serve for twelve months
as substitutes till the regiments could be filled. In forming<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">121</span>
the first New England army, the enlistment of negro
slaves had been specially prohibited; but recruits of any
color were now gladly accepted, and many negroes obtained
their freedom by enlistment.</p>

<p>The Middle and Southern colonies, whence Washington’s
recruits were principally to come, were still more behind-hand.
Of the men enlisted in those states, many were
foreign-born, redemptioners, or indented servants, whose
attachment to the cause could not fully be relied upon.
Congress had offered bounties in land to such Germans as
might desert from the British, and Howe now retorted by
promising rewards in money to foreigners deserting the
American service. Congress, as a countervailing measure,
at Washington’s earnest request relinquished a plan they
had adopted of stopping a portion of the pay of the indented
servants in the army as a compensation to their
masters for loss of service. That compensation was left
to be provided for at the public expense, and the enlisted
servants were all declared freemen.</p>

<p>Washington was still at Morristown, waiting with no little
anxiety the movements of the British. The expected
reinforcements and supplies, especially tents, the want of
which had kept Howe from moving, had at last arrived.
Burgoyne had assumed the command in Canada; but what
his intentions were Washington did not know—whether
he would advance by way of Lake Champlain, or, what
seemed more probable, would take shipping in the St.
Lawrence and join Howe in New York. Nor could he tell
whether Howe would move up the Hudson to co-operate
with Burgoyne, or whether he would attempt Philadelphia;
and if so, whether by land or water.</p>

<p>Philadelphia, however, seemed the most probable object
of attack; and the more effectually to cover that city,
leaving Putnam in the Highlands with a division of Eastern
troops, Washington, on May 28th, moved to a piece of
strong ground at Middlebrook, about twelve miles from
Princeton. He had with him forty-three battalions, arranged<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">122</span>
in ten brigades and five divisions; but these battalions
were so far from being full that the whole amounted
to only eight thousand men.</p>

<p>On June 13th Howe marched out of New Brunswick
with a powerful army, designing apparently to force his
way to Philadelphia. Washington called to his aid a large
part of the troops in the Highlands; the New Jersey militia
turned out in force; Arnold, to whom had been assigned
the command at Philadelphia, was busy with Mifflin in
preparing defences for the Delaware. It was Howe’s real
object, not so much to penetrate to Philadelphia as to draw
Washington out of his intrenchments and to bring on a
general engagement, in which, upon anything like equal
ground, the British general felt certain of victory. With
that intent he made a sudden and rapid retreat, evacuated
New Brunswick even, and fell back to Amboy. The bait
seemed to take; the American van, under Stirling, descended
to the low grounds, and Washington moved with
the main body to Quibbletown. But when Howe turned
suddenly about and attempted to gain the passes and
heights on the American left, Washington, ever on the
alert, fell rapidly back to the strong ground at Middlebrook.
In this retrograde movement Stirling’s division lost a few
men and three pieces of artillery; but the American army
was soon in a position in which Howe did not choose to
attack it.</p>

<p>Defeated in this attempt to bring on a general action,
and having made up his mind to approach Philadelphia
by water, the British commander, on June 30th, withdrew
into Staten Island, where he embarked the main body of
his army, not less than sixteen thousand strong, leaving
Clinton, who had been lately honored with the Order of
the Bath, to hold New York with five thousand men, and,
by expeditions up the Hudson and into New Jersey, to
co-operate as well with Burgoyne as with the attack upon
Philadelphia.</p>

<p>Washington knew from spies, of whom he always had<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">123</span>
a number in New York, that a fleet of transports was fitting
out there, but its destination was kept secret. Perhaps
Howe meant to proceed up the Hudson to co-operate
with Burgoyne; and the probability of such a movement
seemed to be increased by the arrival of news that Burgoyne
was advancing up Lake Champlain. Perhaps, with
the same object of aiding Burgoyne, Howe might make an
attempt upon Boston, thus finding employment at home
for the New England militia and preventing any reinforcements
to Schuyler’s army. Under these impressions,
Washington moved slowly toward the Hudson; but when
the British fleet went to sea, he retraced his steps toward
the Delaware; and news arriving that the ships had been
seen off Cape May, he advanced to Germantown. Instead
of entering the Delaware, the British fleet was presently
seen steering to the eastward, and all calculations were
thus again baffled. It was thought that Howe was returning
to New York or had sailed for New England, and
the army was kept ready to march at a moment’s notice.
Washington, in the interval, proceeded to Philadelphia and
there had an interview with Congress.</p>

<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div>

<p>The force in Canada at Burgoyne’s disposal had been a
good deal underrated by Washington and by Congress;
nor could they be induced to believe that anything was
intended in that quarter beyond a feigned attack upon
Ticonderoga, in order to distract attention from Philadelphia.
Hence the less pains had been taken to fill up
the ranks of the Northern army, which, indeed, was much
weaker than Congress had supposed. At least ten thousand
men were necessary for the defence of Ticonderoga
alone; but St. Clair, who commanded there, had only
three thousand, very insufficiently armed and equipped.
The posts in the rear were equally weak.</p>

<p>It was a part of Burgoyne’s plan not merely to take
Ticonderoga, but to advance thence upon Albany, and,
with the co-operation of the troops at New York, to get<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">124</span>
possession also of the posts in the Highlands. The British
would then command the Hudson through its whole
extent, and New England, the head of the rebellion, would
be completely cut off from the Middle and Southern
colonies.</p>

<p>Burgoyne started on this expedition with a brilliant
army of eight thousand men, partly British and partly
Germans, besides a large number of Canadian boatmen,
laborers, and skirmishers. On the western shore of Lake
Champlain, near Crown Point, he met the Six Nations in
council, and, after a feast and a speech, some four hundred
of their warriors joined his army. His next step, on
June 29th, was to issue a proclamation, in a very grandiloquent
style, setting forth his own and the British power,
painting in vivid colors the rage and fury of the Indians,
so difficult to be restrained, and threatening with all the
extremities of war all who should presume to resist his
arms.</p>

<p>Two days after the issue of this proclamation, Burgoyne
appeared before Ticonderoga. He occupied a steep
hill which overlooked the fort, and which the Americans
had neglected because they thought it inaccessible to
artillery. Preparations for attack were rapidly making,
and St. Clair saw there was no chance for his troops except
in instant retreat. The baggage and stores, placed
in bateaux, under convoy of five armed galleys, the last
remains of the American flotilla, were despatched, on
July 6th, up the narrow southern extremity of the lake
to Skenesborough, now Whitehall, toward which point the
troops retired by land, in a southeasterly direction, through
the New Hampshire Grants.</p>

<p>While General Fraser pursued the retreating troops,
followed by General Riedesel with a corps of Germans,
Burgoyne forced the obstructions opposite Ticonderoga,
and, embarking several regiments, he speedily overtook
the American stores and baggage, all of which fell into
his hands.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">125</span></p>

<div id="ip_125" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 31.875em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_151.jpg" width="510" height="1200" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">BURGOYNE’S ROUTE</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">126</span>
The garrison of Skenesborough, informed of Burgoyne’s
approach, set fire to the works and retreated up Wood
Creek to Fort Anne, a post about half-way to the Hudson.
They had a sharp skirmish with a British regiment which
followed them; but, other troops coming up, they set fire
to the buildings at Fort Anne and retired to Fort Edward.</p>

<p>The van of St. Clair’s troops, at the end of their first
day’s march, had reached Castleton, a distance of thirty
miles from Ticonderoga; but the rear, which included
many stragglers, and amounted to twelve hundred men,
contrary to St. Clair’s express orders, stopped short at
Hubberton, six miles behind, where they were overtaken
on the morning of July 7th and attacked by Fraser. One
of the regiments fled disgracefully, leaving most of their
officers to be taken prisoners. The two other regiments,
under Francis and Warner, made a stout resistance, but
when Riedesel came up with his Germans they too gave
way. Francis was killed, and many with him; some two
hundred were taken prisoners. Those who escaped, though
dispersed for the moment, reached St. Clair in detached
parties. Warner, with some ninety men, came up two
days after the battle. This was at Rutland, to which place
St. Clair, having heard of the fall of Skenesborough had
continued his retreat. For some time his whereabouts
was unknown, but, after a seven days’ march, he joined
Schuyler at Fort Edward, on the Hudson. Here was
assembled the whole force of the Northern army, amounting
to about five thousand men; but a considerable part
were militia hastily called in, many were without arms,
there was a great deficiency of ammunition and provisions,
and the whole force was quite disorganized.</p>

<p>The region between Skenesborough and the Hudson was
an almost unbroken wilderness. Wood Creek was navigable
as far as Fort Anne; from Fort Anne to the Hudson,
over an exceedingly rough country, covered with thick
woods and intersected by numerous streams and morasses,
extended a single military road. While Burgoyne halted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">127</span>
a few days at Skenesborough to put his forces in order
and to bring up the necessary supplies, Schuyler hastened
to destroy the navigation of Wood Creek by sinking impediments
in its channel, and to break up the bridges and
causeways, of which there were fifty or more on the road
from Fort Anne to Fort Edward. At all those points
where the construction of a side passage would be difficult
he ordered trees to be felled across the road with their
branches interlocking. All the stock in the neighborhood
was driven off, and the militia of New England was summoned
to the rescue.</p>

<p>The loss of Ticonderoga, with its numerous artillery, and
the subsequent rapid disasters came like a thunderbolt on
Congress and the Northern States. “We shall never be
able to defend a post,” wrote John Adams, President of
the Board of War, in a private letter, “till we shoot a
general.” Disasters, the unavoidable result of weakness,
were ascribed to the incapacity or cowardice of the officers.
Suggestions of treachery even were whispered, and the
prejudices of the New-Englanders against Schuyler broke
out with new violence. In the anger and vexation of the
moment, all the Northern generals were recalled, and an
inquiry was ordered into their conduct; but the execution
of this order was suspended on the representation of
Washington that the Northern army could not be left
without officers. Washington shared the general surprise
and vexation, but he had confidence in Schuyler, and he
did all in his power to reinforce the Northern army. Two
brigades from the Highlands, Morgan with his rifle corps,
the impetuous Arnold, and Lincoln, a great favorite with
the Massachusetts militia, were ordered to the Northern
Department. Washington declined the selection of a new
commander tendered to him by Congress, and that selection,
guided by the New England members, fell upon Gates.</p>

<p>Burgoyne meanwhile issued a new proclamation for a
convention of ten deputies from each township, to assemble
at Castleton, to confer with Governor Skene, and to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">128</span>
take measures for the re-establishment of the royal authority.
Schuyler, in a counter-proclamation, threatened
the utmost rigor of the law of treason against all who complied
with Burgoyne’s propositions. Subsequently to the
Declaration of Independence, the inhabitants of Vermont
had organized themselves into an independent state, had
applied to Congress for admission into the Union, and had
adopted a constitution. A Continental regiment had been
raised and officered in Vermont, of which Warner had been
commissioned as colonel. But Congress, through the influence
of New York, disclaimed any intention to countenance
the pretensions of Vermont to independence; and
the Vermont petition for admission into the Union had
been lately dismissed with some asperity. If Burgoyne,
however, founded any hopes of defection upon this circumstance,
he found himself quite mistaken.</p>

<p>The advance from Skenesborough cost the British infinite
labor and fatigue; but, beyond breaking up the
roads and placing obstacles in their way, Schuyler was
not strong enough to annoy them. These impediments
were at length overcome; and Burgoyne, with his troops,
artillery, and baggage, presently appeared on the banks
of the Hudson. The British army hailed with enthusiasm
the sight of that river, object of their toil, which they
had reached on July 29th with great efforts indeed, but
with an uninterrupted career of success and a loss of not
above two hundred men.</p>

<p>It now only remained for the British to force their way
to Albany; nor did it seem likely that Schuyler could
offer any serious resistance. His army, not yet materially
increased, was principally composed of militia without discipline,
the troops from the eastward being very little inclined
to serve under his orders and constantly deserting. Fort
Edward was untenable. As the British approached, the
Americans crossed the river, and retired, first to Saratoga,
and then to Stillwater, a short distance above the mouth
of the Mohawk.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">129</span>
Hardly had Schuyler taken up this position when news
arrived of another disaster and a new danger. While
moving up Lake Champlain, Burgoyne had detached
Colonel St. Leger, with two hundred regulars, Sir John
Johnson’s Royal Greens, some Canadian Rangers, and a
body of Indians under Brant, to harass the New York
frontier from the west. On August 3d St. Leger laid siege
to Fort Schuyler, late Fort Stanwix, near the head of the
Mohawk, then the extreme western post of the State of
New York. General Herkimer raised the militia of Tryon
County, and advanced to the relief of this important post,
which was held by Gansevoort and Willett, with two New
York regiments. About six miles from the fort, owing to
want of proper precaution, Herkimer, on August 6th, fell
into an ambush. Mortally wounded, he supported himself
against a stump and encouraged his men to the fight.
By the aid of a successful sally by Willett, they succeeded
at last in repulsing the assailants, but not without a loss
of four hundred, including many of the leading patriots of
that region, who met with no mercy at the hands of the
Indians and refugees.</p>

<p>Tryon County, which included the whole district west
of Albany, abounded with Tories. It was absolutely necessary
to relieve Fort Schuyler, lest its surrender should be
the signal for a general insurrection. Arnold volunteered
for that service, and was despatched by Schuyler with
three regiments; with the rest of his army he withdrew
into the islands at the confluence of the Mohawk and the
Hudson, a more defensible station than the camp at Stillwater.</p>

<p>The command of Lake George, as well as of Lake Champlain,
had passed into the hands of the British. That lake
furnished a convenient means of transportation; a large
quantity of provisions and stores for the British army had
arrived at Fort George, and Burgoyne was exerting every
effort for their transportation to his camp on the Hudson.
The land carriage was only eighteen miles, but the roads<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">130</span>
were so bad and the supply of draught cattle so small that,
after a fortnight’s hard labor, the British army had only
four days’ provisions in advance.</p>

<p>“To try the affections of the country, to mount Riedesel’s
Dragoons, to complete Peter’s Corps of Loyalists,
and to obtain a large supply of cattle, horses, and carriages,”
so Burgoyne expressed himself in his instructions,
it was resolved to send a strong detachment into the settlements
on the left. Colonel Baum was sent on this
errand, with two pieces of artillery and eight hundred
men, dismounted German dragoons and British marksmen,
with a body of Canadians and Indians, and Skene
and a party of Loyalists for guides.</p>

<p>Langdon, the principal merchant at Portsmouth, and
a member of the New Hampshire council, having patriotically
volunteered the means to put them in motion,
a corps of New Hampshire militia, called out upon news
of the loss of Ticonderoga, had lately arrived at Bennington
under the command of Stark. Disgusted at not
having been made a brigadier, Stark had resigned his
Continental commission as colonel, and, in agreeing to
take the leadership of the militia, had expressly stipulated
for an independent command. On that ground he had
just declined to obey an order from Lincoln to join the
main army—a piece of insubordination which might have
proved fatal, but which, in the present case, turned out
otherwise. Informed of Baum’s approach, Stark sent off
expresses for militia and for Warner’s regiment, encamped
at Manchester, and joined by many fugitives since the
battle of Hubberton. Six miles from Bennington, on the
appearance of Stark’s forces (August 14th), Baum began to
intrench himself, and sent back to Burgoyne for reinforcements.
The next day was rainy, and Stark, also expecting
reinforcements, delayed the attack. Baum improved
the interval in throwing up intrenchments. Breyman
marched to his assistance, but was delayed by the rain and
the badness of the roads, which also kept back Warner’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">131</span>
regiment. Having been joined on August 16th by some
Berkshire militia under Colonel Simmons, Stark drew out
his forces, and about noon approached the enemy. “There
they are!” exclaimed the rustic general—“we beat to-day,
or Molly Stark’s a widow!” The assault was made in
four columns, in front and rear at the same time, and after
a hot action of two hours the intrenchments were carried.
The Indians and provincials escaped to the woods; the
Germans were mostly taken or slain. The battle was
hardly over, and Stark’s men were in a good deal of confusion,
when, about four in the afternoon, Breyman was
seen coming up. Warner’s regiment luckily arrived at
the same time. The battle was renewed and kept up till
dark, when Breyman abandoned his baggage and artillery,
and made the best retreat he could. Besides the killed,
about two hundred in number, the Americans took near
six hundred prisoners, a thousand stand of arms, as many
swords, and four pieces of artillery—a seasonable supply
for the militia now flocking in from all quarters. The
American loss was only fourteen killed and forty-two
wounded.</p>

<p>Just at the moment when a turn in the affairs of the
Northern Department became fully apparent, the two brigades
from the Highlands having arrived, and the militia
fast pouring in, Schuyler, much to his mortification, was
superseded by Gates on August 22d. He still remained,
however, at Albany, and gave his assistance toward carrying
on the campaign. The day after Gates assumed the
command, Morgan arrived with his rifle corps, five hundred
strong, to which were presently added two hundred and
fifty picked men under Major Dearborn, of Scammell’s
New Hampshire regiment.</p>

<p>The victory of Stark had a magical effect in reviving the
spirits of the people and the courage of the soldiers. Indignation
was also aroused by the cruelties reported of
Burgoyne’s Indian allies. A most pathetic story was
told of one Jenny McRea, murdered by Indians near Fort<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">132</span>
Edward. Her family were Loyalists; she herself was
engaged to be married to a Loyalist officer. She was
dressed to receive her lover, when a party of Indians burst
into the house, carried off the whole family to the woods,
and there murdered, scalped, and mangled them in the
most horrible manner. Such, at least, was the story as
told in a letter of remonstrance from Gates to Burgoyne.
Burgoyne, in his reply, gave, however, a different account.
According to his version, the murder was committed by
two Indians sent by the young lady’s lover to conduct her
for safety to the British camp. They quarrelled on the
way respecting the division of the promised reward, and
settled the dispute by killing the girl. Even this correction
hardly lessened the effect of the story or diminished
the detestation so naturally felt at the employment of such
barbarous allies.</p>

<p>The artful Arnold, while on his march for the relief of
Fort Schuyler, had sent into St. Leger’s camp a very
exaggerated account of his numbers. The Indians, who
had suffered severely in the battle with Herkimer, and
who had glutted their vengeance by the murder of prisoners,
seized with a sudden panic, deserted in large numbers.
On August 22d, two days before Arnold’s arrival,
St. Leger himself precipitately retired, leaving his tents
standing and the greater part of his stores and baggage
to fall into Arnold’s hands. On returning to Gates’ camp,
Arnold received the command of the left wing.</p>

<p>These checks were not without their effect on the Six
Nations. Burgoyne’s Indians began to desert him—an
example which the Canadians soon followed. The Onondagas
and some of the Mohawks joined the Americans.
Through the influence of the missionary Kirkland, the
Oneidas had all along been favorably disposed. It was
only the more western clans, the Cayugas, Tuscaroras,
and Senecas, which adhered firmly during the war to the
British side.</p>

<p>The American army being now about six thousand<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">133</span>
strong, besides detached parties of militia under General
Lincoln, which hung upon the British rear, Gates left his
island camp, and presently occupied Behmus’ Heights,
a spur from the hills on the west side of the Hudson, jutting
close upon the river. By untiring efforts, Burgoyne
had brought forward thirty days’ provisions, and, having
thrown a bridge of boats over the Hudson, he crossed to
Saratoga. With advanced parties in front to repair the
roads and bridges, his army slowly descended the Hudson—the
Germans on the left, by a road close along the
river; the British, covered by light infantry, provincials,
and Indians, by the high ground on the right.</p>

<p>Gates’ camp on the brow of Behmus’<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> Heights formed
a segment of a circle, convex toward the enemy. A deep
intrenchment extended to the river on the right, covered
not only by strong batteries, but by an abrupt and thickly
wooded ravine descending to the river. From the head
of this ravine, toward the left, the ground was level and
partially cleared, some trees being felled and others girdled.
The defences here consisted of a breastwork of logs. On
the extreme left, a distance of three-quarters of a mile from
the river, was a knoll, a little in the rear, crowned by
strong batteries, and there was another battery to the left
of the centre. Between the two armies were two more
deep ravines, both wooded. An alarm being given about
noon of September 19th that the enemy was approaching
the left of the encampment, Morgan was sent forward with
his riflemen. Having forced a picket, his men, in the
ardor of pursuit, fell unexpectedly upon a strong British
column, and were thrown into temporary confusion.
Cilley’s and Scammell’s New Hampshire regiments were
ordered out to reinforce him. Hale’s regiment of New
Hampshire, Van Courtlandt’s and Henry Livingston’s of
New York, and two regiments of Connecticut militia were
successively led to the field, with orders to extend to the
left and support the points where they perceived the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">134</span>
greatest pressure. About three o’clock the action became
general, and till nightfall the fire of musketry was incessant.
The British had four field-pieces; the ground occupied
by the Americans, a thick wood on the borders of
an open field, did not admit the use of artillery. On the
opposite side of this field, on a rising ground, in a thin
pine wood, the British troops were drawn up. Whenever
they advanced into the open field, the fire of the American
marksmen drove them back in disorder; but when the
Americans followed into the open ground the British
would rally, charge, and force them to fall back. The
field was thus lost and won a dozen times in the course of
the day. At every charge the British artillery fell into
possession of the Americans, but the ground would not
allow them to carry off the pieces, nor could they be kept
long enough to be turned on the enemy. Late in the
afternoon, the British left being reinforced from the German
column, General Learned was ordered out with four
regiments of Massachusetts and another of New York.
Something decisive might now have occurred, but the
approach of night broke off the contest, and the Americans
withdrew to their camp, leaving the field in possession of
the British. They encamped upon it, and claimed the
victory; but, if not a drawn battle, it was one of those
victories equivalent to a defeat. The British loss was upward
of five hundred, the American less than three hundred.
To have held their ground in the circumstances in
which the armies stood was justly esteemed by the Americans
a decided triumph.</p>

<p>In anticipation of an action, Gates had ordered the
detached corps to join him. Stark, with the victors of
Bennington, had arrived in camp the day before. Their
term of service, however, expired that day; and satisfied
with laurels already won, in spite of all attempts to detain
them, they marched off the very morning of the battle.
In consideration of his courage and good conduct at
Bennington, Congress overlooked the insubordination of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">135</span>
Stark, which, in a resolution just before, they had pointedly
condemned, and he was presently elected a brigadier.
Howe and McDougall about the same time were chosen
major-generals.</p>

<p>Before receiving Gates’ orders to join the main body, a
party of Lincoln’s militia, led by Colonel Brown, had
surprised the posts at the outlet of Lake George on September
17th, and had taken three hundred prisoners, also
several armed vessels and a fleet of bateaux employed in
transporting provisions up the lake. Uniting with another
party under Colonel Johnson, they approached Ticonderoga
and beleaguered it for four days. Burgoyne’s
communications thus entirely cut off, his situation became
very alarming, and he began to intrench. His difficulties increased
every moment. Provisions were diminishing, forage
was exhausted, the horses were perishing. To retreat with
the enemy in his rear was as difficult as to advance.</p>

<p>A change of circumstances not less remarkable had
taken place in the American camp. Gates’ army was increasing
every day. The battle of Behmus’ Heights was
sounded through the country as a great victory, and, the
harvest being now over, the militia marched in from all
sides to complete the overthrow of the invaders. Lincoln,
with the greater part of his militia, having joined the army
on September 22d, he received the command of the right
wing. Arnold, on some quarrel or jealousy on the part
of Gates, had been deprived, since the late battle, of his
command of the left wing, which Gates assumed in person.
Gates was neither more able nor more trustworthy than
Schuyler; but the soldiers believed him so, and zeal,
alacrity, and obedience had succeeded to doubts, distrust,
and insubordination. Yet Gates was not without his difficulties.
The supply of ammunition was very short, and
the late change in the commissariat department, taking
place in the midst of the campaign, made the feeding of
the troops a matter of no little anxiety.</p>

<div id="ip_135" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_162.jpg" width="600" height="699" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">BEHMUS’ OR BEMIS’ HEIGHTS<br />
  <span class="smaller">Disposition of troops, October 7th</span></div></div>

<p>There was still one hope for Burgoyne. A letter in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">136</span>
cipher, brought by a trusty messenger from Clinton, at
New York, informed him of an intended diversion up the
Hudson; and, could he maintain his present position, he
might yet be relieved. But his troops, on short allowance
of provisions, were already suffering severely, and it was
necessary either to retreat or to find relief in another
battle. To make a reconnaissance of the American lines,
he drew out fifteen hundred picked men on October 7th
and formed them less than a mile from the American
camp. The two camps, indeed, were hardly cannon-shot
apart. As soon as Burgoyne’s position was discovered
his left was furiously assailed by Poor’s New Hampshire
brigade. The attack extended rapidly to the right, where<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">137</span>
Morgan’s riflemen manœuvred to cut off the British from
their camp. Gates did not appear on the field any more
than in the former battle; but Arnold, though without any
regular command, took, as usual, a leading part. He
seemed under the impulse of some extraordinary excitement,
riding at full speed, issuing orders, and cheering on
the men. To avoid being cut off from the camp, the
British right was already retreating, when the left, pressed
and overwhelmed by superior numbers, began to give way.
The gallant Fraser was mortally wounded, picked off by
the American marksmen; six pieces of artillery were
abandoned; and only by the greatest efforts did the British
troops regain their camp. The Americans followed
close upon them, and, through a shower of grape and
musketry, assaulted the right of the British works. Arnold
forced an entrance; but he was wounded, his horse was
shot under him as he rode into one of the sally-ports, and
his column was driven back. Colonel Brooks, at the head
of Jackson’s regiment of Massachusetts, was more successful.
He turned the intrenchments of a German brigade,
forced them from the ground at the point of the bayonet,
captured their camp equipage and artillery, and, what was
of still more importance, and a great relief to the American
army, an ample supply of ammunition. The repeated
attempts of the British to dislodge him all failed, and he
remained at night in possession of the works. Darkness
at length put an end to the fighting; but the Americans
slept on their arms, prepared to renew it the next morning.
The advantages they had gained were decisive. The
British had lost four hundred men in killed, wounded, and
prisoners; artillery, ammunition, and tents had been captured;
and the possession of a part of the works by the
Americans would enable them to renew the attack the
next day with every chance of success. For the safety
of the British army a change of position was indispensable;
and, while the Americans slept, the British general, with
skill and intrepidity, order and silence, drew back his discomfited<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">138</span>
troops to some high grounds in the rear, where
the British army appeared the next morning (October 8th)
drawn up in order of battle. That day was spent in skirmishes.
While attempting to reconnoitre, General Lincoln
was severely wounded and disabled from further service.
Fraser was buried on a hill he had designated, amid
showers of balls from the American lines. The Baroness
de Riedesel, who followed the camp with her young children,
and whose quarters were turned into a sort of hospital
for the wounded officers, has left a pathetic account
of the horrors of that day and of the retreat that followed.</p>

<p>To avoid being surrounded, Burgoyne was obliged to abandon
his new position, and, with the loss of his hospitals
and numerous sick and wounded, to fall back to Saratoga
on October 9th. The distance was only six miles;
but the rain fell in torrents, the roads were almost impassable,
the bridge over the Fishkill had been broken down by
the Americans, and this retrograde movement consumed
an entire day. The same obstacles prevented, however,
any serious annoyance from the American troops. During
this retreat, the better to cover the movements of the
army, General Schuyler’s house at Saratoga and extensive
saw-mills were set on fire and destroyed. A body
of artificers, sent forward under a strong escort to repair
the bridge toward Fort Edward, found that road and the
ford across the Hudson already occupied by the Americans.
The fleet of bateaux, loaded with the British supplies
and provisions, was assailed from the left bank of
the river, and many of the boats were taken. The lading
of the others was only saved by a most laborious and difficult
transportation, under a sharp American fire, up the
steep river-bank to the heights occupied by the British
army. Even the camp itself was not safe; grape and
rifle balls fell in the midst of it.</p>

<p>Burgoyne’s situation was truly deplorable. He had
heard nothing further from New York, and his effective
force was now reduced to four thousand men, surrounded<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">139</span>
by an enemy three times as numerous, flushed with success,
and rapidly increasing. All the fords and passes
toward Lake George were occupied and covered by intrenchments,
and, even should the baggage and artillery
be abandoned, there was no hope of forcing a passage.
An account of the provisions on hand (October 13th)
showed only three days’ supply. The troops, exhausted
with hunger and fatigue, and conscious of their hopeless
situation, could not be depended on, especially should the
camp be attacked. A council of war, to which not field
officers only, but all the captains commandant were summoned,
advised to open a treaty of capitulation.</p>

<p>Gates demanded, at first, an unconditional surrender;
but to that Burgoyne would not submit. The American
commander was the less precise about terms, and very
eager to hasten matters, lest he too might be attacked in the
rear. He knew, though Burgoyne did not, that the intended
diversion from New York, delayed for some time
to await the arrival of forces from Europe, had at length
been successfully made, and that all the American posts
in the Highlands had fallen into the hands of the British.
Should Burgoyne continue to hold out, this new enemy
might even make a push on Albany.</p>

<p>The main defences of the Highlands, Forts Clinton and
Montgomery, on the west bank of the Hudson, separated
from each other by a small stream, and too high to be battered
from the water, were surrounded by steep and rugged
hills which made the approach to them on the land side
very difficult. To stop the ascent of the enemy’s ships,
frames of timber, with projecting beams shod with iron,
had been sunk in the channel. A boom, formed of great
trees fastened together, extended from bank to bank,
and in front of this boom was stretched a huge iron chain.
Above these impediments several armed vessels were
moored. On an island a few miles higher up, and near
the eastern bank of the river, was Fort Constitution, with
another boom and chain. Near the entrance of the Highlands,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">140</span>
and below the other posts, Fort Independence
occupied a high point of land on the east bank of the river.
It was at Peekskill, just below Fort Independence, that the
commanding officer in the Highlands usually had his
headquarters. The two brigades sent to the Northern
army, and other detachments which Washington had himself
been obliged to draw from the Highlands, had so
weakened the regular garrison that Washington became
much alarmed for the safety of that important post. The
remainder of the New York militia, not under arms in the
Northern Department, had been called out by Governor
Clinton to supply the place of the detached regulars;
other militia had been sent from Connecticut; but, as no
signs of immediate attack appeared, and as the harvest
demanded their services at home, Putnam allowed most of
them to return. Half the New York militia were ordered
back again by Clinton, but before they had mustered the
posts were lost. Putnam was at Peekskill with the main
body of the garrison, which amounted in the whole to not
more than two thousand men. While a party of the
enemy amused him with the idea that Fort Independence
was their object, a stronger party landed lower down, on
the other side of the river, and, pushing inland through
the defiles of the Highlands, approached Forts Clinton and
Montgomery, of which the entire garrison did not exceed
six hundred men. Before assistance could be sent by
Putnam—indeed, before he knew of the attack—the forts,
much too extensive to be defended by so small a force,
were both taken on October 5th. Governor Clinton, who
commanded, his brother, General James Clinton, and a
part of the garrison availed themselves of the knowledge of
the ground and escaped across the river, but the Americans
suffered a loss of two hundred and fifty in killed and prisoners.
Fort Constitution was immediately evacuated by
the few troops that held it, and two new Continental
frigates, with some other vessels, were set on fire to prevent
their falling into the hands of the enemy. Even<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">141</span>
Peekskill and Fort Independence were abandoned, the
stores being conveyed to Fishkill, whither Putnam retired
with his forces. The booms and chains were removed,
so that ships could pass up; and a British detachment
under Tryon burned Continental Village, a new settlement
on the east side of the river, where many public stores
were deposited.</p>

<div id="ip_141" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_167.jpg" width="600" height="1135" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">DISPOSITION OF TROOPS FROM OCTOBER 11TH TILL THE SURRENDER, OCTOBER 17TH</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">142</span>
Informed of these movements, and very anxious to
have Burgoyne’s army out of the way, Gates agreed, on
October 16th, that the British troops should march out
of their camp with the honors of war, should lay down
their arms, and be conducted to Boston, there to embark
for England, under an engagement not to serve against
the United States till exchanged. Having heard from a
deserter of the advance of Clinton, Burgoyne hesitated to
ratify the treaty; but, on consideration and consultation
with his officers, he did not choose to run the risk of breaking
it. The prisoners included in this capitulation were five
thousand six hundred and forty-two; the previous losses
of the army amounted to near four thousand more. The
arms, artillery, baggage, and camp equipage became the
property of the captors. The German regiments contrived
to save their colors by cutting them from the
staves, rolling them up, and packing them away with
Madame de Riedesel’s baggage.</p>

<p>As soon as the garrison of Ticonderoga heard of the
surrender, they hastily destroyed what they could and
retired to Canada. Putnam no sooner heard of it than
he sent pressing despatches for assistance. The British
had proceeded as high up as Esopus, which they burned
about the very time that Burgoyne was capitulating.
Putnam had been already joined by some three thousand
militia, to which a large detachment from Gates’ army
was soon added. As it was now too late to succor Burgoyne,
having dismantled the forts in the Highlands, the
British returned to New York, carrying with them sixty-seven
pieces of heavy artillery and a large quantity of
provisions and ammunition. Before their departure they
burned every house within their reach—a piece of malice
ascribed to Tryon and his Tories.</p>

<p>The capture of a whole British army,<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> lately the object<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">143</span>
of so much terror, produced, especially in New England,
an exultation proportionate to the recent alarm. The
military reputation of Gates, elevated to a very high
pitch, rivalled even the fame of Washington, dimmed as
it was by the loss of Philadelphia, which, meanwhile, had
fallen into the enemy’s hands. The youthful Wilkinson,
who had acted during the campaign as deputy adjutant-general
of the American army, and whose <cite>Memoirs</cite> contain
the best account of its movements, being sent to Congress
with news of the surrender, was henceforth honored
with a brevet commission as brigadier-general; which,
however, he speedily resigned when he found a remonstrance
against this irregular advancement sent to Congress
by forty-seven colonels of the line. The investigation
into Schuyler’s conduct resulted, a year afterward, in his
acquittal with the highest honor. He insisted, however,
on resigning his commission, though strongly urged by
Congress to retain it. But he did not relinquish the service
of his country, in which he continued as active as
ever, being presently chosen a member of Congress.</p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN THE BATTLE OF<br />
SARATOGA, 1777, AND THE BATTLE<br />
OF YORKTOWN, 1781</h3>

<p>1777. Congress adopts the Articles of Confederation.
Stars and Stripes adopted. British evacuate New York.
British occupy Philadelphia. American winter-quarters at
Valley Forge, in December.</p>

<p>1778. France recognizes the independence of the United
States. The British evacuate Philadelphia. The battle of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">144</span>
Monmouth. France declares war against England. The
Wyoming Valley Massacre. Battle of Rhode Island. The
British enter Savannah. General George Rogers Clark
conquers the “Old Northwest.”</p>

<p>1779. Storming of Stony Point by the Americans.
Paul Jones, in the <i>Bon Homme Richard</i>, is victorious over
the British frigate <i>Serapis</i>. The British win the engagement
of Brier Creek. Spain declares war against Great
Britain. Congress guaranties the Floridas to Spain if she
takes them from Great Britain, provided the United
States should have free navigation on the Mississippi.</p>

<p>1780. Lincoln surrenders to Clinton at Charleston.
Defeat of Gates by Cornwallis in the first battle of Camden.
Treason of Benedict Arnold. Capture and execution
of André. The British are defeated at King’s Mountain.</p>

<p>1781. American victory at Cowpens. The ratification
of the Articles of Confederation by the several states completed.
Greene is defeated by Cornwallis at Guilford
Court-House. The British are victorious at Hobkirk’s
Hill (second battle of Camden). New London burned by
Arnold. Battle of Eutaw Springs. Washington and
Rochambeau, aided by the French fleet under Count de
Grasse, besiege Cornwallis in Yorktown. Surrender of
Cornwallis.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">145</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="IX" class="vspace">IX<br />

<span id="t_10" class="subhead">YORKTOWN AND THE SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS
(1781)</span></h2>
</div>

<blockquote>

<p>The year 1781 opened with small promise of a speedy ending of
the American struggle for independence. New York remained in
the hands of the English. Cornwallis was confident of success in
the South. But Greene’s brilliant campaigning and Lafayette’s
strategy left Cornwallis with a wearied army devoid of any fruits
of victory, and, finally returning to the seaboard, he settled himself
at Yorktown. Washington, before New York, had watched
the Southern campaigns closely. Word came from the Count de
Grasse that the French fleet under his command was ready to
leave the West Indies and join in operations in Virginia. Washington
at once planned a new campaign, destined to prove of
peculiar brilliancy. He was joined by Rochambeau’s French
army from Newport. Clinton, the British commander in New
York, was tricked into believing that the city was to be closely
besieged. But the American and French armies, six thousand
strong, passed by New York in a race through Princeton and
Philadelphia to Chesapeake Bay, which they reached on September
5th, the day that De Grasse entered with his fleet to join the
other French fleet which had been set free from Newport. De
Grasse maintained his command of Chesapeake Bay in spite of
the futile attack of Admiral Graves and the British fleet. If
Rodney, who had sailed for England, had been in Graves’ place
the outcome might have been different. A defeat of De Grasse
would have meant British control of the water and a support for
Cornwallis, which would have saved his army and ruined Washington’s
plans. Yorktown affords one of the striking illustrations
in Captain Mahan’s <cite>Influence of Sea Power upon History</cite>.—<span class="smcap">Editor.</span></p></blockquote>

<h3>I</h3>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> allied American and French armies joined Lafayette
at Williamsburg, Virginia, September 25, 1781,
and on the 27th there was a besieging army there of sixteen<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">146</span>
thousand men, under the chief command of Washington,
assisted by Rochambeau. The British force,
about half as numerous, were mostly behind intrenchments
at Yorktown. On the arrival of Washington and Rochambeau
at Williamsburg, they proceeded to the <i>Ville de Paris</i>,
De Grasse’s flag-ship, to congratulate the admiral on his
victory over the British admiral Graves on the 5th, which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">147</span>
had prevented British relief of Yorktown by sea, and to
make specific arrangements for the future. Preparations
for the siege were immediately begun. The allied armies
marched from Williamsburg (September 28th), driving in
the British outposts as they approached Yorktown, and
taking possession of abandoned works. The allies formed
a semicircular line about two miles from the British intrenchments,
each wing resting on the York River, and on
the 30th the place was completely invested. The British
at Gloucester, opposite, were imprisoned by French dragoons
under the Duke de Lauzun, Virginia militia, led
by General Weedon, and eight hundred French marines.
Only once did the imprisoned troops attempt to escape
from that point. Tarleton’s legion sallied out, but were
soon driven back by De Lauzun’s cavalry, who made
Tarleton’s horse a prisoner and came near capturing his
owner.</p>

<div id="ip_147" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_172.jpg" width="700" height="574" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">SIEGE OF YORKTOWN</div></div>

<p>In the besieging lines before Yorktown the French troops
occupied the left, the West India troops of St. Simon being
on the extreme flank. The Americans were on the right;
and the French artillery, with the quarters of the two commanders,
occupied the centre. The American artillery,
commanded by General Knox, was with the right. The
fleet of De Grasse was in Lynn Haven Bay to beat off any
vessels that might attempt to relieve Cornwallis. On the
night of October 6th heavy ordnance was brought up from
the French ships, and trenches were begun at six hundred
yards from the British works. The first parallel was completed
before the morning of the 7th, under the direction
of General Lincoln; and on the afternoon of the 9th several
batteries and redoubts were finished, and a general
discharge of heavy guns was opened by the Americans on
the right. Early on the morning of the 10th the French
opened several batteries on the left. That evening the
same troops hurled red-hot balls upon British vessels in
the river, which caused the destruction by fire of several
of them—one a forty-four-gun ship.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">148</span>
The allies began the second parallel on the night of the
11th, which the British did not discover until daylight
came, when they brought several heavy guns to bear upon
the diggers. On the 14th it was determined to storm two
of the redoubts which were most annoying, as they commanded
the trenches. One on the right, near the York
River, was garrisoned by forty-five men; the other, on
the left, was manned by about one hundred and twenty
men. The capture of the former was intrusted to Americans
led by Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Hamilton, and
that of the latter to French grenadiers led by Count Deuxponts.
At a given signal Hamilton advanced in two columns—one
led by Major Fish, the other by Lieutenant-Colonel
Gimat, Lafayette’s aide, while Lieutenant-Colonel
John Laurens, with eighty men, proceeded to turn the redoubt
to intercept a retreat of the garrison. So agile
and furious was the assault that the redoubt was carried
in a few minutes, with little loss on either side. Laurens
was among the first to enter the redoubt and make the
commander, Major Campbell, a prisoner. The life of every
man who ceased to resist was spared.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the French, after a severe struggle, in which
they lost about one hundred men in killed and wounded,
captured the other redoubt. Washington, with Knox and
some others, had watched the movements with intense
anxiety, and when the commander-in-chief saw both redoubts
in possession of his troops he turned and said to
Knox, “The work is done, and well done.” That night
both redoubts were included in the second parallel. The
situation of Cornwallis was now critical. He was surrounded
by a superior force, his works were crumbling, and
he saw that when the second parallel of the besiegers should
be completed and the cannon on their batteries mounted
his post at Yorktown would become untenable, and he
resolved to attempt an escape by abandoning the place,
his baggage, and his sick, cross the York River, disperse
the allies who environed Gloucester, and by rapid marches<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">149</span>
gain the forks of the Rappahannock and Potomac, and,
forcing his way by weight of numbers through Maryland
and Pennsylvania, join Clinton at New York.</p>

<p>Boats for the passage of the river were prepared and a
part of the troops passed over, when a furious storm suddenly
arose and made any further attempts to cross too
hazardous to be undertaken. The troops were brought
back, and Cornwallis lost hope. After that the bombardment
of his lines was continuous, severe, and destructive,
and on the 17th he offered to make terms for surrender.
On the following day Lieutenant-Colonel de Laurens and
Viscount de Noailles (a kinsman of Madame Lafayette),
as commissioners of the allies, met Lieutenant-Colonel
Dundas and Major Ross, of the British army, at the house
of the Widow Moore to arrange terms for capitulation.
They were made similar to those demanded of Lincoln at
Charleston eighteen months before. The capitulation
was duly signed, October 19, 1781, and late on the afternoon
of the same day Cornwallis, his army, and public
property were surrendered to the allies.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">92</a></p>

<p>For the siege of Yorktown the French provided thirty-seven
ships of the line, and the Americans nine. The
Americans furnished nine thousand land troops (of whom
fifty-five hundred were regulars), and the French seven
thousand. Among the prisoners were two battalions of
Anspachers, amounting to ten hundred and twenty-seven
men, and two regiments of Hessians, numbering eight
hundred and seventy-five. The flag of the Anspachers
was given to Washington by the Congress.</p>

<p>The news of the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown
spread great joy throughout the colonies, especially at
Philadelphia, the seat of the national government. Washington
sent Lieutenant-Colonel Tilghman to Congress with
the news. He rode express to Philadelphia to carry the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">150</span>
despatches of the chief announcing the joyful event. He
entered the city at midnight, October 23d, and knocked
so violently at the door of Thomas McKean, the president
of Congress, that a watchman was disposed to arrest him.
Soon the glad tidings spread over the city. The watchman,
proclaiming the hour and giving the usual cry, “All’s
well,” added, “and Cornwallis is taken!” Thousands of
citizens rushed from their beds, half dressed, and filled the
streets. The old State-house bell, that had clearly proclaimed
independence, now rang out tones of gladness.
Lights were seen moving in every house. The first blush
of morning was greeted with the booming of cannon, and
at an early hour the Congress assembled and with quick-beating
hearts heard Charles Thomson read the despatch
from Washington. At its conclusion it was resolved to
go in a body to the Lutheran church, at 2 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span>, and “return
thanks to the Almighty God for crowning the allied
armies of the United States and France with success.”<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">93</a></p>

<h3>II<br />

<span class="subhead">THE RESULTS OF YORKTOWN</span></h3>

<p class="p1 b2 center"><i>By Claude Halstead Van Tyne, Ph.D.</i></p>

<p>The surrender of Cornwallis came at the right time to
produce a great political effect in England. The war had
assumed such tremendous proportions that accumulated
disaster seemed to threaten the ruin of Great Britain.
From India came news of Hyder Ali’s temporary successes,
and of the presence of a strong French armament which
demanded that England yield every claim except to Bengal.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">151</span>
That Warren Hastings and Sir Eyre Coote would yet
save the British Empire there, the politicians could not
foresee. Spain had already driven the British forces from
Florida, and in the spring of 1782 Minorca fell before her
repeated assaults and Gibraltar was fearfully beset. De
Grasse’s successes during the winter in the West Indies
left only Jamaica, Barbadoes, and Antigua in British hands.
St. Eustatius, too, was recaptured, and it was not until the
middle of April that Rodney regained England’s naval
supremacy by a famous victory near Marie-Galante.<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a>
England had not a friend in Europe, and was beset at
home by violent agitation in Ireland, to which she was
obliged to yield an independent Irish Parliament.<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> Rodney’s
victory and the successful repulsion of the Spaniards
from Gibraltar, in the summer of 1782, came too late to
save the North ministry.</p>

<p>The negotiations between the English and American
peace envoys dragged on. Congress had instructed the
commissioners not to make terms without the approval
of the French court, but the commissioners became suspicious
of Vergennes, broke their instructions, and dealt
directly and solely with the British envoys. Boundaries,
fishery questions, treatment of the American loyalists,
and settlement of American debts to British subjects were
settled one after another, and, November 30, 1782, a provisional
treaty was signed. The definitive treaty was delayed
until September 3, 1783, after France and England
had agreed upon terms of peace.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">96</a></p>

<p>America awaited the outcome almost with lethargy.
After Yorktown the country relapsed into indifference,
and Washington was left helpless to do anything to assure
victory. He could only wait and hope that the enemy
was as exhausted as America. Disorganization was seen
everywhere—in politics, in finance, and in the army.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">152</span>
Peace came like a stroke of good-fortune rather than a
prize that was won. Congress (January 14, 1784) could
barely assemble a quorum to ratify the treaty.<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">97</a></p>

<p>During the war many had feared that British victory
would mean the overthrow in England of constitutional
liberty. The defeat, therefore, of the king’s purpose in
America seemed a victory for liberalism in England as
well as in America. Personal government was overthrown,
and no British king has gained such power since.
The dangers to freedom of speech and of the press were
ended. Corruption and daring disregard of public law
received a great blow. The ancient course of English
constitutional development was resumed. England never,
it is true, yielded to her colonies what America had demanded
in 1775, but she did learn to handle the affairs
of her colonies with greater diplomacy, and she does not
allow them now to get into such an unsympathetic state.</p>

<p>Great Britain herself was not so near ruin as she
seemed; she was still to be the mother of nations, and
the English race was not weakened, though the empire was
broken. In political, social, and intellectual spirit England
and America continued to be much the same. English
notions of private and public law still persisted in
independent America. The large influence which the
Anglo-Saxon race had long had upon the world’s destiny
was not left with either America or England alone, but
with them both. America only continued England’s
“manifest destiny” in America, pushing her language,
modes of political and intellectual activity, and her social
customs westward and southward—driving back Latin
civilization in the same resistless way as before the Revolution.</p>

<p>For America much good came out of the Revolution.
Americans had acted together in a great crisis, and Washington’s
efforts in the army to banish provincial distinctions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">153</span>
did much to create fellow-feeling which would make
real union possible. With laws and governments alike,
and the same predominant language, together with common
political and economic interests, future unity seemed
assured.</p>

<p>The republican form of government was now given a
strong foothold in America. Frederick the Great asserted
that the new republic could not endure, because “a republican
government had never been known to exist for
any length of time where the territory was not limited and
concentrated”; yet America, within a century, was to
make it a success over a region three times as great as
the territory for which Frederick foretold failure.<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a></p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN THE BATTLE OF<br />
YORKTOWN, 1781, AND THE<br />
BATTLES ON THE LAKES,<br />
1813 AND 1814</h3>

<p>1782. Holland recognizes the independence of the United
States. The British evacuate Savannah and Charleston.
Signing of the preliminary treaty of peace with Great
Britain.</p>

<p>1783. Peace of Versailles between Great Britain, the
United States, France, and Spain. Great Britain acknowledges
the independence of the United States, restores
Florida and Minorca to Spain, and cedes Tobago to
France. Evacuation of New York by the British.</p>

<p>1785. Disputes between the United States and Spain
over the navigation of the Mississippi and the boundaries
of the Floridas.</p>

<p>1786. Outbreak of Shays’ Rebellion in Massachusetts.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">154</span>
1787. Suppression of Shays’ Rebellion. Framing of
the Constitution of the United States at Philadelphia.
Congress undertakes the government of the Northwest
Territory.</p>

<p>1788. The Constitution ratified by a majority of the
States.</p>

<p>1789. George Washington elected first President of the
United States. The Continental Congress is superseded
by the first Congress under the Constitution. Beginning
of the French Revolution.</p>

<p>1790. Rhode Island (the last of the original thirteen
States) ratifies the Constitution. Harmar’s unsuccessful
expedition against the Indians of the Northwest Territory.</p>

<p>1791. Admission of Vermont into the Union. Defeat
of St. Clair by the Miami Indians. Insurrection of the
blacks in Hayti against the French. Canada is divided
into Upper and Lower Canada.</p>

<p>1792. Admission of Kentucky into the Union.</p>

<p>1793. Beginning of Washington’s second administration.
Execution of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette.
Napoleon Bonaparte commands the French artillery at the
recapture of Toulon from the English.</p>

<p>1794. Whiskey Insurrection in Pennsylvania. The
Miami Indians defeated by Gen. Anthony Wayne near
Maumee Rapids, Ohio.</p>

<p>1796. Admission of Tennessee into the Union. John
Adams elected President. Bonaparte becomes the conspicuous
figure in European warfare.</p>

<p>1797. Trouble between France and the United States.
The <i>Constellation</i> captures <i>L’Insurgente</i>.</p>

<p>1798. Passage of the Alien and Sedition laws in the
United States.</p>

<p>1799. Death of Washington.</p>

<p>1800. The seat of government of the United States is
removed from Philadelphia to Washington. Thomas
Jefferson elected President. Retrocession of Louisiana
to France by Spain.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">155</span>
1801. War between Tripoli and the United States.</p>

<p>1802. Admission of Ohio into the Union.</p>

<p>1803. The Louisiana Purchase is negotiated with France.</p>

<p>1804. Thomas Jefferson re-elected President. Decatur
captures and burns the frigate <i>Philadelphia</i> at Tripoli.
Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1804–1806. Napoleon proclaimed
Emperor of France.</p>

<p>1805. Peace between the United States and Tripoli.</p>

<p>1806. The <i>Leander</i>, a British naval vessel, fires into
an American coaster off Sandy Hook. Great Britain
issues an “Order in Council” declaring the coast of
Europe from the Elbe to Brest under blockade. Napoleon
issues Berlin Decree. Culmination of Aaron Burr’s conspiracy
and his arrest.</p>

<p>1807. Congress prohibits the importation of slaves.
The British man-of-war <i>Leopard</i> fires upon the American
frigate <i>Chesapeake</i> and takes four seamen claimed as
British subjects. Aaron Burr tried for conspiracy and
treason, and acquitted. Another British “Order in
Council” forbids neutral nations to deal with France.
Napoleon’s Milan decree forbidding trade with England.
American Embargo Act, prohibiting foreign commerce.</p>

<p>1808. James Madison elected President. Embargo Act
repealed. Non-intercourse Act passed, forbidding commerce
with Great Britain and France.</p>

<p>1809. Recall of British minister asked by American
government.</p>

<p>1810. Napoleon orders sale of captured American
vessels, worth with their cargoes $8,000,000.</p>

<p>1811. General Harrison defeats Tecumseh at Tippecanoe.
Fight between the United States frigate <i>President</i>
and the British sloop-of-war <i>Little Belt</i>.</p>

<p>1812. Admission of Louisiana into the Union. The
United States declares war against Great Britain. The
Americans, under Hull, invade Canada. Surrender of
Hull at Detroit. The <i>Constitution</i> captures the <i>Guerrière</i>;
the <i>Wasp</i> takes the <i>Frolic</i>; the <i>United States</i>, the <i>Macedonian</i>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">156</span>
and the <i>Constitution</i>, the <i>Java</i>. James Madison
re-elected President. General Smyth makes a futile
attempt to invade Canada.</p>

<p>1813. The British are victorious at Frenchtown. The
<i>Hornet</i> captures the <i>Peacock</i>. The Americans take York
(Toronto), and the British are repulsed at Sackett’s Harbor.
Capture of the <i>Chesapeake</i> by the <i>Shannon</i>. The
<i>Boxer</i> taken by the <i>Enterprise</i>. Commodore Perry wins
the battle of Lake Erie.</p>

<p>1814. General Jackson defeats the Creek Indians. The
<i>Essex</i> surrenders to the <i>Phœbe</i> and the <i>Cherub</i>. The
Americans are victorious at Chippewa and Lundy’s Lane.
Battle of Lake Champlain. In Europe the year was
chiefly notable for the entry of the Allies into Paris, the
abdication of Napoleon, and his withdrawal to Elba.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">157</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="X" class="vspace">X<br />

<span id="t_11" class="subhead">THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE, 1813</span></h2>
</div>

<blockquote>

<p>The opening of the nineteenth century brought years of humiliation,
in which American ideals of a neutral commerce, to be unrestricted
except by incidents of actual war, collided with the
passions of two nations engaged in a death-grapple between “the
elephant and the whale”—the French army and the English
navy. The established principles of international law were set
aside, and fifteen hundred American merchantmen were made
prize under a series of iniquitous Orders in Council and Decrees.
American sailors were seized by British cruisers on the high seas,
even on a duly commissioned American man-of-war. President
Jefferson discovered that great nations at war are not moved by
ideals of permanent self-interest, and that the rights and the
friendship of little powers are not trump-cards.</p>

<p>Then the country entered into the War of 1812 at the inopportune
moment when the snows of Russia were about to overwhelm
Napoleon. In the war the Americans held a talisman which
could sway even proud Albion: the victories of American cruisers,
combined with the heroism of the privateers, convinced the English
that, after all, David was a likely youth, whose sling might
disturb the peace of the nations; and they agreed, in the Peace of
Ghent, in 1814, to terms highly favorable to the United States.
From that time down to the Civil War the United States had the
respect of all European nations.</p>

<p>The War of 1812 seemed designed by Providence to teach the
Americans that free institutions do not of themselves create
trained soldiers or efficient officers. The field of land war was
strewn with the dead reputations of commanding officers, and
the nation underwent the deep humiliation of the destruction of
the national capital, but the magnificent conduct of the American
navy on the lakes and on the ocean showed what Americans
could do in a disciplined service with men properly armed and
supplied. Upon England especially the lesson that, ship against
ship, the Americans were their equals as navigators and fighting-men<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">158</span>
was never lost. The naval victories, combined with the defeat
of the British by Jackson in the closing days of the war, left
on the minds of the Americans the impression of a second national
success.—Prof. Albert Bushnell Hart, in <cite>National Ideals</cite>.</p></blockquote>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Oliver Hazard Perry</span>, the hero of Lake Erie,
inherited from his father a fearless, high-strung disposition,
and early in life showed his longing for adventure.
The elder Perry was a seaman from the time he
could lift a handspike, and fought in the Revolutionary
days, first as a privateersman on a Boston letter-of-marque,
and afterward as a volunteer on board the frigate <i>Trumbull</i>
and the sloop-of-war <i>Mifflin</i>. He was captured and
imprisoned for eight long months in the famous Jersey
prison-ship, where he succeeded in braving the dangers of
disease, starvation, and hardship, and at last regained his
liberty. Once more he became a privateersman, but ill-fortune
followed him. He was captured in the English
Channel, and confined for eighteen months in a British
prison, whence he again escaped and made his way to
the island of St. Thomas. From thence he sailed to
Charleston, South Carolina, where he arrived about the
time that peace was concluded. After that Perry found
employment in the East Indian trade until 1798, when
he was appointed to the command of the U.S.S. <i>General
Greene</i>. He was the head of a large family, having married
in 1783, the oldest of his children being Oliver Hazard.
Of the four other sons, three of them also entered the navy
and served with distinction.</p>

<p>Oliver Hazard as a boy was not physically strong; he
grew tall at an early age, and his strength was not in keeping
with his inches. Nevertheless, he declared himself positively
in favor of taking up the sea as a profession, and in
April of 1799, after his father had been in command of the
<i>General Greene</i> for one year, to his delight young Perry received
his midshipman’s warrant and joined the same ship.</p>

<p>The young midshipman made several cruises with his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">159</span>
father to the West Indies; his health and strength increased
with the life in the open air; he showed capacity
and courage, and participated in the action that resulted
in the reduction of Jacmel in connection with the land
attack of the celebrated General Toussaint’s army. This
was the last active service of the <i>General Greene</i>; she was
sold and broken up, and upon the reduction of the navy
in 1801 the elder Perry left the service. In 1803 his son
returned from a cruise in the Mediterranean and was
promoted to an acting lieutenancy.</p>

<p>In our naval history of this time the recurrence of
various names, and the references made over and over
again to the same actions and occurrences, are easily accountable
when we think of the small number of vessels
the United States possessed and the surprisingly few officers
on the pay-rolls. The high feeling of <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">esprit de corps</i>
that existed among them came from the fact that they each
had a chance to prove their courage and fidelity. There
was a high standard set for them to reach.</p>

<p>Oliver Hazard Perry went through the same school that,
luckily for us, graduated so many fine officers and sailors—that
of the Tripolitan war. After he returned to America,
at the conclusion of peace with Tripoli, he served in
various capacities along the coast, proving himself an
efficient leader upon more than one occasion. The first
service upon which the young officer was employed after
the commencement of the war with England was taking
charge of a flotilla of gunboats stationed at Newport.</p>

<p>As this service was neither arduous nor calculated to
bring chances for active employment in the way of fighting,
time hung on his hands, and Perry chafed greatly
under his enforced retirement. At last he petitioned the
government to place him in active service, stating plainly
his desire to be attached to the naval forces that were then
gathering under the command of Commodore Chauncey
on the lakes. His request was granted, to his great joy,
and he set out with all despatch.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">160</span>
It was at an early period of the war that the government
had seen the immense importance of gaining the
command of the western lakes, and in October of 1812
Commodore Chauncey had been ordered to take seven
hundred seamen and one hundred and fifty marines and
proceed by forced marches to Lake Ontario. There had
been sent ahead of him a large number of ship-builders
and carpenters, and great activity was displayed in building
and outfitting a fleet which might give to the United
States the possession of Lake Ontario. There was no
great opposition made to the American arms by the British
on this lake, but the unfortunate surrender of General
Hull had placed the English in undisputed possession of
Lake Erie.</p>

<p>In March, 1813, Captain Perry having been despatched
to the port of Erie, arrived there to find a fleet of ten
sail being prepared to take the waters against the British
fleet under Commodore Barclay—an old and experienced
leader, a hero of the days of Nelson and the <i>Victory</i>.</p>

<p>Before Perry’s arrival a brilliant little action had taken
place in October of the previous year. Two British vessels,
the <i>Detroit</i> and the <i>Caledonia</i>, came down the lake and
anchored under the guns of the British Fort Erie on the
Canadian side. At that time Lieutenant Elliott was superintending
the naval affairs on Lake Erie, and, the news
having been brought to him of the arrival of the English
vessels on the opposite side, he immediately determined
to make a night attack and cut them out. For a long
time a body of seamen had been tramping their toilsome
march from the Hudson River to the lakes, and Elliott,
hearing that they were but some thirty miles away, despatched
a messenger to hasten them forward; at the
same time he began to prepare two small boats for the
expedition. About twelve o’clock the wearied seamen,
footsore and hungry, arrived, and then it was discovered
that in the whole draft there were but twenty pistols, and
no cutlasses, pikes, or battle-axes. But Elliott was not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">161</span>
dismayed. Applying to General Smyth, who was in command
of the regulars, for arms and assistance, he was
supplied with a few muskets and pistols, and about fifty
soldiers were detached to aid him.</p>

<p>Late in the afternoon Elliott had picked out his crews
and manned the two boats, putting about fifty men in
each; but he did not stir until one o’clock on the following
morning, when in the pitch darkness he set out from the
mouth of Buffalo Creek, with a long pull ahead. The
wind was not strong enough to make good use of the
sails, and the poor sailors were so weary that those who
were not rowing lay sleeping, huddled together on their
arms, and displaying great listlessness and little desire for
fighting. At three o’clock Elliott was alongside the British
vessels. It was a complete surprise; in ten minutes
he had full possession of them and had secured the crews
as prisoners. But after making every exertion to get
under sail, he found to his bitter disappointment that the
wind was unfortunately so light that the rapid current
made them gather an increasing sternway every instant.
Another unfortunate circumstance was that he would
have to pass the British fort below and quite close to
hand, for he was on the Canadian shore. As the vessels
came in sight of the British battery, the latter opened a
heavy fire of round and grape, and several pieces of flying
artillery stationed in the woods took up the chorus.</p>

<p>The <i>Caledonia</i>, being a smaller vessel, succeeded in getting
out of the current, and was beached in as safe a position
as possible under one of the American batteries at Black
Rock, across the river; but Elliott was compelled to drop
his anchor at the distance of about four hundred yards
from two of the British batteries. He was almost at their
mercy, and in the extremity he tried the effect of a ruse, or,
better, made a threat that we must believe he never intended
carrying into effect.</p>

<p>Observing an officer standing on the top of an earthwork,
he hailed him at the top of his voice:</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">162</span>
“Heigh, there, Mr. John Bull! if you fire another gun
at me I’ll bring up all my prisoners, and you can use them
for targets!” he shouted.</p>

<p>The answer was the simultaneous discharge of all of the
Englishman’s guns. But not a single prisoner was brought
on deck to share the fate of the Americans, who felt the
effect of the fire, and who now began to make strenuous
efforts to return it. Elliott brought all of the guns on one
side of his ship, and replied briskly, until he suddenly discovered
that all of his ammunition was expended. Now
there was but one chance left: to cut the cable, drift down
the river out of the reach of the heavy batteries, and
make a stand against the flying artillery with small arms.
This was accordingly done, but as the sails were raised the
fact was ascertained that the pilot had taken French
leave. No one else knew the channel, and, swinging
about, the vessel drifted astern for some ten minutes;
then, fortunately striking a cross-current, she brought up
on the shore of Squaw Island, near the American side.
Elliott sent a boat to the mainland with the prisoners first.
It experienced great difficulty in making the passage, being
almost swamped once or twice, and it did not return.
Affairs had reached a crisis, but with the aid of a smaller
boat, and by the exercise of great care, the remainder of
the prisoners and the crew succeeded in getting on shore
at about eight o’clock in the morning. At about eleven
o’clock a company of British regulars rowed over from the
Canadian shore to Squaw Island and boarded the <i>Detroit</i>,
their intention being to destroy her and burn up the
munitions with which she was laden. Seeing their purpose,
Major Cyrenus Chapin, a good Yankee from Massachusetts,
called for volunteers to return to the island, and,
despite the difficulties ahead, almost every man signified
his willingness to go. Quickly making his selection,
Major Chapin succeeded in landing with about thirty
men at his back, and drove off the English before they
had managed to start the flames. About three o’clock<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">163</span>
a second attempt was made, but it was easily repulsed.</p>

<p>The <i>Detroit</i> mounted six long six-pounders, and her
crew numbered some sixty men. She was worth saving,
but so badly was she grounded on the island that it was
impossible to get her off, and, after taking her stores out,
Elliott set her on fire to get rid of her. The little <i>Caledonia</i>
was quite a valuable capture, aside from her armament,
as she had on board a cargo of furs whose value
has been estimated at one hundred and fifty thousand
dollars.</p>

<p>But to return to the condition of affairs upon the arrival
of Captain Perry. The fleet that in a few weeks he had
under his command consisted of the brig <i>Lawrence</i>, of
twenty guns, to which he attached his flag; the <i>Niagara</i>,
of twenty guns, in command of Elliott; and the schooners
<i>Caledonia</i> and <i>Ariel</i>, of three and four guns respectively.
There were, besides, six smaller vessels, carrying from one
to two guns each; in all, Perry’s fleet mounted fifty-five
guns. The British fleet, under command of Barclay, consisted
of the <i>Detroit</i> (named after the one that was wrecked),
the <i>Queen Charlotte</i>, and the <i>Lady Prevost</i>. They mounted
nineteen, seventeen, and thirteen guns, in the order named.
The brig <i>Hunter</i> carried ten guns; the sloop <i>Little Belt</i>,
three; and the schooner <i>Chippeway</i>, one gun; in all, Barclay
had sixty-three guns, not counting several swivels—that
is, more than eight guns to the good.</p>

<p>The morning of September 10th dawned fine and clear.
Perry, with his fleet anchored about him, lay in the quiet
waters of Put-in Bay. A light breeze was blowing from
the south. Very early a number of sail were seen out on
the lake beyond the point, and soon the strangers were
discovered to be the British fleet. Everything depended
now upon the speed with which the Americans could prepare
for action. In twelve minutes every vessel was under
way and sailing out to meet the on-comers; the <i>Lawrence</i>
led the line. As the two fleets approached, the British<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">164</span>
concentrated the fire of their long and heavy guns upon
her. She came on in silence; at her peak was flying a
huge motto-flag—plain to view were the words of the
brave commander of the <i>Chesapeake</i>, “Don’t give up the
ship.”</p>

<p>The responsibility that rested upon the young commander’s
shoulders was great; his position was most precarious.
This was the first action between the fleets of
the two hostile countries; it was a battle for the dominion
of the lakes; defeat meant that the English could land at
any time an expeditionary force at any point they chose
along the shores of our natural northern barrier. The
<i>Lawrence</i> had slipped quite a way ahead of the others,
and Perry found that he would have to close, in order to
return the English fire, as at the long distance he was surely
being ripped to pieces.</p>

<p>Signalling the rest of the fleet to follow him, he made
all sail and bore down upon the English; but, to quote
from the account in the <i>Naval Temple</i>, printed in the
year 1816, “Every brace and bowline of the <i>Lawrence</i>
being shot away, she became unmanageable, notwithstanding
the great exertion of the sailing-master. In this
situation she sustained the action within canister distance
upward of two hours, until every gun was rendered useless
and the greater part of her crew either killed or
wounded.”</p>

<p>It is easy to imagine the feelings of Perry at this moment.
The smaller vessels of his fleet had not come
within firing distance; there was absolutely nothing for
him to do on board the flag-ship except to lower his flag.
Yet there was one forlorn-hope that occurred to the
young commander, and without hesitation he called away
the only boat capable of floating; taking his flag, he
quitted the <i>Lawrence</i> and rowed off for the <i>Niagara</i>. The
most wonderful accounts of hair-breadth escapes could
not equal that of Perry upon this occasion. Why his
boat was not swamped, or its crew and commander killed,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">165</span>
cannot be explained. Three of the British ships fired
broadsides at him at pistol-shot distance as he passed
by them in succession; and, although the water boiled
about him, and the balls whistled but a few inches overhead,
he reached the <i>Niagara</i> in safety.</p>

<div id="ip_165" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 24.5em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_191.jpg" width="392" height="168" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><p>THE TWO SQUADRONS JUST BEFORE THE BATTLE</p></div>

<p>In this diagram and the following, A is the British squadron, and its vessels
are designated by Roman numerals: I, <i>Chippeway</i>;
II, <i>Detroit</i>; III, <i>Hunter</i>;
IV, <i>Queen Charlotte</i>; V, <i>Lady Prevost</i>;
VI, <i>Little Belt</i>. B is the American squadron,
and the vessels are designated by Arabic numerals:
1, <i>Scorpion</i>; 2, <i>Ariel</i>;
3, <i>Lawrence</i>; 4, <i>Caledonia</i>;
5, <i>Niagara</i>; 6, <i>Somers</i>; 7, <i>Porcupine</i>;
8, <i>Tigress</i>; 9, <i>Trippe</i>.</p>

<p>The diagrams were furnished to Benson J. Lossing by Commodore Stephen
Champlin, of the United States Navy, the commander of the <i>Scorpion</i> in the
battle.</p></div>

<p>There are but a few parallel cases to this, of a commander
leaving one ship and transferring his flag to another
in the heat of action.</p>

<p>The Duke of York upon one occasion shifted his flag,
in the battle of Solebay; and in the battle of Texel, fought
on August 11, 1673, the English Admiral Sprague shifted
his flag from the <i>Royal Prince</i> to the <i>St. George</i>; and the
Dutch Admiral Van Tromp shifted his flag from the
<i>Golden Lion</i> to the <i>Comet</i>, owing to the former vessel being
practically destroyed by a concentrated fire. This does
not detract from the gallantry of Perry’s achievement.
The danger he faced was great, and he was probably
closer to the enemy’s vessels than any of the commanders
above mentioned.</p>

<div id="ip_165b" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 23.4375em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_192.jpg" width="375" height="150" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE FIRST POSITION IN THE BATTLE</div></div>

<p>Perry’s younger brother, who was but a midshipman,
was one of the seven other men in the boat. They left<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">166</span>
on board the <i>Lawrence</i> not above a half-score of able-bodied
men to look after the numerous wounded. Owing to the
opinions of many of the contemporary writers, who gave
way to an intense feeling of partisanship, some bitterness
was occasioned and sides were taken in regard to the
actions of Master Commandant Elliott and his superior
officer; but, looking back at it from this day, we can see
little reason for any feeling of jealousy. It is hard to
point the finger at any one on the American side in this
action and say that he did not do his duty. As Perry
reached the side of the <i>Niagara</i> the wind died away until
it was almost calm; the smaller vessels, the sloops and
schooners—the <i>Somers</i>, the <i>Scorpion</i>, the <i>Tigress</i>, the
<i>Ohio</i>, and the <i>Porcupine</i>—were seen to be well astern.
Upon Perry setting foot on deck, Elliott congratulated him
upon the way he had left his ship, and volunteered to
bring up the boats to windward, if he could be spared.
Upon receiving permission, he jumped into the boat in
which Perry had rowed from the <i>Lawrence</i> and set out
to bring up all the forces. Every effort was made to form
a front of battle, and the little gunboats, urged on by
sweeps and oars, were soon engaged in a race for glory.
In the mean time, however, the English had slackened their
fire as they saw the big flag lowered from the <i>Lawrence’s</i>
mast-head; they supposed that the latter had struck, and
set up a tremendous cheering. This was hushed as they
caught sight of the flash of oars and realized what was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">167</span>
going forward. In a few minutes, out of the thick smoke
came the <i>Niagara</i>, breaking their line and firing her broadsides
with such good execution that great confusion followed
throughout the fleet. Two of their larger brigs,
the <i>Queen Charlotte</i> and <i>Detroit</i>, ran afoul of each other,
and the <i>Niagara</i>, giving signal for close action, ran across
the bow of one ship and the stern of the other, raking
them both with fearful effect; then, squaring away and
running astern of the <i>Lady Prevost</i>, she got in another
raking fire, and, sheering off, made for the <i>Hunter</i>. Now
the little one-gun and two-gun vessels of the American
fleet were giving good accounts of themselves.</p>

<div id="ip_167" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 28.125em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_193.jpg" width="450" height="299" alt="" />
  <div class="captionl">From a painting by Carlton T. Chapman</div>
  <div class="caption"><p>BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE</p></div></div>

<p>Although their crews were exposed to full view and
stood waist-high above the bulwarks, they did no dodging;
their shots were well directed, and they raked the Englishmen
fore and aft, carrying away all the masts of the
<i>Detroit</i> and the mizzen-mast of the <i>Queen Charlotte</i>.</p>

<p>A few minutes after 3 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span> a white flag at the end of a
boarding-pike was lifted above the bulwarks of the <i>Hunter</i>.
At sight of this the <i>Chippeway</i> and <i>Little Belt</i> crowded all
sail and tried to escape, but in less than a quarter of an
hour they were captured and brought back by the <i>Trippe</i>
and <i>Scorpion</i>, under the commands of Lieutenant Thomas
Holdup and Sailing-Master Stephen Champlin. With a
ringing cheer the word went through the line that the
British had surrendered. The sovereignty of Lake Erie
belonged to America. The question of supremacy was
settled.</p>

<p>The events of the day had been most dramatic. This
fight amid the wooded shores and extending arms of the
bay was viewed from shore by hundreds of anxious Americans.
The bright sunlight and calm surface of the lake,
the enshrouding fog of smoke that from shore hid all but
the spurts of flame and the topmasts and occasionally
the flags of the vessels engaged, all had combined to make
a drama of the most exciting and awe-inspiring interest.
Nor was the last act to be a letting-down. Perry determined<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">168</span>
to receive the surrender of the defeated enemy nowhere
else but on the deck of his old flag-ship that was
slowly drifting up into the now intermingled fleets.</p>

<div id="ip_168" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 25.4375em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_196.jpg" width="407" height="147" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE SECOND POSITION IN THE BATTLE</div></div>

<p>Once more he lowered his broad pennant and rowed
out for the crippled <i>Lawrence</i>. He was received on board
with three feeble cheers, the wounded joining in, and a
number of men crawling up from the slaughter-pen of a
cockpit, begrimed and bloody.</p>

<p>On board the <i>Lawrence</i> there had been left but one
surgeon, Usher Parsons. He came on deck red to the
elbows from his work below, and the terrible execution
done by the concentrated English fire was evident to the
English officers as they stepped on board the flag-ship.
Dead men lay everywhere. A whole gun’s crew were
littered about alongside of their wrecked piece. From
below came the mournful howling of a dog. The cockpit
had been above the water’s surface, owing to the <i>Lawrence’s</i>
shallow draught, and here was a frightful sight.
The wounded had been killed outright or wounded again
as they lay on the surgeon’s table. Twice had Perry called
away the surgeon’s aids to help work ship, and once his
hail of “Can any wounded men below there pull a rope?”
was answered by three or four brave, mangled fellows
crawling up on deck to try to do their duty. All this was
apparent to the English officers as they stepped over the
bodies of the dead and went aft to where Perry stood
with his arms folded, no vainglorious expression on his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">169</span>
face, but one of sadness for the deeds that had been done
that day. Each of the English officers in turn presented
his sword, and in reply Perry bowed and requested that
the side-arms should be retained. As soon as the formalities
had been gone through with, Perry tore off the back
of an old letter he took from his pocket, and, using his
stiff hat for a writing-desk, scribbled the historic message
which a detractor has charged he cribbed from Julius
Caesar: “We have met the enemy and they are ours:—two
ships, two brigs, one schooner, and one sloop.”</p>

<p>Calling away a small boat, he sent Midshipman Forrest
with the report to Gen. William Henry Harrison.</p>

<p>A computation has been made by one historian of the
number of guns directed against the <i>Lawrence</i> in the early
part of the action. The English had heavier armaments
and more long guns; they could fight at a distance where
the chubby carronade was useless. The <i>Lawrence</i> had but
seven guns whose shots could reach her opponents, while
the British poured into her the concentrated fire of thirty-two.
This accounts for the frightful carnage.</p>

<div id="ip_169" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 22.75em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_197.jpg" width="364" height="128" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">POSITIONS AT THE CLOSE OF THE BATTLE</div></div>

<p>When the <i>Lawrence</i> was being shot through and through,
and there were but three guns that could reply to the
enemy’s fire, Lieutenant Yarnell, disfigured by a bad
wound across his face from a splinter, came up to where
Perry was standing. “The officers of my division have
all been cut down,” he said. “Can I have others?”
Perry looked about him and sent three of his aid to help
Yarnell, but in less than a quarter of an hour the lieutenant<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">170</span>
returned again. His words were almost the same
as before, but he had a fresh wound in his shoulder.
“Those officers,” he said, “have been cut down also.”</p>

<p>“There are no more,” Perry replied. “Do your best
without them.”</p>

<p>Three times was Yarnell wounded, and three times after
his wounds had been hurriedly dressed he returned to his
post.</p>

<p>Dulany Forrest, the midshipman whom Perry sent with
the despatch to General Harrison, had a most remarkable
escape. He was a brave lad who had faced death before;
he had seen the splinters fly in the action between the
<i>Constitution</i> and the <i>Java</i>. Forrest was standing close to
Captain Perry when a grape-shot that had glanced from
the side of a port struck the mast, and, again deflected,
caught the midshipman in the chest. He fell, gasping,
at Perry’s feet.</p>

<p>“Are you badly hurt, lad?” asked the latter, anxiously,
as he raised the midshipman on his knee.</p>

<p>“No, sir; not much,” the latter answered, as he caught
his breath. “But this is my shot, I think.” And with
that he extracted the half-spent ball from his clothing and
slipped it into his pocket.</p>

<p>Midshipman Henry Laub was killed in the cockpit just
after having had a dressing applied to his shattered right
arm. A Narragansett Indian who served as a gunner in
the forward division of the <i>Lawrence</i> was killed in the
same manner.</p>

<p>A summary of the losses on both sides shows that, despite
the death-list of the <i>Lawrence</i>, the English loss was
more severe. On board the American flag-ship, twenty-two
were killed and sixty-one were wounded; on board
the <i>Niagara</i>, two killed and twenty-five wounded; the
<i>Ariel</i> had one killed and three wounded; the <i>Scorpion</i>,
two killed; the <i>Caledonia</i>, three wounded; and the
<i>Somers</i> and <i>Trippe</i> each showed but two wounded men
apiece. In all, twenty-seven were killed and ninety-six<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">171</span>
wounded on the American side. The comparison of the
loss of the rest of the fleet and that suffered by the <i>Lawrence</i>
makes a remarkable showing. The English lost
forty-one killed and ninety-four wounded altogether. A
number of Canadian Indians were found on board the
English vessels. They had been engaged as marksmen,
but the first shot had taken all the fight out of them, and
they had hidden and skulked for safety.</p>

<p>Perry’s treatment of the prisoners was magnanimous.
Everything that would tend to relieve the sufferings of
the wounded was done, and relief was distributed impartially
among the sufferers on both sides. The result
of this action was a restoration of practical peace along the
frontier of the lake. The British evacuated Detroit and
Michigan, and the dreaded invasion of the Indians that
the settlers had feared so long was headed off.</p>

<p>Perry, who held but a commission of master commandant,
despite his high-acting rank, was promoted at once
to a captaincy, the date of his commission bearing the
date of his victory. He was given the command of the
frigate <i>Java</i>, a new forty-four-gun ship then fitting out at
Baltimore. Gold medals were awarded to him and to
Elliott by Congress, and silver medals to each of the commissioned
officers. A silver medal also was given to the
nearest male relative of Lieutenant Brooks, of the marines,
and swords to the nearest male relatives of Midshipmen
Laub, Claxton, and Clark. Three months’ extra pay was
voted to all the officers, seamen, and marines, and, in addition,
Congress gave $225,000 in prize-money, to be divided
among the American forces engaged in the action.
This sum was distributed in the following proportions:
Commodore Chauncey, who was in command on the lakes,
$12,750; Perry and Elliott, $7140 each—besides which Congress
voted Perry an additional $5000; the commanders of
gunboats, lieutenants, sailing-masters, and lieutenants of
marines received $2295 each; midshipmen, $811; petty officers,
$447 per capita; and marines and sailors, $209 apiece.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">172</span>
No money, however, could repay the brave men for the
service they had rendered the country. To-day the
dwellers along the shores of Lake Erie preserve the anniversary
of the battle as an occasion for rejoicing. While
the naval actions at sea reflected honor and glory to their
commanders and credit to the service, the winning of Lake
Erie averted a national catastrophe.<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a></p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">173</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XI" class="vspace">XI<br />

<span id="t_12" class="subhead">THE BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1814</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> first Thomas Macdonough was a major in the Continental
Army, and his three sons also possessed desires
for entering the service of their country. The oldest had
been a midshipman under Commodore Truxton, but, being
wounded in the action between the <i>Constellation</i> and the
<i>L’Insurgente</i>, he had to retire from the navy owing to the
amputation of his leg. But his younger brother, Thomas
Macdonough, Jr., succeeded him, and he has rendered his
name and that of Lake Champlain inseparable; but his
fearlessness and bravery were shown on many occasions
long before he was ordered to the lakes.</p>

<p>In 1806 he was first-lieutenant of the <i>Siren</i>, a little
sloop-of-war in the Mediterranean service. On one occasion
when Captain Smith, the commander of the <i>Siren</i>,
had gone on shore, young Lieutenant Macdonough saw a
boat from a British frigate lying in the harbor row up to
an American brig a short distance off, and afterward put
out again with one more man in her than she had originally.
This looked suspicious, and Macdonough sent to the
brig to ascertain the reason, with the result that he found
that an American had been impressed by the English captain’s
orders. Macdonough quietly lowered his own boat
and put after the heavy cutter, which he soon overhauled.
Although he had but four men with him, he took the
man out of the cutter and brought him on board the
<i>Siren</i>. When the English captain heard, or rather saw,
what had occurred—it was right under the bow of his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">174</span>
frigate that the affair took place—he waxed wroth, and,
calling away his gig, he rowed to the <i>Siren</i> to demand an
explanation.</p>

<p>The following account of the incident is quoted from
the life of Macdonough in Frost’s <cite>Naval Biography</cite>:</p>

<p>“The Englishman desired to know how Macdonough
dared to take a man from one of his Majesty’s boats.
The lieutenant, with great politeness, asked him down
into the cabin; this he refused, at the same time repeating
the same demand, with abundance of threats. The Englishman
threw out some threats that he would take the
man by force, and said he would haul the frigate alongside
the <i>Siren</i> for that purpose. To this Macdonough replied
that he supposed his ship could sink the <i>Siren</i>, but as long
as she could swim he should keep the man. The English
captain said to Macdonough:</p>

<p>“‘You are a very young man, and a very indiscreet
young man. Suppose I had been in the boat—what
would you have done?’</p>

<p>“‘I would have taken the man or lost my life.’</p>

<p>“‘What, sir! would you attempt to stop me, if I were
now to attempt to impress men from that brig?’</p>

<p>“‘I would; and to convince yourself I would, you have
only to make the attempt.’</p>

<p>“On this the Englishman went on board his ship, and
shortly afterward was seen bearing down in the direction
of the American vessel. Macdonough ordered his boat
manned and armed, got into her himself, and was in readiness
for pursuit. The Englishman took a circuit around
the American brig, and returned again to the frigate.
When Captain Smith came on board he justified the conduct
of Macdonough, and declared his intention to protect
the American seaman.”</p>

<p>Although Macdonough was very young, and his rank
but that of a lieutenant, people who knew him were not
surprised to hear that he had been appointed to take command
of the little squadron on Lake Champlain. These<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">175</span>
vessels were built of green pine, and almost without exception
constructed in a hurried fashion. They had to
be of light draught, and yet, odd to relate, their general
model was the same as that of ships that were expected
to meet storms and high seas.</p>

<p>Macdonough was just the man for the place; as in the
case of Perry, he had a superb self-reliance and was eager
to meet the enemy.</p>

<p>Lake Champlain and the country that surrounds it
were considered of great importance by the English, and,
descending from Canada, large bodies of troops poured
into New York State. But the American government
had, long before the war was fairly started, recognized
the advantage of keeping the water communications on
the northern frontier. The English began to build vessels
on the upper part of the lake, and the small force of ships
belonging to the Americans was increased as fast as possible.
It was a race to see which could prepare the better
fleet in the shorter space of time.</p>

<p>In the fall of the year 1814 the English had one fairly
sized frigate, the <i>Confiance</i>, mounting thirty-nine guns;
a brig, the <i>Linnet</i>; a sloop, <i>Chubb</i>, and the sloop <i>Finch</i>;
besides which they possessed thirteen large galleys, aggregating
eighteen guns. In all, therefore, the English fleet
mounted ninety-five guns. The Americans had the <i>Saratoga</i>,
sloop of war, twenty-six guns; the <i>Eagle</i>, twenty;
the <i>Ticonderoga</i>, seventeen; the <i>Preble</i>, seven; and ten
galleys carrying sixteen; their total armament was nine
guns less than the British.</p>

<p>By the first week in September Sir George Prevost had
organized his forces and started at the head of fourteen
thousand men to the southward. It was his intention to
dislodge General Macomb, who was stationed at Plattsburg,
where considerable fortifications had been erected.
A great deal of the militia force had been drawn down the
State to the city of New York, owing to the fears then
entertained that the British intended making an attack<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">176</span>
upon the city from their fleet. It was Sir George’s plan
to destroy forever the power of the Americans upon the
lake, and for that reason it was necessary to capture the
naval force which had been for some time under the command
of Macdonough. The English leader arranged a
plan with Captain Downie, who was at the head of the
squadron, that simultaneous attacks should be made by
water and land. At eight o’clock on the morning of September
11th news was brought to Lieutenant Macdonough
that the enemy was approaching. As his own vessels were
in a good position to repel an attack, he decided to remain
at anchor and await the onslaught in a line formation.
In about an hour the enemy had come within gunshot distance,
and formed a line of his own parallel with that of
the Americans. There was little or no breeze, and consequently
small chance for manœuvring. The <i>Confiance</i>
evidently claimed the honor of exchanging broadsides with
the <i>Saratoga</i>. The <i>Linnet</i> stopped opposite the <i>Eagle</i>,
and the galleys rowed in and began to fire at the <i>Ticonderoga</i>
and the <i>Preble</i>.</p>

<div id="ip_176" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 26.125em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_205.jpg" width="418" height="413" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">PLAN OF THE NAVAL ACTION ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN</div></div>

<p>Macdonough wrote such a clear and concise account of
the action that it is best to quote from it:</p>

<p>“... The whole force on both sides became engaged,
the <i>Saratoga</i> suffering much from the heavy fire of the
<i>Confiance</i>. I could perceive at the same time, however,
that our fire was very destructive to her. The <i>Ticonderoga</i>,
Lieutenant-Commandant Cassin, gallantly sustained her
full share of the action. At half-past ten the <i>Eagle</i>, not
being able to bring her guns to bear, cut her cable, and
anchored in a more eligible position, between my ship and
the <i>Ticonderoga</i>, where she very much annoyed the enemy,
but unfortunately leaving me exposed to a galling fire
from the enemy’s brig.</p>

<p>“Our guns on the starboard side being nearly all dismounted
or unmanageable, a stern-anchor was let go, the
bower-cable cut, and the ship winded with a fresh broadside
on the enemy’s ship, which soon after surrendered.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">177</span>
Our broadside was then sprung to bear on the brig, which
struck about fifteen minutes afterward. The sloop which
was opposed to the <i>Eagle</i> had struck some time before, and
drifted down the line. The sloop which was with their
galleys had also struck. Three of their galleys are said
to be sunk; the others pulled off. Our galleys were about
obeying with alacrity the signal to follow them, when all
the vessels were reported to me to be in a sinking state.
It then became necessary to annul the signal to the galleys
and order their men to the pumps. I could only look at
the enemy’s galleys going off in a shattered condition, for
there was not a mast in either squadron that could stand<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">178</span>
to make sail on. The lower rigging, being nearly all shot
away, hung down as though it had just been placed over
the mast-heads.</p>

<p>“The <i>Saratoga</i> had fifty-nine round shot in her hull;
the <i>Confiance</i> one hundred and five. The enemy’s shot
passed principally just over our heads, as there were not
twenty whole hammocks in the nettings at the close of
the action, which lasted, without intermission, two hours
and twenty minutes.</p>

<p>“The absence and sickness of Lieutenant Raymond
Perry left me without the assistance of that able officer.
Much ought fairly to be attributed to him for his great
care and attention in disciplining the ship’s crew as her
first-lieutenant. His place was filled by a gallant young
officer, Lieutenant Peter Gamble, who, I regret to inform
you, was killed early in the action.”</p>

<p>The English had begun the action as if they never
doubted the result being to their advantage, and, before
taking up their positions in the line parallel to Macdonough’s,
Downie had sailed upon the waiting fleet bows
on; thus most of his vessels had been severely raked before
they were able to return the fire. As soon as Sir
George Prevost saw the results of the action out on the
water, he gave up all idea of conquest, and began the retreat
that left New York free to breathe again. The
frontier was saved. The hills and the shores of the lake
had been crowded with multitudes of farmers, and the
two armies encamped on shore had stopped their own
preparations and fighting to watch.</p>

<p>Sir George Prevost had bombarded the American forts
from the opposite side of the River Saranac, and a brigade
endeavored to ford the river with the intention of attacking
the rear of General Macomb’s position. However,
they got lost in the woods, and were recalled by a mounted
messenger just in time to hear the cheers and shouts of
victory arise from all about them.</p>

<p>In the battle the <i>Saratoga</i> had twenty-eight men killed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">179</span>
and twenty-nine wounded, more than a quarter of her
entire crew; the <i>Eagle</i> lost thirteen killed and twenty
wounded; the <i>Ticonderoga</i>, six killed and six wounded;
the <i>Preble</i>, two killed; and the galleys, three killed and
three wounded. The <i>Saratoga</i> was hulled fifty-five times,
and had caught on fire twice from the hot shot fired by
the <i>Confiance</i>. The latter vessel was reported to have lost
forty-one killed outright and eighty-three wounded. In
all, the British loss was eighty-four killed and one hundred
and ten wounded.</p>

<p>Macdonough received substantial testimonials of gratitude
from the country at large, the Legislature of New
York giving him one thousand acres of land, and the
State of Vermont two hundred. Besides this, the corporations
of Albany and New York City made him the
present of a valuable lot, and from his old command in the
Mediterranean he received a handsome presentation sword.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a></p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, IN THE HISTORY OF THE<br />
UNITED STATES, BETWEEN THE<br />
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN,<br />
1814, AND THE WAR WITH<br />
MEXICO, 1846–1847</h3>

<p>1814. General Jackson seizes Pensacola. The Hartford
Convention. Treaty of Ghent between Great Britain
and the United States terminates the war.</p>

<p>1815. Before the news of peace reached this country
General Jackson repulses the British attack on New Orleans,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">180</span>
defeating in a bloody battle veterans who had fought
against Napoleon. Escape of Napoleon from Elba. The
“Hundred Days.” Battle of Waterloo. Second abdication
of Napoleon, who is sent to St. Helena. Commodore
Decatur imposes terms upon the Dey of Algiers, and exacts
reparation from Tunis and Tripoli.</p>

<p>1816. James Monroe elected President. Indiana admitted
into the Union.</p>

<p>1817. Admission of Mississippi into the Union.</p>

<p>1818. Beginning of the Seminole War. Illinois admitted
into the Union. Act passed establishing the flag
of the United States. General Jackson captures Spanish
fort, St. Mark’s, Florida.</p>

<p>1819. Treaty between the United States and Spain for
the cession of Florida (formal possession given in 1821).
Admission of Alabama into the Union.</p>

<p>1820. Admission of Maine into the Union. Adoption
of the Missouri Compromise, 1820, 1821. James Monroe
re-elected President.</p>

<p>1822. Establishment of the colony of Liberia. The
President recommends recognition of the independence of
the South American States and Mexico.</p>

<p>1823. The President announces the “Monroe Doctrine.”</p>

<p>1824. John Quincy Adams elected President.</p>

<p>1825. Corner-stone of Bunker Hill monument laid in
presence of Lafayette.</p>

<p>1827. Parry’s expedition to the Arctic circle, latitude
82° 45´.</p>

<p>1828. Andrew Jackson elected President.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">181</span>
1829. First locomotive tried in the United States, at
Honesdale, Pa.</p>

<p>1830. The Webster-Hayne debate in Congress. Establishment
of the Mormon Church.</p>

<p>1831. William Lloyd Garrison begins the publication of
the <i>Liberator</i> in Boston.</p>

<p>1832. Black Hawk War. Defeat of the Sacs and the
Foxes. Nullification movement in South Carolina. Andrew
Jackson re-elected President.</p>

<p>1833. Henry Clay’s tariff compromise. President Jackson
removes the public funds from the Bank of the United
States. Formation of the American Anti-Slavery Society.</p>

<p>1834. Act of Congress for the formation of Indian Territory.</p>

<p>1835. Outbreak of the Second Seminole War. Revolution
in Texas against Mexican authority. Great fire in
New York.</p>

<p>1836. Admission of Arkansas into the Union. Martin
Van Buren elected President. Storming of the Alamo
by Santa Anna. Houston defeats the Mexicans on the
San Jacinto. The republic of Texas proclaimed.</p>

<p>1837. Admission of Michigan into the Union. Financial
panic throughout the United States.</p>

<p>1838. Inauguration of transatlantic steam navigation.</p>

<p>1839. Dissolution of the Confederacy of Central America.</p>

<p>1840. William Henry Harrison elected President.</p>

<p>1841. John Tyler succeeds to the Presidency after the
death of President Harrison.</p>

<p>1842. Final termination of the Seminole War. The
Ashburton Treaty between Great Britain and the United
States for the settlement of the Northeastern boundary
line concluded. Dorr’s Rebellion in Rhode Island.</p>

<p>1844. James K. Polk elected President. Invention of
the electric telegraph.</p>

<p>1845. Admission of Florida and Texas into the Union.</p>

<p>1846. Admission of Iowa into the Union. War begins
between the United States and Mexico. The Mexicans<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">182</span>
defeated at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma. Surrender
of Monterey. Occupation of California and New Mexico
by the American forces. Treaty between Great Britain
and the United States for the settlement of the Northwestern
boundary-line dispute. Discovery of anæsthetics
by Doctor Norton.</p>

<p>1847. General Taylor defeats Santa Anna at Buena
Vista. Occupation of Vera Cruz. American victories at
Pueblo, Contreras, and Churubusco. Storming of Molino
del Rey. Storming of Chapultepec and occupation of
the City of Mexico.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">183</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XII" class="vspace">XII<br />

<span id="t_13" class="subhead">THE RUPTURE WITH MEXICO, 1843–1846</span></h2>
</div>

<h3>I<br />

<span class="subhead">THE APPROACH OF WAR</span></h3>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Upon</span> the annexation of Texas (in 1845) Mexico at once
severed her diplomatic relations with the United
States. This result had been foreshadowed by the utterances
of Mexican officials dating from the revival of
the question in 1843. The relations, however, of the two
countries had been difficult to adjust from the time when
Mexico became independent in 1821. The most serious
friction between them arose concerning four subjects:
claims of the United States citizens on the government of
Mexico; assistance given the Texans by the people of the
United States; violation of Mexican territory by United
States troops; and the annexation of Texas.</p>

<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div>

<p>The immediate occasion, however, of the breach of
diplomatic relations in 1845 was the annexation of Texas.
When rumors of the renewal of the annexation movement
came to the city of Mexico in the summer of 1843, President
Santa Anna gave notice to the United States government,
in a letter dated August 23d, from Secretary of
State Bocanegra to Minister Waddy Thompson, that
“the Mexican government will consider equivalent to a
declaration of war against the Mexican Republic the passage
of an act for the incorporation of Texas with the
territory of the United States; the certainty of the fact<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">184</span>
being sufficient for the immediate proclamation of war,
leaving to the civilized world to determine with regard
to the justice of the cause of the Mexican Nation, in a
struggle which it has been so far from provoking.”<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">101</a></p>

<p>Thompson replied immediately with a sharply resentful
letter, questioning the sources of information of the
Mexican authorities as to the prospect of annexation, but
refusing any explanation whatever. Another letter from
Bocanegra to Thompson asserted that the advices of the
Mexican government on the subject were official and
reliable, and sought to justify the attitude of Mexico as
follows: “but as it may happen that ambition and delusion
may prevail over public propriety, that personal
views may triumph over sane and just ideas, and that the
vigorous reasoning of Mr. John Quincy Adams and his
co-laborers may be ineffectual, how can it be considered
strange and out of the way that Mexico, under such a
supposition, should announce that she will regard the
annexation of Texas as an act of declaration of war?”<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">102</a>
Secretary of State Upshur approved the course of Thompson,
and instructed him that, in case he were again addressed
in such offensive language, he should demand
either a withdrawal of the letter or a suitable apology.</p>

<p>On November 3, 1843, Almonte, the Mexican minister
at Washington, in accordance with the instructions of his
government, notified Upshur, in a communication whose
terms were hardly less offensive than those used by Bocanegra
to Thompson, that if “the United States should,
in defiance of good faith and of the principles of justice
which they have constantly proclaimed, commit the unheard-of
act of violence (<i xml:lang="es" lang="es">inaudito atentado</i>—the expression
[says the official translator] is much stronger than the
translation) of appropriating to themselves an integrant
part of the Mexican territory, the undersigned, in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">185</span>
name of his Nation, and now for them, protests, in the
most solemn manner, against such an aggression; and he
moreover declares, by express order of his Government,
that, on sanction being given by the Executive of the
Union to the incorporation of Texas into the United
States, he will consider his mission ended, seeing that, as
the Secretary of State will have learned, the Mexican
Government is resolved to declare war so soon as it receives
information of such an act.” On November 8th
Upshur replied, in a restrained and dignified way, repelling
both the threats and insinuations of Almonte’s letter
and intimating that the policy of the United States would
not be affected by them.<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> To this Almonte rejoined, on
the 11th, suggesting that Upshur had been misled by an
incorrect translation of the letter of November 3d, and
disclaiming any intention to impute to the authorities of
the American Union unworthy views or designs as to
Texas. December 1, 1843, Upshur replied, denying that
he had misunderstood Almonte, and declaring that the
United States regarded Texas as an independent nation
and did not feel called on to consult any other nation in
dealing with it.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a></p>

<p>On the accomplishment of annexation, the threat of
Almonte was carried out. The joint resolution making
the offer was approved March 1, 1845, and on March 6th
he demanded his passports. March 28th the United
States minister in Mexico was officially notified that the
diplomatic intercourse between the two countries was at
an end.<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> The expressions of the Mexican papers indicated
the most intense popular excitement in that country, and
those of the government treated the war as already existing.<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a>
Two decrees were passed by the Mexican congress
and approved by President Herrera, one on June 4th and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">186</span>
the other on June 7th, providing for an increase of the
available force in order to resist annexation.<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> July 20th
the “supreme government,” or executive, recommended
to the congress a declaration of war against the United
States from the moment when the government should
know that annexation had been effected or Texas had
been invaded.</p>

<p>There can be little question, indeed, that impatience
on both sides had gone beyond the point of safety and
was threatening appeal to arms. No theory of a conspiracy
is needed to explain the war with Mexico. While
it was strongly opposed and condemned by a bold and
outspoken minority, the votes in Congress and the utterances
of the contemporaneous journals show that it was
essentially a popular movement, both in Mexico and in
the United States. The disagreement reached the verge
of an outbreak in 1837, and the only thing that prevented
a conflict then was that Congress was a bit more conservative
than the President; but neither the aggressiveness of
Jackson nor even that of Polk would have been so likely
to end in actual fighting had it not been well understood
that they were backed by sympathetic majorities. On
the Mexican side, at the critical moment, the pacific tendencies
of the executive were overpowered by the angry
impulse of the people.</p>

<p>May 28, 1845, General Taylor, who was in command of
the troops in the Southwest, was ordered, in view of the
prospect of annexation, to hold himself in readiness to
advance into Texas with the approval of the Texan authorities,
and to defend that republic from any invasion
of which he should be officially informed after Texas had
consented to annexation on the terms offered. June 15th
he was ordered to advance, with the western frontier of
Texas for his ultimate destination. There he was to
occupy a convenient point “on or near the Rio Grande,”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">187</span>
but to limit himself to the defence of the territory of Texas
unless Mexico should declare war against the United States.
He was subsequently directed to protect the territory up
to the Rio Grande, avoiding, however, except in case of
an outbreak of hostilities, any attack on posts actually
held by Mexicans, but placing at least a part of his forces
west of the Nueces.<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> In July, General Taylor advanced
into Texas, and in August he established his camp on the
west bank of the Nueces, near Corpus Christi.<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> The spot
which he selected could hardly be considered as “near”
the Rio Grande, being, in fact, about one hundred and
fifty miles therefrom. The location was chosen because
of its convenience as a temporary base either for defensive
or offensive operations.</p>

<p>The army remained in camp near Corpus Christi several
months. The information Taylor obtained here and reported
to Washington indicated no threatening movement
on the part of the Mexicans; but on October 4th
he suggested that, if the United States government meant
to insist on the Rio Grande as the boundary, it would
gain an advantage by occupying points on that river. He
therefore suggested an advance to Point Isabel and
Laredo.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> Meanwhile had come the attempt to renew
diplomatic relations between the United States and
Mexico, which ended in failure. January 13, 1846, when
it was known in Washington that Slidell would probably
not be received by the Mexican government, Taylor was
ordered to advance to the Rio Grande.<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a></p>

<p>Up to the time of this movement the Mexican government
had neglected the distinction in the validity of its
claims to the territory east of the Rio Grande. It strenuously<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">188</span>
asserted the right of Mexico to the whole of Texas,
whatever its limits might be, and declared that annexation
would be tantamount to a declaration of war. From
the Mexican point of view, Taylor invaded Mexico the
moment he entered Texas. But when he advanced to the
Rio Grande the distinction was finally made. April 12,
1846, he was warned by Ampudia, general in command of
the Mexican forces at Matamoras, to retire in twenty-four
hours—not beyond the Sabine, as one might have expected
from the previous attitude of the Mexican government,
but beyond the Nueces.<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a></p>

<p>A few days later occurred the first conflict. April 24th
a party of dragoons sent out by Taylor was ambushed on
the east side of the river by a large force of Mexicans, and
after a skirmish, in which a number of men were killed
and wounded, was captured.<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> The official report of this
affair reached Washington the evening of Saturday, May
9th.<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> President Polk had already decided, in conformity
with the judgment of all his cabinet except Bancroft, to
send to Congress a message recommending a declaration
of war. Now, in formulating the reasons for the declaration,
he asserted that “Mexico has passed the boundary
of the United States, has invaded our territory, and shed
American blood upon the American soil,”<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> and with the
unanimous concurrence of his cabinet he sent the message
to Congress, Monday, May 11th.</p>

<p>On the same day a bill providing for the enlistment of
fifty thousand soldiers and the appropriation of ten
million dollars, the preamble to which re-echoed the President’s
assertion that war existed by the act of Mexico
itself, passed the House by a vote of 174 to 14.<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">116</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">189</span></p>

<h3>II<br />

<span class="subhead">CONQUERING A PEACE (1846–1848)</span></h3>

<p>It was only after Polk felt assured of the refusal to receive
Slidell<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> that he assumed an attitude so aggressive
as clearly to challenge war; and from that time forward
it seems to have been his desire to carry the struggle just
far enough to bring Mexico to the point of conceding a
territorial indemnity on the terms which he had intended
to offer through Slidell. In accordance with this policy
he suggested, while the question of Slidell’s reception by
the Paredes government was yet in suspense, that Slidell
should be directed to go on board a United States vessel
and wait for further instructions.<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> The object of this
plan was evidently to be able to resume negotiations, as
soon as Mexico had felt the pressure sufficiently, without
the delays incident to a correspondence between the two
capitals. The same considerations influenced, at a later
stage of the war, the appointment of Trist.<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> To this
method of pushing on the conflict, with the sword in one
hand and the olive-branch in the other, Polk applied the
peculiar designation of “conquering a peace.”</p>

<p>After the declaration of war by Congress, May 12, 1846,
General Scott, the commander-in-chief of the United States
Army, was appointed to command directly the forces that
were to operate against Mexico. According to a plan of
operations which appears to have originated with President
Polk himself, but which was concurred in by Secretary
of War Marcy and by General Scott, New Mexico and
California, which Polk intended to claim by way of indemnity,
and Chihuahua, were to be occupied and held;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">190</span>
the United States forces were to be pushed toward the
heart of Mexico in order to force the Mexicans to terms; and
the naval forces in the Gulf and the Pacific were assigned
specific duties in connection with the general scheme.<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">120</a></p>

<p>The plan was in keeping with the main purpose of the
war, and was, on the whole, well adapted to insure success.
The northern provinces were far distant from the city of
Mexico; the hold of the central government upon them
was but slight; and, even if its available forces had been
sufficiently strong and effective to send the troops needed
to resist invasion, the difficulties of transportation would
have been hard to overcome. Of course, similar difficulties
were experienced in throwing the United States troops
into the interior of northern Mexico; but such operations
were far easier for a strong government with abundant
resources than for one so ill established and so lacking
in means as that of Herrera or Paredes. The population
of the north Mexican provinces was sparse and unenergetic,
and could not be relied on for its defence; the local governments
were weak and inefficient; and in 1846 that of
California was disastrously affected by dissensions between
two rival leaders, José Castro and Pio Pico, representing
respectively the northern district and the southern.<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> It
was in the northern district, in the lower valley of the
Sacramento River and near the bay of San Francisco, that
the foreign population, including the Americans, was most
numerous.</p>

<p>The plan for a campaign directed at the city of Mexico
was gradually developed as the war went on. The impression
of Polk and his advisers at first was that a vigorous
invasion of Mexico would end the war, without the
necessity of pushing it far into the interior; and, since
operations on the coast in the summer were so dangerous,
the attack was made first in the north. The resistance<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">191</span>
of the Mexicans was, however, more desperate and prolonged
than was expected, and ultimately the change was
made to the shorter and more direct line of advance by
way of Vera Cruz.</p>

<div id="ip_191" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 50em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_219.jpg" width="800" height="1075" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">MAP
ILLUSTRATING THE
MEXICAN WAR
1846–1848</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">192</span>
The occupation of New Mexico and California was accomplished
speedily and with little resistance. General
Kearny occupied New Mexico in the summer of 1846, and
the occupation of California under Commodore R. F. Stockton
was completed by January, 1847. The first expeditions
against Mexico from the north under Wool and Doniphan
were inconclusive.</p>

<p>The army which was most depended on to force Mexico
to terms was that operating in the east. The campaign
in this quarter began with an advance from Matamoras
through Tamaulipas and Nuevo León into Coahuila. But
as it progressed the plan was gradually assimilated, so far
as these states were concerned, to that which had been
followed in dealing with California and New Mexico, and
became one of simple occupation; while the attack was
shifted to the south, and the final advance was made
from Vera Cruz direct on the city of Mexico.</p>

<p>In the prosecution of the war, in this part especially,
the administration was much hampered by the character
and conduct of the generals on whom the detailed development
and execution of the plan devolved. The friction
thus arising was increased by mutual suspicions of political
motives between President Polk, certain members of his
cabinet, and the generals themselves.</p>

<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div>

<p>In this war the United States troops, though always
outnumbered—in some cases heavily—and usually with
the advantage of position against them, enjoyed such
superiority both in <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">morale</i> and in <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">matériel</i> that they were
almost uniformly victorious. Their victories, however,
were by no means easy; on the contrary, they were obtained
only at the cost of no little bloody fighting and of
great loss of men. And, as is not unusual in like emergencies,
there was much complaint of the extravagance and
inefficiency of the quartermaster’s department.<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">193</span>
The attack on Mexico began with the advance of Taylor’s
army. Two battles, Palo Alto, on May 8, 1846, and
Resaca de la Palma, on the following day, were required
to drive the Mexicans across the Rio Grande. Taylor
then advanced from Matamoras through Tamaulipas into
Nuevo León, and, after defeating the Mexicans in a three
days’ battle, September 21–23, at Monterey, the capital
of Nuevo León, he captured that city. Saltillo, the capital
of Coahuila, was occupied by the United States troops on
November 16th, and Victoria, the capital of Tamaulipas,
December 29th.</p>

<div id="ip_193" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_221.jpg" width="500" height="337" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">TAYLOR’S MARCH
1846–1847</div></div>

<p>It had long before this become a most important question
whether the campaign should be confined to the
occupation and cutting-off of northern Mexico, or whether
the army should be pushed on toward the city of Mexico.
Taylor recommended the first of these two plans; but
when asked his advice as to what should be done further,
and especially whether an expedition should be aimed at
the city of Mexico from near Vera Cruz, he had been
hesitating and non-committal in his answer.<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> Orders
issued direct from Washington, September 22, 1846, in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">194</span>
connection with the scheme before it was fully developed,
to General Patterson, one of Taylor’s subordinates, drew
from Taylor himself a resentful protest.<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> Finally the
plan of capturing Vera Cruz and marching thence upon
the city of Mexico was adopted by Polk and his cabinet,
with a little objection from Buchanan as to advancing
beyond Vera Cruz,<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> and Scott was elected to lead the
expedition. Soon after his appointment, he left Washington,
and about the end of December he reached Matamoras
and began to make preparations for the attack on
Vera Cruz. Part of Taylor’s men were drawn away for
the southern campaign, and renewed complaints from him
were added to the general chorus of discord and dissatisfaction.<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">126</a></p>

<p>Information of the shifting of the attack to the south
reached Santa Anna through intercepted despatches, and
he at once conceived the project of a counter-stroke.
Advancing northward with an army of more than twenty
thousand men, he came upon Taylor February 23, 1847,
with only about one-fourth that number at Buena Vista,
a few miles south of Saltillo. The American troops gained
a brilliant victory,<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">127</a> and with this the serious work of the
“army of occupation” was at an end.</p>

<div id="ip_194" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 19.6875em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_223.jpg" width="315" height="454" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">GENERAL SCOTT’S ENTRY INTO THE CITY OF MEXICO<br />
  <span class="smaller">(From a print of the time)</span></div></div>

<p>Attention was now centred on the southern campaign.
During the month of February, 1847, Scott’s troops were
conveyed by sea from Brazos Santiago and concentrated
on the island of Lobos, about sixty miles south of Tampico.
On March 9th a landing was made without opposition near
Vera Cruz. With the co-operation of the naval forces
under Commodore Conner the city was invested, and,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">195</span>
after a brief siege culminating in a sharp bombardment,
was captured, March 29, 1847.<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">128</a></p>

<div id="ip_195" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_225.jpg" width="500" height="192" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">SCOTT’S MARCH
to the City of
MEXICO</div></div>

<p>Next in order was the advance upon the city of Mexico,
which began April 8th. The first resistance was met at
Cerro Gordo, where, on April 17th and 18th, Scott’s army
of not more than nine thousand drove thirteen thousand
Mexicans, in disastrous defeat, from a naturally strong
and well-fortified position. Finally there was a series of
battles near the city of Mexico, which culminated in its
capture, and which will be referred to further on.</p>

<p>Meanwhile another effort was made by Polk to negotiate,
an idea which even after the failure of the Slidell mission
had been kept steadily in view.</p>

<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div>

<p>In answer to the proposition to negotiate which came
through Trist, the American commissioner, Santa Anna
contrived to intimate that, if he were paid ten thousand
dollars down and one million on the conclusion of peace,
negotiations should begin at once. After consulting with
several of his officers, in a conference held late in July
or early in August, Scott paid the ten thousand dollars.<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a>
Still no step was taken by the Mexicans toward negotiation
until they were beaten in the engagements at Contreras,
August 19th and 20th, and Churubusco, August
20, 1847. Then Scott himself proposed an armistice,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">196</span>
which was accepted August 24th. Commissioners were
appointed to meet Trist, and the effort to conclude a
treaty began. Whether it could have been accomplished
at that stage of the “conquering” on the basis of his instructions
is uncertain; but Trist’s wavering attitude undoubtedly
served to make the possibility much less. The
Mexican commissioners still refused to come to terms, and
submitted counter-propositions which were in conflict
with those instructions, but which Trist referred to the
authorities at Washington.<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> As soon as unofficial news of
what Trist had done was received there, President Polk,
without waiting to hear from him directly, ordered his recall.<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a></p>

<p>In the mean time the armistice had been terminated and
the advance of the United States troops renewed. The
victories of Molino del Rey, September 8th, and Chapultepec,
September 13th, opened the way to the city of
Mexico, which was occupied on September 14th.<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> Santa
Anna abdicated, and on November 22d the new government
announced to Trist that it had appointed commissioners
to negotiate. Trist had already received the
letter recalling him; but, in spite of this fact, he listened
to the suggestion of the Mexicans that they were not officially
notified of his recall, and were anxious to negotiate
on the terms of his original instructions.</p>

<p>The negotiations terminated with the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo,
signed February 2, 1848. The boundary
agreed upon was to follow the Rio Grande from its mouth
to the line of New Mexico; that line westward and northward
to the first branch of the Gila it should cross; that
branch and the Gila to the Colorado; and the line between
Upper and Lower California thence to the Pacific.<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> For<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">197</span>
the territory thus ceded by Mexico the United States was
to satisfy the claims of its citizens on the Mexican government,
and to pay in addition thereto fifteen million
dollars. In spite of the fact that Trist’s authority had
been withdrawn before the final negotiations, President
Polk submitted the treaty to the Senate, and after some
opposition and suspense it was ratified, March 10, 1848,
by a vote of 38 to 14.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">198</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XIII" class="vspace">XIII<br />

<span id="t_14" class="subhead">THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA (1847)</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="drop-cap al"><span class="smcap1">After</span> Taylor’s capture of Monterey, the stronghold of
northern Mexico, an armistice terminated hostilities
till November 13th, 1846. By that time Santa Anna—who
had returned to Mexico—had mustered a powerful army
at San Luis Potosi, and was expected to march against
Monterey. Taylor, intending to act on the defensive only,
proposed to occupy a line stretching from Saltillo to Tampico,
which fort had been evacuated by the Mexicans; and,
in pursuance of this plan, marched on Saltillo and Victoria,
and occupied them without resistance. His plans were
frustrated by a requisition from General Scott depriving
him of Worth and Twiggs’ divisions of regulars. Thus
reduced to a force of some five thousand men—all of
whom, except a few dragoons and artillery, were volunteers—Taylor
was compelled to abandon his projected line,
and to content himself with one stretching from Saltillo
to the mouth of the Rio Grande. December, January,
and part of February were spent by the army in awaiting
the Mexican attack. It was known that Santa Anna
would advance from San Luis to expel the invaders; his
force was fairly estimated, and the wide disparity, in point
of numbers, between the two armies was not concealed
from the troops. Yet there was no thought of retreating;
on the contrary, when Taylor determined to advance southward
from Saltillo, and to occupy Agua Nueva, eighteen
miles nearer the foe, the whole army marched in high
spirits. It was subsequently found that the force under
Taylor—including Wool’s division, which had joined the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">199</span>
main army—was too small to hold Agua Nueva, and a
retrograde movement was ordered to the pass of La
Angostura, a narrow defile near the hacienda of Buena
Vista. There the army awaited Santa Anna’s approach.</p>

<p>It was on February 22d—Washington’s birthday—that
the Mexican advance made its appearance, rolling before
it clouds of dust. It had suffered dreadfully on the road
from San Luis from cold and want of supplies; but, allowing
for these sources of loss, the army led by Santa Anna
cannot have numbered less than twenty thousand men,
including four thousand cavalry and twenty pieces of
artillery; and the sufferings of the march made the soldiers
all the more eager for the battle. Disappointed in not
finding Taylor at Agua Nueva, as he had expected, Santa
Anna proclaimed that he had fled, and ordered the cavalry
in pursuit. The Mexicans had already had one experience
of Taylor’s flights—a second was at hand. When the
lancers reached the Angostura, they found the pass guarded
by Washington’s battery of eight pieces, and very properly
halted. The correspondence, since so famous, between
the two generals then took place; and on receipt of Taylor’s
laconic letter Santa Anna commenced the attack.</p>

<p>The advantage of position was all on the side of the
United States army. The pass itself was so narrow that
Washington’s battery could guard it against almost any
force; impassable gullies and ravines flanked it on the
west, and on the east the mountains gradually rose to a
height of some two thousand feet. The only spot on
which a regular battle could be fought was a plateau on
the east of the pass, which stretched from the precipitous
mountain-slope nearly to the road, terminating on that
side in several ridges and ravines. This plateau gained,
the pass might have been turned; and accordingly Santa
Anna’s first thought was to master it. A strong body of
light infantry was despatched, in the afternoon of the 22d,
to climb the mountain-side which commanded the plateau;
but the moment the manœuvre was perceived a party of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">200</span>
Taylor’s riflemen ascended the opposite ridge to keep them
in check. The Mexicans opened fire, and the Kentuckians
replied; and thus, as each body strove to overtop the
other, both ridges were soon covered with smoke. Foiled
in his object, Santa Anna awaited the morning to commence
operations in earnest; and Taylor, fearing an attack
on Saltillo, set out to complete the defences of that point
during the night.</p>

<p>At two o’clock in the morning the American pickets were
driven in, and at break of day the Mexican light infantry,
on the ridge above the plateau, led by General Ampudia,
commenced charging down into the ravine which separated
them from the Kentuckians. They had received reinforcements
during the night, and were at least eight to
one. Fortunately, General Wool had anticipated the
movement, and Lieutenant O’Brien was ready at the foot
of the hill with a piece of cannon. A very few discharges,
well-aimed, sent the Mexicans back to cover. Then the
main army advanced; two columns, under Pacheco and
Lombardini, supported by lancers and a twelve-pounder
battery in the rear, marching directly toward the plateau,
and a third moving against the pass. Wool had disposed
the army almost in a line across the plateau from the pass
to the mountain: Washington’s battery being on the right,
and O’Brien’s on the left wing, the infantry and a squadron
of dragoons in the centre, and the volunteer cavalry inclined
slightly to the rear on the right and left. About
nine in the morning Pacheco’s column debouched from a
ravine and began to form coolly on a ridge of the plateau.
General Lane hastened forward, skirting the mountains
with the Second Indiana volunteers and O’Brien’s battery,
to meet them. At two hundred yards O’Brien opened
with terrific effect; the close columns of the Mexicans
were ploughed by his shot. But the reply was steady and
almost equally effective. Raked on the left by the twelve-pounder
battery, and assailed by a storm of bullets from
the masses rising out of the ravine, the volunteers fell<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">201</span>
thickly round their colors, and, after some minutes, the
Indiana volunteers could stand it no longer, and fled in
spite of Lane’s efforts to rally them.<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> O’Brien was left
almost alone with his guns. He fired one last discharge,
then, hastily limbering up, followed the flying infantry over
the plateau.</p>

<p>It was an almost fatal movement; for, Lombardini
gaining the southern edge of the plateau at that moment,
the two Mexican columns united, and the lancers, who
swarmed on the flanks, galloped down on the volunteers.
To add to the danger, the Indiana regiment in its flight
became entangled with the Arkansas volunteers, who
caught the panic and fled likewise. Their loss in a fight
where the enemy was over four to one was severely felt.
However, nothing daunted, the Second Illinois, under
Colonel Bissell, received the Mexican fire, and returned
it as fast as the men could load. The dragoons, who
could do no service in such a conflict, were sent to the
rear; but a couple of guns, under Trench and Thomas,
were brought to bear, and every shot cut like a knife
through the Mexican columns. Still, it was impossible
for such a handful of men to check an army of thousands:
the enemy poured down the plateau, and, passing
between the mountain and the Illinoisans, turned our left
and poured in a flank as well as a front fire. Eighty men
having fallen in twenty minutes, Colonel Bissell gave the
word of command to face to the rear, and the gallant regiment,
as cool as if on drill, faced about, marched deliberately
a few yards toward the ravine—Churchill walking
his horse before them—then turned and resumed firing.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the lancers were driving the Indiana and
Arkansas volunteers off the plateau, and cutting off the
riflemen in the mountain from the main army. These,
perceiving the danger, and trusting that the lancers would<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">202</span>
be checked by the Arkansas and Kentucky cavalry, toward
which they were approaching, abandoned their position
and came running down the mountain-side, with a
view of cutting their way back to the batteries. But the
mounted volunteers made but a brief stand against the
impetuous charge of the lancers, and Ampudia’s light infantry
no sooner saw the riflemen move than they followed
close on their heels, firing as they went. The slaughter
of our poor fellows was dreadful; the Texans were annihilated.
In one confused mass, riflemen and volunteer
cavalry, Arkansans and Kentuckians were driven back
by the advancing columns of the enemy, and little was
wanted to complete the rout. Vainly did the officers try
to rally the fugitives. No sooner had a handful of men
been persuaded to halt and turn than a volley from the
Mexicans scattered them. Thus fell Captain Lincoln—a
chivalrous spirit, who was struck to the earth by two balls
in the act of cheering on a small party of Kentuckians to
hold their ground.</p>

<div id="ip_202" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 29.5625em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_233.jpg" width="473" height="283" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA<br />
  <span class="smaller">(From a print of the time)</span></div></div>

<p>At this perilous moment the rattle of musketry was
drowned by a tremendous roar pf cannon in the direction
of the pass. The Mexicans under Villamil had approached
within range, and Captain Washington, who had sworn to
hold the pass against any odds, was keeping his word.
The gunners had been wild with ardor and suspense all
morning; they were now gratified, and, though three guns
had been taken from the battery, they poured such a murderous
fire upon Villamil’s column as it approached through
the narrow pass that, after wavering a moment, it scattered,
and most of the men sought refuge in the ravines.
The moment they broke the Second Illinoisans, who had
been stationed at the pass, eagerly followed their colonel,
Hardin, to the plateau, to share the dangers of their comrades.
Almost as soon McKee’s Kentuckians and Bragg’s
battery came plunging through the gullies on the west of
the pass and joined them; while Sherman’s guns were
speedily brought up from the rear. Thus the First Illinoisans<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">203</span>
were saved, and grape and canister mowed down
the Mexican masses at the foot of the mountain.</p>

<p>Still, the light infantry under Ampudia were pressing
on by the left to the rear of Wool’s position. In half an
hour the pass might have been turned. Most providentially
at that moment Taylor arrived with Davis’ Mississippi
riflemen and May’s dragoons. The former barely stopped
an instant for the men to fill their canteens, then hastened
to the field. Boiling with rage, Davis called on the Indiana
volunteers to form “behind that wall,” pointing to
his men, and advance against their enemy. Their colonel,
Bowles, the tears streaming down his face, finding all his
appeals fruitless, seized a musket and joined the Mississippians
as a private. Time could not be lost; Ampudia
was close upon them; Davis formed and advanced
with steady tread against a body more than five times his
strength. A rain of balls poured upon the Mississippians,
but no man pulled a trigger till sure of his mark. Then
those deadly rifles blazed and stunned the Mexican advance.
A ravine separated them from the enemy; Davis
gave the word, and, with a cheer, down they rushed and
up the other side; then forming hastily, with one awful
volley they shattered the Mexican head and drove them
back to cover.</p>

<p>But the cavalry had crept round the mountain and
were descending on the hacienda. They were Torrejon’s
brigade, splendid fellows, mostly lancers, and brimful of
fight. Opposed to them were Yell’s Arkansas and Marshall’s
Kentucky mounted volunteers—less than half their
number. Hopelessly these brave fellows stood, firing their
carbines as the foe approached; but the last man was still
taking aim when the lancers were upon them like a whirlwind.
The brave Yell was dashed to the earth a corpse,
and Lieutenant Vaughan fell from his horse, pierced by
twenty-four wounds. Huddled together in a confused
mass, Mexicans and Americans dashed side by side toward
the hacienda, engaged in a death-struggle as they galloped<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">204</span>
onward, and enveloped in a cloud of dust. One tall
Mexican was seen, mounted upon a powerful horse, spearing
every one that came within reach, in the drunkenness
of battle; while here and there a Kentuckian, with native
coolness, loaded as he rode, and brought down man after
man. In less time than it takes to read these lines the
horses’ hoofs were rattling over the streets, shrieks and
shouts heralding their approach. Amid the din, the
crack of rifles from the roofs of the houses told that the
little garrison were holding their own. Through and
through the hacienda the Mexicans swept, disengaging
themselves from the volunteers just in time to escape a
charge from May’s dragoons, which came clattering down
the ravine to the rescue. Reynolds followed with two
pieces of flying artillery, and Torrejon himself, badly
wounded and minus several of his best men, was glad to
escape to the mountains.</p>

<p>Meanwhile Major Dix had snatched the colors of the
Second Indiana volunteers from the hands of their bearer,
and bitterly swore that, with God’s help, that standard
should not be disgraced that day. “He would bear it
alone,” he said, “into the thick of the fight.” Roused by
his words, a few men rallied around him and joined the
Mississippi rifles on the plateau. The gallant Third Indiana
were there, and Sherman had brought up a howitzer.
Enraged at the failure of the attack on the hacienda, a
fresh body of lancers now charged these troops, advancing
in close column, knee to knee, and lance in rest. In
breathless haste the volunteers were thrown across the
narrow ridge, in two lines, meeting at an angle near the
centre. Not a whisper broke the silence as the Mexicans
approached, and the intrepid bearing of men whom nothing
could have saved from destruction if the charge had
been vigorous appalled the lancers. Within eighty yards
of the lines they actually halted. At that instant the
rifles were raised: a second—an awful second—elapsed.
Then “Fire!” and a blaze ran round the angle. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">205</span>
Mexican column was destroyed. Horses and men writhed
on the plain. The rear rank stood for a moment, but a
single discharge from the howitzer scattered them too,
and they fell back. For the first time during the day
fortune seemed to favor the Americans. Hemmed in
on two sides, and driven to the base of the mountain,
five thousand Mexicans, horse and foot, with Ampudia’s
division, were being slaughtered by nine guns, which
never slackened fire. Their fate was certain; when a flag
of truce from Santa Anna induced Taylor to silence his
batteries. It was only a ruse. Santa Anna asked, “What
does General Taylor want?” Before the answer reached
him, the Mexicans had made good their escape to the rear.</p>

<p>Notwithstanding the parley, one Mexican battery continued
its fire upon our troops. This was the eighteen
and twenty-four pounder battery of the battalion of San
Patricio, composed of Irishmen, deserters from our ranks,
and commanded by an Irishman named Riley. Harassed
by this fire, and perceiving the enemy’s treachery, Taylor
sent the Illinoisans and Kentuckians, with three pieces
of artillery, in pursuit of Ampudia. They hurried forward
along the heads of the ravines; but to their horror,
as they neared the southern edge of the plateau, an overwhelming
force of over ten thousand men, comprising
the whole of Santa Anna’s reserve, emerged from below
and deployed before their firing. To resist was madness.
The volunteers discharged their pieces and rushed precipitately
into the nearest gorge. Its sides were steep,
and many rolled headlong to the bottom. Others were
massacred by a shower of bullets poured from Mexicans
who clustered on both ridges above. In the midst of
the carnage, Hardin, McKee, and many other brave officers
fell, vainly trying to seek an exit for their troops.
At the mouth of the ravine a squadron of lancers were
ready to cut off their escape. Down the sides poured
the Mexican infantry, slaughtering the wounded with
the bayonet and driving the helpless mass before them.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">206</span>
Above, pale as death, with compressed lips, O’Brien and
Thomas stood to their deserted pieces. Once before that
morning the Mexican shot had left the former alone at
his gun; for the second time the fortune of the day seemed
to depend on his single exertions. If he could hold the
enemy at bay for a few minutes, there would be time for
other batteries to come up. Ball after ball tore ragged
gaps through the advancing host. After each discharge
O’Brien fell back just far enough to load and fire again,
praying in an agony that help might come. He was
wounded himself; all his men were killed or wounded;
but he never flinched before the surging wave of Mexicans
until the clack of whips and the rattle of wheels were
heard behind him. Then—for he knew it was Bragg
urging onward his jaded horses—the brave fellow aimed
one deadly volley of canister and abandoned his piece.
The next moment Bragg unlimbered and opened a telling
fire. Sherman followed, and, Davis and Lane coming up
at a run, the crack of rifles was heard away to the extreme
left. On the right, the well-known roar of Washington’s
guns startled the foe. It was the death-warrant of the
lancers, who were penning our volunteers in the ravine.
Out came the remnant, leaving crowds of dead, and not
one man wounded, in the horrid trap, and hastily scaled
the side of the plateau. Taylor was there, coolly picking
the balls out of his dress, and Wool rode wildly backward
and forward, urging on the rear ranks. But it was needless.
At Bragg’s third discharge the whole body of the
Mexicans broke and dashed pell-mell into the ravine
whence they had come.</p>

<p>This was the last of the battle. Davis and Bragg followed
the enemy a short distance; but the San Patricio
battery still commanded the southern edge of the plateau,
and the troops were so fagged that they could hardly
walk. Night was coming on, and the firing ceased. The
men lay down where they stood; and a few, overcome by
fatigue, slept side by side with the dead and the wounded.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">207</span>
It was a dark, gloomy night, and a bitter wind swept
from the mountain. Not far in the distance the wolf’s
howl broke dismally on the ear, and the vultures flapped
their wings overhead. Nothing was known of the Mexican
army; no one could say what the morrow might bring
forth. With anxious eye the officers looked for the dawn.</p>

<p>It came at last; and to their inexpressible delight the
first streaks of light in the eastern sky revealed a deserted
camp. The Mexicans had fled. An army of over twenty
thousand men, comprising the flower of the Mexican
troops, had been beaten by forty-six hundred Americans,
over four thousand of whom were raw volunteers. Such
a cheer as rose from the pass of Angostura on that February
morning never before or since re-echoed through
the dark gorges of the Sierra Madre.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">208</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XIV" class="vspace">XIV<br />

<span id="t_15" class="subhead">SCOTT’S CONQUEST OF MEXICO, 1847</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Northern</span> Mexico lay helpless at Taylor’s feet.
The stars and stripes floated over the citadel of
Monterey, and the flower of the Mexican army, commanded
by their greatest general, had been repulsed at
Buena Vista. Nothing now remained but to strike a
blow at the vitals of the southern republic. That task
had been imposed on General Scott, whose skill and experience
designated him as the proper man to conduct a
campaign in which the fate of the war was to be decided.</p>

<p>On March 6, 1847, the fleet of transports and men-of-war
was concentrated near Vera Cruz. It bore a small
but well-disciplined force of some twelve thousand men,
comprising the whole standing army of the United States—four
regiments of artillery, eight of infantry, one of
mounted riflemen, and detachments of dragoons—besides
eight volunteer regiments of foot and one of horse.
Major-General Scott commanded the whole, with Worth,
fresh from the brilliant capture of Monterey, Twiggs, and
the volunteer Patterson as his brigadiers. Under the
latter served Generals Quitman, Pillow, and Shields.</p>

<p>Vera Cruz was the strongest place on this continent,
after Quebec. Situated on the border of the Gulf, it was
surrounded by a line of bastions and redans, terminating
at either extremity in a fort of large capacity. A sandy
plain encircled it on the land side, affording no protection
to an assailant within seven hundred yards of the walls;
and toward the sea, on a reef at a distance of rather more
than half a mile, the famous fort of San Juan d’Ulloa
commanded the harbor. In March, 1847, the city<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">209</span>
mounted nearly ninety, the castle one hundred and
twenty-eight guns of various calibers, including several
thirteen-inch mortars and ten-inch Paixhans. So implicit
was the faith of the Mexicans in the strength of the
place that, having rendered it, as they believed, impregnable,
they left its defence to a garrison of five thousand
men, and bade them remember that the city was
named Vera Cruz the Invincible. This was the first mistake
of the enemy; a second was omitting to provision
the place for a siege; a third was allowing women, children,
and non-combatants to remain in the town. In
this instance, as in so many others, the overweening assurance
of the Mexicans was the cause of their ruin.
Monterey and Buena Vista should have taught them to
know better.</p>

<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div>

<p>The American troops began to land on March 9, 1847,
and by the 12th a line of troops five miles long surrounded
Vera Cruz. On the 22d the bombardment was begun,
and on the 26th, without an assault, the Mexicans began
negotiations for a surrender, which took place three days
afterward.</p>

<h3>CERRO GORDO</h3>

<p>On April 8th the army, headed by Twiggs’ division,
moved forward on the national road toward the city
of Mexico. At the mountain-pass of Cerro Gordo the
Mexicans, under Santa Anna, had made a stand. They
had planted batteries to command all the level ground,
and behind them were some twelve thousand infantry
and cavalry. The fighting began on the 17th with an
attack by Twiggs on the Mexican left, which resulted
in driving back the Mexicans, and in the capture of a
strong position on a hill called Atalaya, where some
cannon were mounted in the night. The next day the
desperate assaults of Harney and Riley stormed the
redoubts on the crest of Cerro Gordo, and Riley and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">210</span>
Shields charged and captured the Mexican batteries on
the road. On the left Pillow was less successful, but
the guns of Cerro Gordo were turned against the Mexicans,
who, seeing the defeat of Santa Anna, hoisted a white
flag. Three thousand men, including five generals,
surrendered to General Scott, and over a thousand were
killed or wounded. Of the American force of eighty-five
hundred, sixty-three were killed and three hundred
and sixty-eight wounded.</p>

<p>The unopposed seizure of the castle of La Hoya, and
the occupation of the towns of Perote and Puebla were
followed by a delay due to the necessity of waiting for
reinforcements to replace the three thousand volunteers
whose time had expired.</p>

<p>Reinforcements arrived but slowly, and each detachment,
as it moved from Vera Cruz to the mountains, had
to sustain a running fight with the guerrillas whom
Santa Anna had let loose on the road. All arrived, however,
in safety, and by the beginning of August General
Scott was ready to move on the valley of Mexico with
ten thousand seven hundred and thirty-eight men, leaving
Colonel Childs with fourteen hundred to garrison Puebla.
On the third day they stood upon the summit of the
ridge which looks down upon the valley of Mexico, with
the city itself glittering in the centre, and bright lakes,
grim forts, and busy causeways dotting the dark expanse
of marsh and lava. That night the troops encamped at
the foot of the mountains and within the valley on the
border of Lake Chalco.</p>

<p>With the energy which characterized Santa Anna
throughout the war, he had prepared for a desperate
defence. Civil strife had been silenced, funds raised, an
army of twenty-five thousand men mustered, and every
precaution taken which genius could suggest or science
indicate. Nature had done much for him. Directly in
front of the invading army lay the large lakes of Xochimilco
and Chalco. These turned, vast marshes, intersected<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">211</span>
by ditches and for the most part impassable, surrounded
the city on the east and south—on which side
Scott was advancing—for several miles. The only approaches
were by causeways, and these Santa Anna had
taken prodigious pains to guard. The national road to
Vera Cruz—which Scott must have taken had he marched
on the north side of the lakes—was commanded by a fort
mounting fifty-one guns on an impregnable hill called El
Peñon. Did he turn the southern side of the lakes, a
field of lava, deemed almost impassable for troops, interposed
a primary obstacle, and fortified positions at San
Antonio, San Angel, and Churubusco, with an intrenched
camp at Contreras, were likewise to be surmounted before
the southern causeways could be reached. Beyond
these there yet remained the formidable castle of Chapultepec
and the strong enclosure of Molino del Rey to be
stormed before the city gates could be reached. Powerful
batteries had been mounted at all these points, and
ample garrisons detailed to serve them. The bone and
muscle of Mexico were there. Goaded by defeat, Santa
Anna never showed so much vigor; ambition fired Valencia;
patriotism stirred the soul of Alvarez; Canalejo,
maddened by the odium into which he had fallen, was
boiling to regain his sobriquet of “The Lion of Mexico.”
With a constancy equal to anything recorded of the
Roman Senate, the Mexican Congress, on learning the
defeat at Cerro Gordo, had voted unanimously that any
one opening negotiations with the enemy should be
deemed a traitor, and the citizens with one accord had
ratified the vote. Within six months Mexico had lost
two splendid armies in two pitched battles against the
troops now advancing against the capital; but she never
lost heart.</p>

<h3>CONTRERAS</h3>

<p>When the engineers reported that the fortress on El
Peñon could not be carried without a loss of one-third the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">212</span>
army, Scott decided to move by the south of the lakes;
and Worth accordingly advanced, leading the van, as
far as San Augustin, nine miles from the city of Mexico.
There a large field of lava—known as the Pedregal—barred
the way. On the one side, a couple of miles from
San Augustin, the fortified works at San Antonio commanded
the passage between the field and the lake; on
the other the ground was so much broken that infantry
alone could advance, and General Valencia occupied an
intrenched camp, with a heavy battery, near the village
of Contreras, three miles distant. Scott determined to
attack on both sides, and sent forward Worth on the east
and Pillow and Twiggs on the west. The latter advanced
as fast as possible over the masses of lava on the morning
of the 19th, and by 2 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span> a couple of light batteries were
placed in position and opened fire on the Mexican camp.</p>

<p>At the same time, General Persifer Smith conceived
the plan of turning Valencia’s left, and hastened along
the path through the Pedregal in the direction of a village
called San Jeronimo. Colonel Riley followed. Pillow
sent Cadwalader’s brigade on the same line, and later in
the day Morgan’s regiment was likewise despatched toward
that point. They drove in the Mexican pickets and
skirmishers, dispersed a few parties of lancers, and occupied
the village without loss. Seeing the movement,
Santa Anna hastened to Valencia’s support with twelve
thousand men. He was discovered by Cadwalader just
as the latter gained the village road; and, appreciating
the vast importance of preventing a junction between
the two Mexican generals, that gallant officer did not
hesitate to draw up his brigade in order of battle. So
broken was the ground that Santa Anna could not see
the amount of force opposed to him, and declined the
combat. This was all Cadwalader wanted. Shields’
brigade was advancing through the Pedregal, and the
troops which had already crossed were rapidly moving to
the rear of Valencia’s camp. Night, too, was close at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">213</span>
hand. When it fell, Smith’s, Riley’s, and Cadwalader’s
commands had gained the point they sought. Shields
joined them at ten o’clock; and at midnight Captain Lee
crossed the Pedregal, with a message from General Smith
to General Scott, to say that he would commence the
attack at daybreak next morning.</p>

<p>It rained all night, and the men lay in the mud without
fires. At three in the morning (August 20th) the
word was passed to march. Such pitchy darkness covered
the face of the plain that Smith ordered every man
to touch his front file as he marched. Now and then a
flash of lightning lit up the narrow ravine; occasionally
a straggling moonbeam pierced the clouds and shed an
uncertain glimmer on the heights; but these flitting
guides only served to make the darkness seem darker.
The soldiers groped their way, stumbling over stones and
brushwood, and did not gain the rear of the camp till day
broke. Then Riley bade his men look to the priming of
their guns and reload those which the rain had wet.
With the first ray of daylight the firing had recommenced
between the Mexican camp and Ransom’s corps stationed
in front and Shields’ brigade at San Jeronimo. Almost
at the same moment Riley began to ascend the height
in the rear. Before he reached the crest, his engineers,
who had gone forward to reconnoitre, came running back
to say that his advance had been detected, that two
guns were being pointed against him, and a body of infantry
were sallying from the camp. The news braced
the men’s nerves. They gained the ridge, and stood a
tremendous volley from the Mexicans without flinching.
Poor Hanson of the Seventh—a gallant officer and an
excellent man—was shot down with many others; but
the Mexicans had done their worst. With steady aim,
the volley was returned; and ere the smoke rose a cheer
rang through the ravine and Riley fell with a swoop on
the intrenchments. With bayonet and butt of musket,
the Second and Seventh drove the enemy from his guns,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">214</span>
leaping into his camp and slaughtering all before them.
Up rushed Smith’s own brigade on the left, driving a
party of Mexicans before them, and charging with the
bayonet straight at Torrejon’s cavalry, which was drawn
up in order of battle. Defeat was marked on their faces.
Valencia was nowhere to be found. Salas strove vainly
to rouse his men to defend themselves with energy; Torrejon’s
horse, smitten with panic, broke and fled at the
advance of our infantry. Riley hurled the Mexicans
from their camp after a struggle of a quarter of an hour;
and as they rushed down the ravine their own cavalry
rode over them, trampling down more men than the
bayonet and ball had laid low. On the right, as they
fled, Cadwalader’s brigade poured in a destructive volley;
and Shields, throwing his party across the road,
obstructed their retreat and compelled the fugitives to
yield themselves prisoners of war; The only fight of any
moment had taken place within the camp. There, for
a few minutes, the Mexicans had fought desperately;
two of our regimental colors had been shot down; but
finally Anglo-Saxon bone and sinew had triumphed. To
the delight of the assailants, the first prize of victory
was the guns O’Brien had abandoned at Buena Vista,
which were regained by his own regiment. Twenty
other guns and over one thousand prisoners, including
eighty-eight officers and four generals, were likewise captured,
and some fifteen hundred Mexicans killed and
wounded. The American loss in killed, wounded, and
missing was about one hundred men.</p>

<p>Barely taking time to breathe his troops, Smith followed
in pursuit toward the city. By ten o’clock in the
morning he reached San Angel, which Santa Anna
evacuated as he approached. The general-in-chief and
the generals of division had by this time relieved Smith
of his command; Scott rode to the front, and in a few
brief words told the men there was more work to be done
that day. A loud cheer from the ranks was the reply.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">215</span>
The whole force then advanced to Coyacan, within a mile
of Churubusco, and prepared to assault the place.</p>

<h3>CHURUBUSCO</h3>

<p>Santa Anna considered it the key to the city, and
awaited the attack in perfect confidence with thirty
thousand men. The defences were of a very simple description.
On the west, in the direction of Coyacan, stood
the large stone convent of San Pablo, in which seven heavy
guns were mounted, and which, as well as the wall and
breastworks in front, was filled with infantry. A breastwork
connected San Pablo with the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">tête de pont</i> over the
Churubusco River, four hundred yards distant. This was
the easternmost point of defence, and formed part of the
San Antonio causeway leading to the city. It was a
work constructed with the greatest skill—bastions, curtain,
and wet ditch, everything was complete and perfect—four
guns were mounted in embrasure and barbette,
and as many men as the place would hold were stationed
there. The reserves occupied the causeway behind Churubusco.
Independently of his defences, Santa Anna’s
numbers—nearly five to one—ought to have insured the
repulse of the assailants.</p>

<p>By eleven—hardly seven hours having elapsed since
the Contreras camp had been stormed, five miles away—Twiggs
and Pillow were in motion toward the San Antonio
causeway. Nothing had been heard of Worth,
who had been directed to move along the east side of the
Pedregal on San Antonio; but it was taken for granted
he had carried the point, and Scott wished to cut off the
retreat of the garrison. Twiggs was advancing cautiously
toward the convent, when a heavy firing was heard in
advance. Supposing that a reconnoitring party had
been attacked, he hastily sent forward the First Artillery,
under Dimmick, through a field of tall corn, to support
them. No sooner had they separated from the main<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">216</span>
body than a terrific discharge of grape, canister, and
musketry assailed them from the convent. In the teeth
of the storm they advanced to within one hundred yards
of that building, and a light battery under Taylor was
brought up on their right and opened on the convent.
Over an hour the gunners stood firm to their pieces under
a fire as terrible as troops ever endured; one-third of the
command had fallen before they were withdrawn. Colonel
Riley meanwhile, with the stormers of Contreras, had
been despatched to assail San Pablo on the west, and,
like Dimmick, was met by a murderous rain of shot.
Whole heads of companies were mowed down at once.
Thus Captain Smith fell, twice wounded, with every man
beside him; and a single discharge from the Mexican
guns swept down Lieutenant Easley and the section he
led. It was the second time that day the gallant Second
had served as targets for the Mexicans, but not a man
fell back. General Smith ordered up the Third in support,
and these, protecting themselves as best they could
behind a few huts, kept up a steady fire on the convent.
Sallies from the works were constantly made and as
constantly repulsed, but not a step could the assailants
make in advance.</p>

<p>By this time the battle was raging on three different
points. Worth had marched on San Antonio that morning,
found it evacuated, and given chase to the Mexicans
with the Fifth and Sixth Infantry. The causeway leading
from San Antonio to the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">tête de pont</i> of Churubusco
was thronged with flying horse and foot; our troops
dashed headlong after them, never halting till the advance
corps—the Sixth—were within short range of the
Mexican batteries. A tremendous volley from the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">tête
de pont</i> in front and the convent on the flank then forced
them to await the arrival of the rest of the division. This
was the fire which Twiggs heard when he sent Dimmick
against the convent.</p>

<p>Worth came up almost immediately; and, directing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">217</span>
the Sixth to advance as best they could along the causeway
in the teeth of the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">tête de pont</i>, despatched Garland
and Clarke’s brigades through the fields on the right to
attack it in flank. Every gun was instantly directed
against the assailants; and, though the day was bright
and clear, the clouds of smoke actually darkened the air.
Hoffman, waving his sword, cheered on the Sixth; but
the shot tore and ripped up their ranks to such a degree
that in a few minutes they had lost ninety-seven men.
The brigades on the right suffered as severely. One
hundred men fell within the space of an acre. Still they
pressed on, till the Eighth (of Clarke’s brigade) reached
the ditch. In they plunged, Lieutenant Longstreet bearing
the colors in advance—scrambled out on the other
side—dashed at the walls, without ladders or scaling
implements—bayoneted the defenders as they took aim.
At last officers and men, mixed pell-mell, some through
the embrasures, some over the walls, rushed or leaped
in and drove the garrison helter-skelter upon their reserves.</p>

<p>The <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">tête de pont</i> gained, its guns were turned on the
convent, whence the Mexicans were still slaughtering our
gallant Second and Third. Duncan’s battery, too, hitherto
in reserve, was brought up, and opened with such
rapidity that a bystander estimated the intervals between
the reports at three seconds. Stunned by this
novel attack, the garrison of San Pablo slackened fire.
In an instant the Third, followed by Dimmick’s artillery,
dashed forward with the bayonet to storm the nearest
bastion. With a run they carried it, the artillery bursting
over the curtain; but at that moment a dozen white
flags waved in their faces. The whole fortified position
of Churubusco was taken.</p>

<p>Meantime, however, a conflict as deadly as either of
these was raging behind the Mexican fortifications. Soon
after the battle commenced, Scott sent Pierce and
Shields’ brigades by the left, through the fields, to attack<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">218</span>
the enemy in the rear. On the causeway, opposed
to them, were planted Santa Anna’s reserves—four
thousand foot and three thousand horse—in a measure
protected by a dense growth of maguey. Shields advanced
intrepidly with his force of sixteen hundred. The
ground was marshy, and for a long distance—having
vainly endeavored to outflank the enemy—his advance
was exposed to their whole fire. Morgan, of the Fifteenth,
fell wounded. The New York regiment suffered fearfully,
and their leader, Colonel Burnett, was disabled. The
Palmettos, of South Carolina, and the Ninth, under Ransom,
were as severely cut up; and after a while all sought
shelter in and about a large barn near the causeway.
Shields, in an agony at the failure of his movement, cried
imploringly for volunteers to follow him. The appeal
was instantly answered by Colonel Butler, of the Palmettos:
“Every South-Carolinian will follow you to the
death!” The cry was contagious, and most of the New-Yorkers
took it up. Forming at angles to the causeway,
Shields led these brave men, under an incessant hail of
shot, against the village of Portales, where the Mexican
reserves were posted. Not a trigger was pulled till they
stood at a hundred and fifty yards from the enemy.
Then the little band poured in their volley, fatally answered
by the Mexican host. Butler, already wounded,
was shot through the head, and died instantly. Calling
to the Palmettos to avenge his death, Shields gives the
word to charge. They charge—not four hundred in all—over
the plain, down upon four thousand Mexicans,
securely posted under cover. At every step their ranks
thinned. Dickenson, who succeeded Butler in command
of the Palmettos, seizes the colors as the bearer falls
dead; the next moment he is down himself, mortally
wounded, and Major Gladden snatches them from his
hand. Adams, Moragne, and nearly half the gallant
band are prostrate. A very few minutes more, and there
will be no one left to bear the glorious flag.</p>

<div id="ip_218" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 33.375em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_251.jpg" width="534" height="322" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">CHARGE OF THE “PALMETTOS” AT CHURUBUSCO<br />
  <span class="smaller">(From a print of the time)</span></div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">219</span>
But at this very moment a deafening roar was heard
in the direction of the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">tête de pont</i>. Round-shot and
grape, rifle-balls and canister came crashing down the
causeway into the Mexican ranks from their own battery.
Worth was there just in time. Down the road and over
the ditch, through the field and hedge and swamp, in
tumult and panic, the Mexicans fled from the bayonets
of the Sixth and Garland’s brigade. A shout, louder
than the cannon’s peal—Worth was on their heels, with
his best men. Before Shields reached the causeway he
was by his side, driving the Mexican horse into their
infantry, and Ayres was galloping up with a captured
Mexican gun. Captain Kearny, with a few dragoons,
rode straight into the flying host, scattered them right
and left, sabred all he could reach, and halted before
the gate of Mexico. Not till then did he perceive that he
was alone with his little party, nearly all of whom were
wounded; but, in spite of the hundreds of escopetas that
were levelled at him, he galloped back in safety to headquarters.</p>

<p>The sun, which rose that morning on a proud army
and a defiant metropolis, set at even on a shattered, haggard
band and a city full of woe-stricken wretches who
did nothing all night but quake with terror and cry at
every noise, “Aqui viene los Yanquies!” All along the
causeway, and in the fields and swamp on either side,
heaps of dead men and cattle, intermingled with broken
ammunition-carts, marked where the American shot had
told. A gory track leading to the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">tête de pont</i>, groups of
dead in the fields on the west of Churubusco, over whose
pale faces some stalks of tattered corn still waved, red
blotches in the marsh next the causeway, where the rich
blood of Carolina and New York soaked the earth, showed
where the fire of the heavy Mexican guns and the countless
escopetas of the infantry had been most murderous.
Scott had lost, in that day’s work, over one thousand men
in killed and wounded, seventy-nine of whom were officers.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">220</span>
The Mexican loss, according to Santa Anna, was one-third
of his army, equal probably to ten thousand men, one-fourth
of whom were prisoners, the rest killed and wounded.
As the sun went down the troops were recalled to
headquarters; but all night long the battle-field swarmed
with straggling parties, seeking some lost comrade in the
cold and rain, and surgeons hurrying from place to place
and offering succor to the wounded.</p>

<p>It would have been easy for Scott to have marched on
the city that night, or next morning, and seized it before
the Mexicans recovered the shock of their defeat. Anxious,
however, to shorten the war, and assured that Santa
Anna was desirous of negotiating; warned, moreover, by
neutrals and others that the hostile occupation of the
capital would destroy the last chance of peaceable accommodation
and rouse the Mexican spirit to resistance
all over the country, the American general consented, too
generously perhaps, to offer an armistice to his vanquished
foe. It was eagerly accepted, and negotiations were
commenced which lasted over a fortnight. Early in
September the treachery of the Mexicans became apparent.
No progress had been made in the negotiations;
and, in defiance of the armistice, an American wagon,
proceeding to the city for provisions, had been attacked
by the mob and one man killed and others wounded.
Scott wrote to Santa Anna, demanding an apology, and
threatening to terminate the armistice on the 7th if it
were not tendered. The reply was insulting in the extreme;
Santa Anna had repaired his losses and was
ready for another fight.</p>

<h3>MOLINO DEL REY</h3>

<p>On the evening of the 7th of September Worth and his
officers were gathered in his quarters at Tacubaya. On
a table lay a hastily sketched map showing the position
of the fortified works at Molino del Rey, with the Casa<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">221</span>
Mata on one side and the castle of Chapultepec on the
other. The Molino was occupied by the enemy; there
was reason to believe it contained a foundry in full operation,
and Worth had been directed to storm it next morning.
Over that table bent Garland and Clarke, eager to
repeat the glorious deeds of August 20th at the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">tête de
pont</i> of Churubusco; Duncan and Smith, already veterans;
Wright, the leader of the forlorn-hope, joyfully thinking
of the morrow; famous Martin Scott and dauntless
Graham, little dreaming that a few hours would see their
livid corpses stretched upon the plain; fierce old McIntosh,
covered with scars; Worth himself, his manly brow
clouded and his cheek paled by sickness and anxiety.
Each officer had his place assigned to him in the conflict;
and they parted to seek a few hours’ rest. At half-past
two in the morning of the 8th the division was astir.
’Twas a bright, starlight night, whose silence was unbroken
as the troops moved thoughtfully toward the
battle-field. In front, on the right, about a mile from
the encampment, the hewn-stone walls of the Molino del
Rey—a range of buildings five hundred yards long and
well adapted for defence—were distinctly visible, with
drowsy lights twinkling through the windows. A little
farther off, on the left, stood the black pile of the Casa
Mata, the arsenal, crenelled for musketry and surrounded
by a quadrangular field-work. Beyond the Casa Mata
lay a ravine, and from this a ditch and hedge ran, passing
in front of both works to the Tacubaya road. Far
on the right the grim old castle of Chapultepec loomed up
darkly against the sky. Sleep wrapped the whole Mexican
line, and but few words were spoken in the American
ranks as the troops took up their respective positions—Garland,
with Dunn’s battery and Huger’s twenty-four-pounders,
on the right, against the Molino; Wright, at
the head of the stormers, and followed by the light division,
under Captain Kirby Smith, in the centre; McIntosh,
with Duncan’s battery, on the left, near the ravine, looking<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">222</span>
toward the Casa Mata; and Cadwallader, with his
brigade, in reserve.</p>

<p>Night still overhung the east when the Mexicans were
roused from their slumbers by the roar of Huger’s twenty-four-pounders
and the crashing of the balls through the
roof and walls of the Molino. A shout arose within their
lines, spreading from the ravine to the castle; lights
flashed in every direction, bugles sounded, the clank of
arms rang from right to left, and every man girded himself
for the fray. With the first ray of daylight Major
Wright advanced with the forlorn-hope down the slope.
A few seconds elapsed; then a sheet of flame burst from
the batteries, and round-shot, canister, and grape hurtled
through the air. “Charge!” shouted the leader, and
down they went, with double-quick step, over the ditch
and hedge and into the line, sweeping everything before
them. The Mexicans fell from their guns, but soon, seeing
the smallness of the force opposed to them, and reassured
by the galling fire poured from the azoteas and
Molino on the stormers, they rallied, charged furiously,
and drove our men back into the plain. Here eleven out
of the fourteen officers of Wright’s party and the bulk of
his men fell killed or wounded. All of the latter who
could not fly were bayoneted where they lay by the
Mexicans. Captain Walker, of the Sixth, badly shot,
was left for dead; he saw the enemy murdering every
man who showed signs of life, but the agony of thirst
was so insupportable that he could not resist raising his
canteen to his lips. A dozen balls instantly tore up the
ground around him; several Mexicans rushed at him
with the bayonet, but at that moment the light division
under Kirby Smith came charging over the ditch into
the Mexican line and diverted their attention.</p>

<div id="ip_222" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 19.5625em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_257.jpg" width="313" height="387" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">BATTLE OF MOLINO DEL REY<br />
  <span class="smaller">(From a print of the time)</span></div></div>

<p>Garland, meanwhile, moved down rapidly on the right
with Dunn’s guns, which were drawn by hand, all the
horses having been wounded and become unmanageable.
These soon opened an enfilading fire on the Mexican battery;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">223</span>
and, some of the gunners flying, the light division
charged, under a hot fire, and carried the guns for a second
time. Their gallant leader was shot dead in the charge.
But the enemy could afford to lose the battery. From
the tops of the azoteas, from the Casa Mata, and the
Molino, a deadly shower of balls was rained crosswise
upon the assailants. Part of the reserve was brought
up, and Dunn’s guns and the Mexican battery were
served upon the buildings without much effect at first.
Lieutenant-Colonel Graham led a party of the Eleventh
against the latter; when within pistol-shot a terrific volley
assailed him, wounding him in ten places. The gallant
soldier quietly dismounted, pointed with his sword
to the building, cried “Charge!” and sank dead on the
field.</p>

<p>There was an equally fierce fight at the other wing,
where Duncan and McIntosh had driven in the enemy’s
right toward the Casa Mata. McIntosh started to storm
that fort; and, in the teeth of a tremendous hail of musketry,
advanced to the ditch, only twenty-five yards from
the work. There a ball knocked him down; it was his
luck to be shot or bayoneted in every battle. Martin
Scott took the command, but as he ordered the men
forward he rolled lifeless into the ditch. Major Waite, the
next in rank, had hardly seen him fall before he too was
disabled. By whole companies the men were mowed
down by the Mexican shot; but they stood their ground.
At length some one gave the word to fall back, and the
remnants of the brigade obeyed. Many wounded were
left on the ground; among others Lieutenant Burnell shot
in the leg, whom the Mexicans murdered when his comrades
abandoned him. After the battle his body was
found, and beside it his dog, moaning piteously and
licking his dead master’s face.</p>

<p>At the head of four thousand cavalry, Alvarez now
menaced our left. Duncan watched them come, driving
a cloud of dust before them, till they were within close<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">224</span>
range; then, opening with his wonderful rapidity, he shattered
whole platoons at a discharge. Worth sent him
word to be sure to keep the lancers in check. “Tell
General Worth,” was his reply, “to make himself perfectly
easy; I can whip twenty thousand of them.”
So far as Alvarez was concerned, he kept his word.</p>

<p>On the American right the fight had reached a crisis.
Mixed confusedly together, men of all arms furiously attacked
the Molino, firing into every aperture, climbing
to the roof, and striving to batter in the doors and gates
with their muskets. The garrison never slackened their
terrible fire for an instant. At length, Major Buchanan,
of the Fourth, succeeded in bursting open the southern
gate, and almost at the same moment Anderson and
Ayres, of the artillery, forced their way into the buildings
at the northwestern angle. Ayres leaped down alone
into a crowd of Mexicans—he had done the same at
Monterey—and fell covered with wounds. In our men
rushed on both sides, stabbing, firing, and felling the
Mexicans with their muskets. From room to room and
house to house a hand-to-hand encounter was kept up.
Here a stalwart Mexican hurled down man after man as
they advanced; there Buchanan and the Fourth levelled
all before them. But the Mexicans never withstood the
cold steel. One by one the defenders escaped by the
rear toward Chapultepec, and those who remained hung
out a white flag. Under Duncan’s fire the Casa Mata
had been evacuated, and the enemy was everywhere in
full retreat. Twice he rallied and charged the Molino;
but each time the artillery drove him back toward
Chapultepec, and parties of the light infantry pursued
him down the road. Before ten in the morning the whole
field was won; and, having blown up the Casa Mata,
Worth, by Scott’s order, fell back to Tacubaya.</p>

<p>With gloomy face and averted eye the gallant soldier
received the thanks of his chief for the exploits of the
morning. His heart was with the brave men he had<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">225</span>
lost: near eight hundred out of less than thirty-five
hundred, and among them fifty-eight officers, many of
whom were his dearest friends. All had fallen in advance
of their men, with sword in hand and noble words
on their lips. They had helped to storm Molino del Rey,
and to cut down near a fifth of Santa Anna’s fourteen
thousand men. Sadly the general returned to his
quarters.</p>

<p>The end was now close at hand. Reconnaissances were
carefully made, and, the enemy’s strength being gathered
on the southern front of the city. General Scott determined
to assault Chapultepec on the west. By the morning
of the 12th the batteries were completed, and opened
a brisk fire on the castle, without, however, doing any
more serious damage than annoying the garrison and
killing a few men. The fire was kept up all day; and at
night preparations were made for the assault, which was
ordered to be made next morning.</p>

<h3>CHAPULTEPEC</h3>

<p>At daybreak on the 13th the cannonade recommenced,
as well from the batteries planted against Chapultepec
as from Steptoe’s guns, which were served against the
southern defences of the city in order to divert the attention
of the enemy. At 8 <span class="smcap smaller">A.M.</span> the firing from the former
ceased and the attack commenced. Quitman advanced
along the Tacubaya road, Pillow from the Molino del Rey,
which he had occupied on the evening before. Between
the Molino and the castle lay first an open space, then
a grove thickly planted with trees; in the latter Mexican
sharpshooters had been posted, protected by an intrenchment
on the border of the grove. Pillow sent Lieutenant-Colonel
Johnstone with a party of voltigeurs to turn this
work by a flank movement; it was handsomely accomplished,
and, just as the voltigeurs broke through the
redan, Pillow, with the main body, charged it in front<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">226</span>
and drove back the Mexicans. The grove gained, Pillow
pressed forward to the foot of the rock; for the Mexican
shot from the castle batteries, crashing through the trees,
seemed even more terrible than it really was, and the
troops were becoming restless. The Mexicans had retreated
to a redoubt half-way up the hill; the voltigeurs
sprang up from rock to rock, firing as they advanced, and
followed by Hooker, Chase, and others, with parties of
infantry. In a very few minutes the redoubt was gained,
the garrison driven up the hill, and the voltigeurs, Ninth,
and Fifteenth in hot pursuit after them. Here the firing
from the castle was very severe. Colonel Ransom, of the
Ninth, was killed, and Pillow himself was wounded.</p>

<p>Still the troops pressed on till the crest of the hill was
gained. There some moments were lost, owing to the
delay in the arrival of scaling-ladders, during which two
of Quitman’s regiments and Clarke’s brigade reinforced
the storming party. When the ladders came, numbers of
men rushed forward with them, leaped into the ditch, and
planted them for the assault. Lieutenant Selden was the
first man to mount. But the Mexicans collected all their
energies for this last moment. A tremendous fire dashed
the foremost of the stormers in the ditch, killing Lieutenants
Rogers and Smith, and clearing the ladders. Fresh
men instantly manned them, and, after a brief struggle,
Captain Howard, of the voltigeurs, gained a foothold on
the parapet. McKenzie, of the forlorn-hope, followed;
and a crowd of voltigeurs and infantry, shouting and
cheering, pressed after him and swept down upon the
garrison with the bayonet. Almost at the same moment
Johnstone, of the voltigeurs, who had led a small party
round to the gate of the castle, broke it open and effected
an entrance in spite of a fierce fire from the southern
walls. The two parties uniting, a deadly conflict ensued
within the building. Maddened by the recollection of
the murder of their wounded comrades at Molino del Rey,
the stormers at first showed no quarter. On every side<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">227</span>
the Mexicans were stabbed or shot down without mercy.
Many flung themselves over the parapet and down the
hillside, and were dashed in pieces against the rocks.
More fought like fiends, expending their last breath in a
malediction and expiring in the act of aiming a treacherous
blow as they lay on the ground. Streams of blood
flowed through the doors of the college, and every room
and passage was the theatre of some deadly struggle.
At length the officers succeeded in putting an end to the
carnage, and, the remaining Mexicans having surrendered,
the stars and stripes were hoisted over the castle of
Chapultepec by Major Seymour.</p>

<p>Meanwhile Quitman had stormed the batteries on the
causeway to the east of the castle, after a desperate
struggle, in which Major Twiggs, who commanded the
stormers, was shot dead at the head of his men. The
Mexicans fell back toward the city. General Scott, coming
up at this moment, ordered a simultaneous advance
to be made on the city along the two roads leading from
Chapultepec to the gates of San Cosme and Belen respectively.
Worth was to command that on San Cosme,
Quitman that on Belen. Both were prepared for defence
by barricades, behind which the enemy were posted in
great numbers. Fortunately for the assailants, an aqueduct,
supported on arches of solid masonry, ran along
the centre of each causeway. By keeping under cover
of these arches and springing rapidly from one to another,
Smith’s rifles and the South Carolina regiment
were enabled to advance close to the first barricade on
the Belen road and pour in a destructive fire on the
gunners. A flank discharge from Duncan’s guns completed
the work; the barricade was carried; and, without
a moment’s rest, Quitman advanced in the same manner
on the garita of San Belen, which was held by General
Torres with a strong garrison. It, too, was stormed, though
under a fearful hail of grape and canister; and the rifles
moved forward toward the citadel. But at this moment<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">228</span>
Santa Anna rode furiously down to the point of attack.
Boiling with rage at the success of the invaders, he smote
General Torres in the face, threw a host of infantry into
the houses commanding the garita and the road, ordered
the batteries in the citadel to open fire, planted fresh
guns on the Paseo, and infused such spirit into the Mexicans
that Quitman’s advance was stopped at once. A
terrific storm of shot, shells, and grape assailed the garita,
where Captain Dunn had planted an eight-pounder.
Twice the gunners were shot down, and fresh men sent to
take their places. Then Dunn himself fell, and immediately
afterward Lieutenant Benjamin and his first sergeant
met the same fate. The riflemen in the arches repelled
sallies, but Quitman’s position was precarious till
night terminated the conflict.</p>

<p>Worth, meanwhile, had advanced in like manner along
the San Cosme causeway, driving the Mexicans from
barricade to barricade till within two hundred and fifty
yards of the garita of San Cosme. There he encountered
as severe a fire as that which stopped Quitman. But
Scott had ordered him to take the garita, and take it he
would. Throwing Garland’s brigade out to the right
and Clarke’s to the left, he ordered them to break into
the houses, burst through the walls, and bore their way
to the flanks of the garita. The plan had succeeded perfectly
at Monterey; nor did it fail here. Slowly but surely
the sappers passed from house to house, until at sunset
they reached the point desired. Then Worth ordered the
attack. Lieutenant Hunt brought up a light gun at a
gallop and fired it through the embrasure of the enemy’s
battery, almost muzzle to muzzle; the infantry at the
same moment opened a most deadly and unexpected fire
from the roofs of the houses, and McKenzie, at the head
of the stormers, dashed at the battery and carried it
almost without loss. The Mexicans fled precipitately into
the city.</p>

<p>At one that night two parties left the citadel and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">229</span>
issued forth from the city. One was the remnant of the
Mexican army, which slunk silently and noiselessly
through the northern gate, and fled to Guadalupe-Hidalgo;
the other was a body of officers who came under a white
flag to propose terms of capitulation.</p>

<h3>THE OCCUPATION OF THE CITY OF MEXICO</h3>

<p>The sun shone brightly on the morning of September
14th. Scores of neutral flags floated from the windows
on the Calle de Plateros, and in their shade beautiful
women gazed curiously on the scene beneath. Gayly
dressed groups thronged the balconies, and at the street-corners
were scowling, dark-faced men. The street resounded
with the heavy tramp of infantry, the rattle of
gun-carriages, and the clatter of horses’ hoofs. “Los
Yanquies!” was the cry, and every neck was stretched to
obtain a glimpse of the six thousand bemired and begrimed
soldiers who were marching proudly to the Gran
Plaza. But six months before, Winfield Scott had landed
on the Mexican coast; since then he had stormed the two
strongest places in the country, won four battles in the
field against armies double, treble, and quadruple his own,
and marched without reverse from Vera Cruz to the city
of Mexico; losing fewer men, making fewer mistakes, and
creating less devastation, in proportion to his victories,
than any invading general of former times.</p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN THE CONQUEST OF<br />
MEXICO, 1847, AND THE BOMBARDMENT<br />
OF FORT SUMTER, 1861</h3>

<p>1848. Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo between the United
States and Mexico. Admission of Wisconsin into the
Union. Congress passes an act for the organization of
Oregon Territory. Migration of the Mormons to Great
Salt Lake. Zachary Taylor elected President. Formation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">230</span>
of the Free-Soil party. Discovery of gold in California.</p>

<p>1850. The United States and Great Britain conclude
the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty regarding a water route across
Central America. On the death of Zachary Taylor,
Millard Fillmore succeeds to the Presidency. New
Mexico and Utah are organized as territories, and the
“Clay Compromise,” providing for the admission of
California as a free state, is adopted. Slavery in the
District of Columbia is abolished.</p>

<p>1851. Unsuccessful filibustering expedition, under Lopez,
against Cuba. Arrival of Louis Kossuth in the
United States.</p>

<p>1852. Franklin Pierce elected President.</p>

<p>1853. Organization of Washington Territory. The
Kane Arctic expedition in search of Sir John Franklin.</p>

<p>1854. Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, limiting slave
territory in the United States, and passage of the Kansas-Nebraska
bill, making slavery optional in the new territories.
The “Ostend Manifesto” recommends the purchase
of Cuba by the United States. Passage of the
commercial reciprocity treaty between the United States
and Canada (abrogated in 1866). Commodore Perry
concludes a treaty with Japan.</p>

<p>1855. A Pro-Slavery legislature organizes in Kansas. A
Free-State convention draws up the Topeka Constitution.
William Walker, with a force of filibusters, invades Nicaragua.
Opening of the railway across the Isthmus of Panama.</p>

<p>1856. Civil war in Kansas. James Buchanan elected
President.</p>

<p>1857. Victory of the Free-State party at the polls in
Kansas. A Pro-Slavery convention draws up the Lecompton
Constitution. Dred Scott decision. Mormon
rebellion in Utah. Financial panic in the United States
and Europe.</p>

<p>1858. Admission of Minnesota into the Union. Kansas
rejects the Lecompton Constitution. Senator Douglas<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">231</span>
debates. Partial establishment of transatlantic telegraphic
communication.</p>

<p>1859. Admission of Oregon into the Union. John
Brown’s raid into West Virginia. His capture, trial,
and execution. Petroleum discovered in the United
States. San Juan islands occupied by General Harney.</p>

<p>1860. Abraham Lincoln elected President. Secession
of South Carolina. Kansas prohibits slavery within its
boundaries. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, resigns because
President Buchanan refused to reinforce Major
Anderson at Fort Moultrie, S. C.</p>

<p>1861. Secession of Mississippi, January 9th, followed
by Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Texas, and Louisiana.
Admission of Kansas into the Union. Jefferson Davis
elected president of the Confederate States of America
on February 7th. Bombardment of Fort Sumter.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">232</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XV" class="vspace">XV<br />

<span id="t_16" class="subhead">FORT SUMTER, 1861</span></h2>
</div>

<h3>I<br />

<span class="subhead">DRIFT TOWARD SOUTHERN NATIONALIZATION (1850–1860)</span></h3>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Seventy-two</span> years after the adoption of the
Constitution, called into being to form “a more
perfect union,” and eighty-five years after the declaration
of independence (a space completely covered by the lives
of men still living), a new confederacy of seven Southern
states was formed, and the great political fabric, the
exemplar and hope of every lover of freedom throughout
the world, was apparently hopelessly rent. Of these
seven states but two were of the original thirteen—Louisiana
and Florida had been purchased by the government
of the Union; a war had been fought in behalf of
Texas; two states, Alabama and Mississippi, lay within
original claims of Georgia, but had been ceded to the
Union and organized as Federal territories.</p>

<p>April 11, 1861, found a fully organized separate government
established for these seven states, with a determination
to form a separate nation, most forcibly
expressed by the presence of an army at Charleston,
South Carolina, which next day was to open fire upon
a feebly manned fort, and thus to begin a terrible civil
war. The eight other slave states were in a turmoil of
anxiety, leaning toward their sisters of the farther South
through the common sympathy which came of slavery,
but drawn also to the Union through tradition and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">233</span>
appreciation of benefits, and through a realization by a
great number of persons that their interests in slavery
were much less than those of the states which had already
seceded.</p>

<p>The North, in the middle of April, was only emerging
from a condition of stupefied amazement at a condition
which scarcely any of its statesmen, and practically none
of the men of every-day life, had thought possible. It
was to this crisis that the country had been brought by
the conflicting views of the two great and strongly divided
sections of the Union respecting slavery, and by
the national aspirations which, however little recognized,
were working surely in each section, but upon
divergent lines.</p>

<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div>

<p>The outward manifestations in the history of the
separation of the North and the South stand out in
strong relief: the Missouri question; the protective tariff
and South Carolina nullification; the abolition attacks
which wrought the South into a frenzy suicidal in character
through its impossible demands upon the North
for protection; the action of the Southern statesmen in
the question of petitions; the passage of a fugitive-slave
law which drove the North itself to nullification; the
Kansas-Nebraska act and its outcome of civil war in the
former territory; the recognition, in the dicta of the
supreme court in the Dred Scott case, of the South’s
contention of its constitutional right to carry slavery
into the territories, and the stand taken by the North
against any further slavery extension. To these visible
conflicts were added the unconscious workings of the
disruptive forces of a totally distinct social organization.
The outward strifes were but the symptoms of a malady
in the body politic of the Union which could have but
one end, unless the deep, abiding cause, slavery, should be
removed.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">234</span>
The president and vice-president of the Southern Confederacy,
in their elaborate defences written after the
war, have endeavored to rest the cause of the struggle
wholly on constitutional questions. Stephens, whose
book, not even excepting Calhoun’s utterances, is the
ablest exposition of the Southern reading of the Constitution,
says: “The struggle or conflict, ... from its
rise to its culmination, was between those who, in whatever
state they lived, were for maintaining our Federal
system as it was established, and those who were for a
consolidation of power in the central head.”<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> Jefferson
Davis is even more explicit. “The truth remains,” he
says, “intact and incontrovertible, that the existence of
African servitude was in no wise the cause of the conflict,
but only an incident. In the later controversies ...
its effect in operating as a lever upon the passions, prejudices,
or sympathies of mankind was so potent that
it has been spread like a thick cloud over the whole
horizon of historic truth.”<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">137</a></p>

<p>This is but begging the question. The constitutional
view had its weight for the South in 1860 as it had for
New England in the Jefferson-Madison period. Jefferson’s
iron domination of the national government during
his presidency, a policy hateful to New England, combined
with the fear of being overweighted in sectional
influence by the western extension through the Louisiana
purchase, led to pronounced threats of secession by men
of New England, ardently desirous of escaping from what
Pickering, one of its most prominent men, termed the
Virginian supremacy.<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> Exactly the same arguments were
used, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">mutatis mutandis</i>, later by the South.</p>

<p>As we all know, the movement, which never had any
real popular support and which had its last spasm of life
in the Hartford Convention at the close of the War of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">235</span>
1812, came to naught. Freed by the fall of Napoleon
and the peace with England from the pressure of the
upper and nether mill-stones which had so ground to
pieces our commerce, a prosperity set in which drowned
the sporadic discontent of the previous twenty years.
The fears of the Eastern states no longer loomed so high
and were as imaginary in fact, and had as slight a basis,
as were, in the beginning of the era of discord, those of
the South. Could slavery have been otherwise preserved,
the extreme decentralizing ideas of the South
would have disappeared with equal ease, and Stephens’
<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">causa causans</i>—“the different and directly opposite views
as to the nature of the government of the United States,
and where, under our system, ultimate sovereign power
or paramount authority properly resides,” would have
had no more intensity of meaning in 1860 than to-day.</p>

<p>Divergence of constitutional views, like most questions
of government, follow the lines of self-interest; Jefferson’s
qualms gave way before the great prize of Louisiana;
one part of the South was ready in 1832 to go to war on
account of a protective tariff; another, Louisiana, was
at the same time demanding protection for her special
industry. The South thus simply shared in our general
human nature, and fought, not for a pure abstraction, as
Davis and Stephens, led by Calhoun, would have it, but
for the supposed self-interest which its view of the Constitution
protected. Its section, its society, could not
continue to develop in the Union under the Northern
reading of the document, and the irrepressible and certain
nationalization, so different from its own tendencies,
to which the North as a whole was steadily moving.</p>

<p>Slavery drove the South into opposition to the broad,
liberal movement of the age. The French Revolution;
the destruction of feudalism by Napoleon; the later
popular movements throughout Europe and South
America; the liberalizing of Great Britain; the nationalistic
ideas of which we have the results in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">236</span>
German empire and the kingdom of Italy, and the strong
nationalistic feeling developing in the northern part of
the Union itself had but little reflex action in the South
because of slavery and the South’s consequent segregation
and tendency to a feudalistic nationalization.</p>

<h3>II<br />

<span class="subhead">STATUS OF THE FORTS (OCT. 29, 1860–DEC. 20, 1860)</span></h3>

<p>General Scott, with his memories of 1832, was one of
those who appreciated the danger hanging over the
country, and, October 29, 1860, he wrote from New York,
where he had his headquarters, a letter of great length
to the President, which in pompous phrases, conceding
the right of secession, and embodying some absurd ideas,
such as allowing “the fragments of the great republic to
form themselves into new confederacies, probably four,”
as a smaller evil than war, gave it as his “solemn conviction”
that there was, from his knowledge of the Southern
population, “some danger of an early act of rashness
preliminary to secession, viz.: the seizure of some or all
of the following posts: Forts Jackson and St. Philip on
the Mississippi; Morgan below Mobile, all without garrisons;
Pickens, McKee at Pensacola, with an insufficient
garrison for one; Pulaski, below Savannah, without a
garrison; Moultrie and Sumter, Charleston harbor, the
former with an insufficient garrison, the latter without
any; and Fort Monroe, Hampton Roads, with an insufficient
garrison.”</p>

<p>He gave it as his opinion that “all these works should
be immediately so garrisoned as to make any attempt to
take any one of them by surprise or <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coup de main</i> ridiculous.”
He did not state the number of men needed, but
in a supplementary paper the next day (October 30th)
said, “There is one (regular) company in Boston, one
here (at the Narrows), one at Pittsburg, one at Baton<span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">237</span>
Rouge—in all, five companies only within reach.”<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> These
five companies, about two hundred and fifty men, were
of course absurdly inadequate to garrison nine such posts,
but, had there been a determination in the President’s
mind to prevent seizures, enough men could have been
brought together to hold the more important points.</p>

<p>For Scott’s statement as to the number available was
grossly inaccurate, and but serves to show the parlous
state of a war department in which the general-in-chief
can either be so misinformed or allow himself to remain
in ignorance of vital facts. There were but five points
in the farther South of primal importance: the Mississippi,
Mobile, Pensacola, Savannah, and Charleston; two hundred
men at each would have been ample to hold the
positions for the time being, and, being held, reinforcement
in any degree would later have been easy. There
was a total of 1048 officers and men at the Northern
posts,<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> including Leavenworth, Mackinac, Plattsburg,
Boston, New York, and Fort Monroe, who could have
been drawn upon. There were already 250 men at
Charleston, Key West, Pensacola, and Baton Rouge.
It is safe to say that a thousand men were available.
There were also some eight hundred marines at the navy-yards
and barracks<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> who could have been used in such
an emergency. The aggregate of the army, June 30,
1860, was 16,006, of which 14,926 were enlisted men;
and it was in the power of the President to increase this
total aggregate to 18,626.<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">142</a> Recruiting was, in fact,
actively going on; almost every man at the posts mentioned
could, even much after the date of Scott’s paper,
have been safely withdrawn for the object mentioned and
quickly replaced.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">238</span>
Scott’s inaccurate report gave Buchanan additional
reason for the inaction which was his basic thought.
He says, in his <cite>apologia</cite>, that “to have attempted to distribute
these five companies in the eight forts of the
cotton states and Fortress Monroe in Virginia, would
have been a confession of weakness.... It could have
had no effect in preventing secession, but must have
done much to provoke it.”<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> The first part of this statement
would have been true had these five companies
been the only force available; the second, on the supposition
that the President meant that any attempt with
a force reasonably large would have provoked secession,
was a short-sighted view. To garrison the forts could
not have been more obnoxious than to put them in a
state of defence. At any time before the secession of a
state they could have been garrisoned without bringing
on actual conflict. The statesmen of the South were
well aware that an attack upon an armed force of the
United States, before secession, must place them irretrievably
in the wrong. South Carolina did not secede
until December 20th. To resist the sending of troops
before this date to any of these forts would have been
unqualified treason, and for this no one in the South
was prepared. The safety of the secession movement,
the extension of sympathy throughout the South, rested
very greatly upon strict compliance with the forms of
law and with the theories of the Constitution held by
that section. At least one ardent secessionist, Judge
Longstreet, recognized this when he appealed to South-Carolinians
to refrain from any act of war; “let the first
shot,” he said, “come from the enemy. <em>Burn that precept
into your hearts.</em>”<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> It was impossible that the
Southern leaders should place themselves, or allow their
people to place them, in the attitude of waging war against
the Union while even in their own view their states still<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">239</span>
remained within it. There was, too, still a very large
Union sentiment in the South, though finally swept into
the vortex by the principle of going with the state, which
would not have been averse to a determined action on
the part of the President and might have upheld it, as
in 1833. Such vigor would have given this sentiment a
working basis, through the evidence that the Federal
authority was to be upheld; and it would have caused
a pause even in the least thoughtful of the secessionists
had they felt that their coast strongholds were to be held
and all their ports to be in the hands of the enemy. In
the dearth of manufactures in the South, the holding of
their ports was an essential to Southern military success.
Their closure by blockade was equally an essential to
the success of the North. The strategy of the situation
was of the clearest and most palpable, and with their
coast forts in Union hands warlike action on the part
of the South is not conceivable. One can thus understand
the importance of spreading the reiterated statements
of “intense excitement” and “danger of attack”
in the event of reinforcement; statements which, in the
circumstances, must be regarded, if the phrase may be
used, in the nature of a gigantic and successful “bluff.”</p>

<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div>

<p>The military property of the United States at Charleston
consisted of the armory, covering a few acres, where
were stored twenty-two thousand muskets and a considerable
number of old, heavy guns, and of three forts
named for South-Carolinians of Union-wide fame. The
smallest of these, Castle Pinckney, was a round, brick
structure, in excellent condition, on a small island directly
east of the town and distant from the wharves but half
a mile. It completely commanded the town, and had
a formidable armament of four forty-two-pounders,
fourteen twenty-four-pounders, and four eight-inch sea-coast
howitzers. The powder of the arsenal was here
stored. The only garrison was an ordnance sergeant,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">240</span>
who, with his family, looked after the harbor light which
was in the fort.</p>

<p>Almost due east again, and three miles distant, was
Fort Moultrie, on the south end of Sullivan’s Island, a
low sand-spit forming the north side of the harbor entrance.
The work had an area of one and a half acres,
and mounted fifty-five guns in barbette. The drifting
sands had piled themselves even with the parapet, and
the work was in such condition as to be indefensible
against a land attack. The whole was but of a piece with
the long-continued neglect arising from many years of
peace and the optimistic temperament of a people who
never believe that war can occur until it is upon them;
it was the natural outcome of the almost entire absence
of governmental system and forethought of the time.
The fort was garrisoned by two companies, comprising
sixty-four enlisted men and eight officers, of the First
regiment of artillery; the surgeon, band, a hospital
steward, and an ordnance sergeant brought the total up
to eighty-four.</p>

<p>Almost south of Moultrie was Cummings Point, on
Morris Island, forming the southern side of the harbor
entrance. Nearly midway between this point and
Moultrie, but a half-mile within the line joining them,
and distant three and a half miles from the nearest part
of the city, was Fort Sumter, begun in 1829, and after
thirty-one years not yet finished. Built on a shoal covered
at most stages of the tide, it rose directly out of the
water, with two tiers of casemates, and surmounted by
a third tier of guns in barbette. In plan it was very
like the transverse section of the ordinary American house,
the apex of the two sides representing the lines of the
roof, looking toward Moultrie. It was intended for a
garrison of six hundred and fifty men and an armament
of one hundred and forty-six guns, of which seventy-eight
were on hand.</p>

<p>On a report made in July by Captain J. G. Foster, repairs<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">241</span>
on Moultrie were begun September 14th, and next day
upon Sumter, some two hundred and fifty men being
employed. The sand about the walls of Moultrie was
removed, a wet ditch dug, a glacis formed, the guardhouse
pierced with loop-holes, and the four field-guns
placed in position for flank attack.</p>

<p>At the end of October, Captain Foster, foreseeing events,
requested the issue of arms to the workmen to protect
property, and the Secretary of War approved the issue of
forty muskets, if it should meet the concurrence of the
commanding officer. Colonel Gardner, in reply, November
5th, doubted the expediency, as most of the laborers
were foreigners, indifferent to which side they took, and
wisely advised, instead, filling up “at once” the two
companies at Moultrie with recruits and sending two
companies from Fort Monroe to the two other forts.<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a>
The requisition was thus held in abeyance, and the
muskets remained at the arsenal. When, only two days
later, Gardner, urged by the repeated solicitations of his
officers, directed the transfer of musket ammunition to
Moultrie, the loading of the schooner was objected to by
the owner of the wharf, and the military store-keeper,
under apparently very inadequate pressure, returned the
stores to the arsenal. A permit, given by the mayor of
Charleston next day, for the removal was very properly
declined by Gardner, on the ground that the city authorities
could not control his actions.<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a></p>

<p>The affair, however, cost Gardner his command, by a
process described by the Assistant Secretary of State,
Trescot: “I received a telegram from Charleston, saying
that intense excitement prevailed, ... and that, if the
removal was by orders of the Department of War, it ought
to be revoked, otherwise collision was inevitable. Knowing
the Cabinet were then in session, I went over to the White
House.... I took Governor Floyd aside, and he was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">242</span>
joined, I think, by Messrs. Cobb and Toucey, and showed
them the telegram. Governor Floyd replied, ‘Telegraph
back at once; say that you have seen me, that no such
orders have been issued, and none such will be issued,
under any circumstances.’” Floyd, a day or so later,
gave Trescot “his impressions of the folly of Colonel
Gardner’s conduct, and his final determination to remove
him and supply his place with Major Robert Anderson,
in whose discretion, coolness, and judgment he
put great confidence. He also determined to send Colonel
Ben. Huger to take charge of the arsenal, believing that
his high reputation, his close association with many of
the most influential people in Charleston, and the fact of
his being a Carolinian, would satisfy the state of the
intention of the government.”<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a></p>

<p>That Floyd himself was in an uncertain state of mind
is shown by his willingness to begin and continue the
work upon the forts; that his mental state did not permit
logical action is clear from his temper and attitude
regarding the transfer of musket ammunition November
7th, though but the week before (October 31st) he had
authorized the transfer of the muskets themselves.</p>

<p>Major Fitz-John Porter, of the adjutant-general’s office,
later the able and ill-treated general, was sent to Charleston
to inspect the conditions. His report, made November
11th, revealed the military inefficiency almost inseparable
from a post so neglected and ill-manned, and
subject to the lazy peace conditions of the period. He
said: “The unguarded state of the fort invites attack,
if such design exists, and much discretion and prudence
are required on the part of the commander to restore the
proper security without exciting a community prompt to
misconstrue actions of authority. I think this can be
effected by a proper commander without checking in the
slightest the progress of the engineer in completing the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">243</span>
works of defence.” Major Porter continues with a most
significant phrase, “All could have been easily arranged
a few weeks since, when the danger was foreseen by the
present commander.”<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">148</a></p>

<p>November 15th, Anderson was ordered to the command.
A Kentuckian by birth, his wife a Georgian, his views in
sympathy with those of General Scott, he appeared to be
and, as results proved, was in many respects particularly
fitted for the post; by November 23d he was able to
report that in two weeks the outer defences of Moultrie
would be finished and the guns mounted, and that Sumter
was ready for the comfortable accommodation of one
company, and, indeed, for the temporary reception of
its proper garrison. “This,” he said, “is the key to the
entrance to this harbor; its guns command this work
[Moultrie] and could drive out its occupants. It should
be garrisoned at once.... So important do I consider the
holding of Castle Pinckney by the government that I
recommend, if the troops asked for cannot be sent at
once, that I be authorized to place an engineer detachment
[of an officer and thirty workmen] ... to make the
repairs needed there.... If my force was not so very
small, I would not hesitate to send a detachment at once
to garrison that work. Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney
<em>must</em> be garrisoned immediately if the government
determines to keep command of this harbor.”</p>

<p>Anderson proceeded to give advice which sane judgment
and every sentiment of national honor demanded.
After mentioning his anxiety to avoid collision with the
citizens of South Carolina, he said: “Nothing, however,
will be better calculated to prevent bloodshed than our
being found in such an attitude that it would be madness
and folly to attack us. There is not so much feverish
excitement as there was last week, but that there is a
settled determination to leave the Union, and obtain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">244</span>
possession of this work, is apparent to all.... The clouds
are threatening, and the storm may break upon us at
any moment. I do, then, most earnestly entreat that a
reinforcement be immediately sent to this garrison, and
that at least two companies be sent at the same time to
Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney.” Anderson also
stated his belief that as soon as the people of South
Carolina learned that he had demanded reinforcements
they would occupy Pinckney and attack Moultrie; and
therefore it was vitally important to embark the troops
in war steamers and designate them for other duty as a
blind.<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> Captain Foster, November 24th, reported the
whole of the barbette tier of Sumter ready for its armament
and as presenting an excellent appearance of preparation
and strength equal to seventy per cent. of its
efficiency when finished.<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> He said, November 30th, “I
think more troops should have been sent here to guard
the forts, and I believe that no serious demonstration on
the part of the populace would have met such a course.”<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a></p>

<p>The work on the forts was, of course, well known to
the people of Charleston, and that at Moultrie, at least,
subject to daily inspection by many visitors. There was
still no restriction “upon any intercourse with Charleston,
many of whose citizens were temporary residents of
Sullivan’s Island. The activity about the fort drew to
it a large number of visitors daily, and the position of
the garrison and the probable action of the state in
regard to the forts were constant subjects of discussion.
There was as yet no unfriendly feeling manifested, and
the social intercourse between the garrison and their
friends in Charleston was uninterrupted. But as the
days went on the feeling assumed a more definite shape,
and found expression in many ways.... It was openly
announced, both to the commanding officer and to his
officers, that as soon as the state seceded a demand for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">245</span>
the delivery of the forts would be made, and, if resisted,
they would be taken.... Meantime, all of the able-bodied
men in Charleston were enrolled, military companies
were formed everywhere, and drilling went on by night
and day, and with the impression among them that they
were to attack Fort Moultrie.”<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> November 28th and
December 1st, Anderson again pressed for troops or for
ships of war in the harbor;<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> but his last request was anticipated
in a letter of the same date, when he was informed
by the War Department, “from information
thought to be reliable, that an attack will not be made
on your command, and the Secretary has only to refer
to his conversation with you and to caution you that, should
his convictions unhappily prove untrue, your actions
must be such as to be free from the charge of initiating a
collision. If attacked, you are of course expected to
defend the trust committed to you to the best of your
ability.”<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a></p>

<p>A demand being made by the adjutant of a South
Carolina regiment on the engineer officer at Moultrie for
a list of his workmen, “as it was desired to enroll the men
upon them for military duty,”<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> Anderson asked for instructions.
The War Department replied, December 14th,
“If the state authorities demand any of Captain Foster’s
workmen on the ground of their being enrolled into the
service of the state, ... you will, after fully satisfying
yourself that the men are subject to enrolment, and have
been properly enrolled, ... cause them to be delivered up
or suffer them to depart.” Banality could go no further,
and Anderson, December 18th, informed the department
that, as he understood it, “the South Carolina authorities
sought to enroll as a part of their army intended to act
against the forces of the United States men who are
employed by and in the pay of that government, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">246</span>
could not, as I conceived, be enrolled by South Carolina
‘under the laws of the United States and of the state of
South Carolina.’” No answer was vouchsafed to this,
and the request was not complied with.</p>

<p>Anderson’s repeated statements of the necessity of the
occupancy of Sumter, without which his own position
was untenable, led to the despatch of Major Buell, a Kentuckian,
and later a major-general of United States
volunteers, with verbal instructions, which, however, on
Buell’s own motion, and with the thought that Anderson
should have written evidence, were reduced, December
11th, to writing. This memorandum is of such importance
that it must be given in full.</p>

<p>“You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary
of War that a collision of the troops with the people of
this state shall be avoided, and of his studied determination
to pursue a course with reference to the military
force and forts in this harbor which shall guard against
such a collision. He has therefore carefully abstained
from increasing the force at this point, or taking any
measures which might add to the present excited state
of the public mind, or which would throw any doubt on
the confidence he feels that South Carolina will not
attempt, by violence, to obtain possession of the public
works or interfere with their occupancy. But as the
counsels and acts of rash and impulsive persons may
possibly disappoint those expectations of the government,
he deems it proper that you should be prepared
with instructions to meet so unhappy a contingency.
He has therefore directed me verbally to give you such
instructions. You are carefully to avoid every act which
would needlessly tend to provoke aggression; and for
that reason you are not without evident and imminent
necessity to take up any position which could be construed
in the assumption of a hostile attitude. But
you are to hold possession of the forts in the harbor,
and if attacked you are to defend yourself to the last<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">247</span>
extremity. The smallness of your force will not permit
you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts,
but an attack on, or attempt to take possession of, any
one of them will be regarded as an act of hostility, and
you may then put your command into either of them
which you may deem most proper to increase its power
of resistance. You are also authorized to take similar
steps whenever you have tangible evidence of a design
to proceed to a hostile act.”<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a></p>

<p>These instructions did not come to the President’s
knowledge until December 21st, though a despatch from
Washington, December 13th, published in the <cite>Charleston
Courier</cite>, announced Major Buell’s visit; when made
known to the President, he directed them to be modified,
ordering that if “attacked by a force so superior that resistance
would, in your judgment, be a useless waste of
life, it will be your duty to yield to necessity and make
the best terms in your power.”<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a></p>

<p>December 3d, Anderson placed Lieutenant Jefferson C.
Davis with thirty men in Castle Pinckney, and began
work there. Action upon a request for arms for the
workmen at Sumter and Pinckney was deferred by the
War Department “for the present,” but Captain Foster
going to the arsenal, December 17th, for two gins for
hoisting, “to the transmission of which there was no
objection,” arranged with the store-keeper that the old
order of the Ordnance Department of November 1st, for
forty muskets, should be complied with, which was done.
“Intense excitement” as usual was reported the next
day to have occurred; there was the reiteration of great
danger of “violent demonstration” from a military official
of the state who called upon Foster, and who stated that
Colonel Huger had informed the governor that no arms
should be removed. Foster declined to return the arms,
stating that he knew nothing of Huger’s pledge, but was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">248</span>
willing to refer the matter to Washington. Trescot was
informed by telegraph that “not a moment’s time should
be lost.” The Secretary of War was aroused in the
depths of the night, and the result was a telegraphic order
from Floyd himself to “return [the arms] instantly.”<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a>
The go-between Assistant Secretary of State, so busily
engaged with affairs not his own, received from the aide-de-camp
of Governor Pickens the telegram: “The Governor
says he is glad of your despatch, for otherwise there
would have been imminent danger. Earnestly urge that
there be no transfer of troops from Fort Moultrie to Fort
Sumter and inform Secretary of War.”<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> Captain Foster,
explaining to the War Department, December 20, 1860,
says, “when in town to see General Schnierle and allay
any excitement relative to the muskets, I found to my
surprise that there was no excitement except with a
very few who had been active in the matter, and the
majority of the gentlemen whom I met had not even
heard of it.”<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">160</a></p>

<p>Pickens, the new governor of South Carolina, December
17th, the day after his inauguration, and before the
state had passed the ordinance of secession, made a demand
on the President for the delivery of Fort Sumter.
The letter, drawn in the most offensive terms, and marked
“strictly confidential,” urged that all work be stopped
and that no more troops be ordered. It continued: “It
is not improbable that, under orders from the commandant,
or, perhaps, from the commander-in-chief of the
army, the alteration and defences of the posts are progressing
without the knowledge of yourself or the Secretary
of War. The arsenal in the city of Charleston, with
the public arms, I am informed, was turned over very
properly to the keeping and defence of the state force at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">249</span>
the urgent request of the Governor of South Carolina.
I would most respectfully, and from a sincere devotion
to the public peace, request that you would allow me to
send a small force, not exceeding twenty-five men and
an officer, to take possession of Fort Sumter immediately,
in order to give a feeling of safety to the community.”<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a></p>

<p>The ever-ready Trescot arranged an interview December
20th with the President for the delivery of the letter.
The President stated that he would give an answer the
next day. In the mean time Trescot, seeing the difficulties
to which it led, consulted both Senators Davis
and Slidell, who thought the demand “could do nothing
but mischief”; and on consultation with two of the
South Carolina delegation in Washington, Governor
Pickens was advised by telegraph to withdraw the
letter, which was done. Trescot’s letter to Governor
Pickens, returning that of the latter, after mentioning
all that had been done by the executive to refrain from
injuring the sensibilities of South Carolina, said: The
President’s “course had been violently denounced by
the Northern press, and an effort was being made to
institute a Congressional investigation. At that moment
he could not have gone to the extent of action you desired,
and I felt confident that, if forced to answer your
letter then, he would have taken such ground as would
have prevented his even approaching it hereafter; ...
you had all the advantage of knowing the truth, without
the disadvantage of having it put on record.... I was
also perfectly satisfied that the status of the garrison
would not be disturbed.... I have had this morning an
interview with Governor Floyd, the Secretary of War; ...
while I cannot even here venture into details, which are
too confidential to be risked in any way, I am prepared to
say ... that nothing will be done which will either do
you injury or properly create alarm.”<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">162</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">250</span>
The President’s painful weakness is but too clear in
the fact that he had not only given his confidence so
largely to such a man, whose position and attitude he
knew, but saw nothing derogatory in such a letter as
that of Governor Pickens, and could draft a reply
(December 20th) in which, while stating that no authority
had been given to Governor Gist to guard the
Charleston arsenal, he said: “I deeply regret to observe
that you seem entirely to have misapprehended my
position, which I supposed had been clearly stated in
my message. I have incurred, and shall incur, any
reasonable risk ... to prevent a collision.... Hence I
have declined for the present to reinforce these forts,
relying upon the honor of the South-Carolinians that they
will not be assaulted whilst they remain in their present
condition; but that commissioners will be sent by the
convention <em>to treat with Congress</em> on the subject.”<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">163</a></p>

<p>December 18th the President sent Caleb Cushing with
a letter to Governor Pickens, with the idea of inducing
the authorities and people of South Carolina to await the
action of Congress and the development of opinion in the
North as to the recommendation of his message. Governor
Pickens told Cushing, December 20th, the day of
the passage of the ordinance of secession, that he would
make no reply to the letter, and stated “very candidly
that there was no hope for the Union, and that, as far as
he was concerned, he intended to maintain the separate
independence of South Carolina.”<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">164</a></p>

<h3>III<br />

<span class="subhead">THE FORT SUMTER CRISIS (DEC. 2, 1860–JAN. 8, 1861)</span></h3>

<p>The question of the United States forts was now uppermost,
and upon the action regarding them hung war or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">251</span>
peace. Three commissioners—Robert W. Barnwell,
James H. Adams, and James L. Orr—were appointed by
South Carolina to lay the ordinance of secession before
the President and Congress, and were empowered as
agents of the state to treat for the delivery of the forts
and other real estate, for the apportionment of the
public debt, and for a division of all the property of the
United States.<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">165</a></p>

<p>In apprehension of the occupation of Sumter by Anderson,
a patrol by two small steamers, the <i>Nina</i> and
<i>General Clinch</i>, was established, with orders to prevent
such action at all hazards and seize Fort Sumter if it
should be attempted. A Lieutenant-Colonel Green was
sent to Fort Monroe to observe any movements; and
one Norris, at Norfolk, was employed to give information
of any action at the Norfolk navy-yard. A committee of
prominent men was sent to Fort Sumter, who thoroughly
inspected the works and reported upon them.</p>

<p>Meantime, Major Anderson had been preparing, with
great caution and foresight, to move his command. For
some ten days the officers had been apprised that it was
advisable to send the families of the men to the unoccupied
barracks on James’ Island, known as Fort Johnson,
a mile and a quarter west of Sumter. The work of
mounting guns at Sumter had been discontinued for
three days, and the elevating-screws and pintle-bolts
sent to Moultrie so that the guns should not be used if
the South-Carolinians should anticipate his action, and
also to give the impression that occupancy of the fort
was not designed. All stores and provisions at Fort
Moultrie which could be carried, and personal belongings,
except what the men could carry in their knapsacks,
were loaded as for Fort Johnson in the two small
sailing-vessels which were to carry the women and children.</p>

<p>Christmas Day had been fixed for the transfer, but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">252</span>
heavy rains prevented. The delay might have had
other consequences, for, curiously enough, on the morning
of December 26th, Colonel R. B. Rhett, Jr., waited
upon the governor, with a private warning letter from
Washington to the effect that Anderson was about to
seize Sumter, and urged the governor to secure it.<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">166</a></p>

<p>All was made ready on December 26th, and the quartermaster
who was to have charge of the little flotilla, loaded
with “everything in the household line from boxes and
barrels of provisions to cages of canary-birds,” was directed
to go to Fort Johnson, but not to land anything.
Upon a signal of two guns from Moultrie he was to go to
Sumter on the plea that he had to report to Anderson
that he could not find accommodations. Five pulling-boats
in customary use were available for the transportation
of the men. Only one officer had been thus far informed,
and the men had no suspicion where they were
to go when they fell in at retreat roll-call with packed
knapsacks and filled cartridge-boxes, carried at parade
under a general standing order. So little was the movement
suspected that Captain Doubleday, second in command,
came at sunset to Anderson in the midst of the
officers to invite the major to tea. He was then informed
of Anderson’s intentions, and was directed to
have his company in readiness in twenty minutes, an
order met by an “eager obedience.” Part of this time
was taken in arranging for the safety of Mrs. Doubleday
in the village outside of the fort, whither the families of
the other officers were also sent. The men were ready
promptly, and the first detachment of twenty, led by
Anderson himself, marched over the quarter of a mile of
sand to the landing-place with the good-fortune of encountering,
no one.</p>

<p>Anderson went in the leading boat. Lieutenant
Meade, the engineer in charge of the works at Castle<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">253</span>
Pinckney, had charge of the second, and Captain Doubleday
of the third. When half-way across, Doubleday’s
boat came unexpectedly in the path of one of the patrol
boats, the <i>General Clinch</i>, which was towing a schooner
to sea. The men were ordered to take off their coats
and cover their muskets. The steamer stopped, but in
the twilight, and with the resemblance of the boat and
its load of men to the usual parties of workmen, suspicion
was not aroused, and the steamer resumed her
way without questioning. She had been anxiously
watched from Moultrie, and had she interfered would
have been fired upon by a thirty-two-pounder, two of
which had been loaded with that intent. Captain Foster,
with Assistant Surgeon Crawford, a Mr. Moall, four non-commissioned
officers, and seven privates, had been left
at Moultrie to spike the guns, burn the gun-carriages, and
hew down the flag-staff.<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a></p>

<p>On reaching Sumter, the workmen, some hundred and
fifty, swarmed to the wharf, some feebly cheering, many
angrily demanding the reason for the presence of the
soldiers; many of the workmen wore the secession cockade;
the malecontents (a number of whom shortly returned
to Charleston) quickly gave way before the bayonets
of Doubleday’s men, who at once occupied the
main entrance and guard-room; sentries were posted
and the fort was under military control. Boats were
now sent back for Captain Seymour’s company, which
arrived without interference, and the whole force, except
the few detailed to remain at Moultrie, was in Sumter
before eight o’clock, at which hour Anderson wrote the
Adjutant-General, reporting that he had “just completed,
by the blessing of God, the removal to this fort of all
my garrison.... The step which I have taken was, in
my opinion, necessary to prevent the effusion of blood.”<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a>
On the firing of the signal-guns at Moultrie, Lieutenant<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">254</span>
Hall left the west side of the bay with the two lighters
carrying the men’s families and stores, and reached
Sumter under sail.</p>

<p>With the help of the engineer’s workmen at Moultrie,
the boats were loaded during the night with part of the
impedimenta of every sort which had to be left in the
first crossing, and reached Sumter in the early dawn.
The following day, December 27th, was passed like the
preceding night, in transferring ammunition and other
stores to Sumter; but a month and a half’s supply of
provisions, some fuel, and personal effects had to be left.
All the guns at Moultrie were spiked, and the carriages
of those bearing on Sumter burned, the smoke from these
bearing to Charleston the first indication of what had
happened. At fifteen minutes before noon the command
and one hundred and fifty workmen were formed
in a square near the flag-staff of Sumter; the chaplain
offered a prayer expressing gratitude for their safe arrival,
and prayed that the flag might never be dishonored, but
soon float again over the whole country, a peaceful and
prosperous nation. “When the prayer was finished,
Major Anderson, who had been kneeling, arose, the battalion
presented arms, the band played the national air,
and the flag went to the head of the flag-staff, amid the
loud and earnest huzzas of the command.”<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">169</a></p>

<div id="ip_254" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 26em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_291.jpg" width="416" height="593" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">SERGEANT HART NAILING THE COLORS TO THE FLAG-STAFF, FORT
SUMTER</div></div>

<p>Intense excitement in Charleston was the natural outcome
of Anderson’s action, and the morning of the 27th
the governor sent his aide-de-camp, Colonel Pettigrew,
accompanied by Major Capers, with a peremptory demand
that Anderson should return with his garrison to
Moultrie, to which Anderson replied, “Make my compliments
to the governor and say to him that I decline to
accede to his request; I cannot and will not go back.”
The governor’s messenger mentioned that when Governor
Pickens came into office he found an understanding<span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">255</span>
between his predecessor (Gist) and the President, by
which the status in the harbor was to remain unchanged.
Anderson stated “that he knew nothing of it; that he
could get no information or positive orders from Washington;
... that he had reason to believe that [the state
troops] meant to land and attack him from the north;
that the desire of the governor to have the matter settled
peaceably and without bloodshed was precisely his own
object in transferring his command; ... that he did it
upon his own responsibility alone,” as safety required it,
“and as he had the right to do.” He added that, “In
this controversy between the North and the South, my
sympathies are entirely with the South,” but that a
sense of duty to his trust was first.<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> The immediate result
was the occupancy by the state forces, December
27th, of Pinckney and Moultrie; the seizure, December
30th, of the unoccupied barracks known as Fort Johnson,
and of the arsenal, with its ordnance and ordnance stores,
valued at four hundred thousand dollars.</p>

<p>The news of Anderson’s dramatic, bold, and self-reliant
act, one for which the country owes a debt to the memory
of this upright and excellent commander, brought consternation
to the President and Secretary of War, who
learned it through the indefatigable Trescot, who had,
on the 26th, arranged for the three commissioners of
South Carolina an interview with the President for December
27th, at one o’clock. The news of the morning
brought a complete change of circumstances. A telegram
to Wigfall was brought by him to the commissioners
and to the Secretary of War, who at once went to the
commissioners. Trescot was present, and could not believe
in an “act not only without orders but in the face
of orders.” Floyd at once telegraphed, asking an explanation
of the report. “It is not believed, because
there is no order for any such movement.” A telegram<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">256</span>
in reply from Anderson assured him of the truth, and a
written report gave as reasons that “many things convinced
me that the authorities of the state designed to
proceed to a hostile act. Under this impression I could
not hesitate that it was my solemn duty to move my
command from a fort which we could not have held
probably longer than forty-eight or sixty hours to this
one where my power of resistance is increased to a very
great degree.”<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a></p>

<p>[In January a futile attempt to relieve Fort Sumter was
made by sending from New York two hundred troops in
an unarmed steamer, <i>The Star of the West</i>, which was
fired upon by the secessionists in Fort Moultrie, and,
receiving no support from Fort Sumter, returned to
New York.]</p>

<h3>IV<br />

<span class="subhead">THE FALL OF FORT SUMTER (APRIL, 1861)</span></h3>

<p>Lamon’s<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> officiousness resulted in giving both to
Anderson and to the Confederate authorities an impression
that Sumter would surely be evacuated; hence
Beauregard, March 26th, wrote to Anderson offering
facilities for removal, but asking his word of honor that
the fort would be left without any preparation for its
destruction or injury. This demand deeply wounded
Anderson, and he resented it in a letter of the same date,
saying, “If I can only be permitted to leave on the pledge
you mention, I shall never, so help me God, leave this
fort alive.”<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> Beauregard hastened to state that he had
only alluded to the “pledge” on account of the “high
source” from which the rumors appeared to come, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">257</span>
made a full amend, which re-established their usual
relations.</p>

<p>Anderson had informed Fox that, by placing the command
on a short allowance, he could make the provisions
last until after April 10th; but not receiving instructions
from the War Department that it was desirable to do so,
it had not been done.<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> He had already reported, March
31st, that his last barrel of flour had been issued two
days before.<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a></p>

<p>Anderson’s little command, as he explained to Washington
April 1st, would now face starvation should the
daily supply of fresh meat and vegetables, still allowed
from Charleston, be cut off. Being in daily expectation,
since the return of Colonel Lamon to Washington, of receiving
orders to vacate the post, he had, to the great
disadvantage of the food supply, kept the engineer laborers
as long as he could. He now asked permission to
send them from Sumter; but the request, referred to
Montgomery April 2d by Beauregard, was refused, unless
all the garrison should go.<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a></p>

<p>April 1st an ice-laden schooner bound for Savannah
entered Charleston harbor by mistake, and was fired
upon by a Morris Island battery. Again the Sumter
batteries were manned and a consultation held, at which
five of the eight officers declared in favor of opening fire,
but no action was taken by Anderson beyond sending an
officer to the offending battery, from which word was
returned by its commanding officer that he was simply
carrying out his orders to fire upon any vessel carrying
the United States colors which attempted to enter.</p>

<p>On April 4th Anderson assembled his officers, and for
the first time made known to them the orders of January
10th and February 23d, directing him to act strictly on
the defensive. As Lieutenant Talbot had just been promoted
captain and ordered to Washington, Anderson<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">258</span>
determined to send by him his despatches. In order to
arrange for his departure, Talbot, April 4th, accompanied
Lieutenant Snyder, under a white flag, to call the attention
of the governor to the fact that the schooner fired
upon had not been warned by one of their own vessels,
as had been arranged. It developed that the guard-vessel
on duty had come in on account of heavy weather,
and the commanding officer was consequently dismissed.
The request to allow Talbot to proceed brought out the
fact that orders had been received from Montgomery not
to allow any portion of the garrison to leave the fort
unless all should go<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">177</a>—which, however, Beauregard construed,
for the benefit of Talbot, to apply more particularly
to laborers and enlisted men<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a>—and also that the following
telegram from Commissioner Crawford had reached
Charleston April 1st: “I am authorized to say that this
government will not undertake to supply Sumter without
notice to you. My opinion is that the President has
not the courage to execute the order agreed upon in
Cabinet for the evacuation of the fort, but that he intends
to shift the responsibility upon Major Anderson by suffering
him to be starved out. Would it not be well to aid
in this by cutting off all supplies?”<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> Beauregard had,
the same day, sent the message to the Confederate Secretary
of War, with the remark, “Batteries here ready
to open Wednesday or Thursday. What instructions?”</p>

<div id="ip_258" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 50em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_297.jpg" width="800" height="512" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">CHARLESTON HARBOR<br />
  <span class="smaller">April, 1861</span></div></div>

<p>The knowledge of these telegrams called from Anderson,
April 5th, a pathetic despatch to the War Department:
“I cannot but think Mr. Crawford has misunderstood
what he has heard in Washington, as I cannot think
the government could abandon, without instructions and
without advice, a command which has tried to do all
its duty to our country.” He ended a fervent appeal
for this act of justice with, “Unless we receive supplies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">259<a class="hidep" id="Page_260">260</a></span>
I shall be compelled to stay here without food or to
abandon this post very early next week.”<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> “At this
time,” says Doubleday, “the seeming indifference of the
politicians to our fate made us feel like orphan children
of the Republic, deserted by both the State and Federal
administration.”<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">181</a></p>

<p>Two days later Anderson received a letter of April 4th
from the Secretary of War, informing him of the government’s
purpose to send the Fox expedition, and hoping
that he would be able to sustain himself until the 11th
or 12th.<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> The same day he was informed by the Confederate
authorities that the supply of provisions had
been stopped, and late that evening that no mails coming
or going would be allowed to pass. The fort was to be
“completely isolated.” This action was undoubtedly
taken at this moment in consequence of a telegram from
Washington sent Magrath April 6th, as follows: “Positively
determined not to withdraw Anderson. Supplies
go immediately, supported by naval force under Stringham
if their landing be resisted.” This telegram, signed
“A Friend,” was, as later became known, from James E.
Harvey, who was about to go as United States minister
to Portugal. It was sent to Montgomery, and had its
full effect.<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a></p>

<p>Just before the reception of the information regarding
the stoppage of mails, Anderson had posted his acknowledgment
of the War Department’s letter of the 4th and
a report by Foster to the chief-engineer of the army;
both letters were opened by the Confederate authorities,
and gave full confirmation of the accuracy of the telegram
from “A Friend.” Anderson said that “the resumption
of work yesterday (Sunday) at various points
on Morris Island, and the vigorous prosecution of it this<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">261</span>
morning, ... shows that they have either received some
news from Washington which has put them on the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">qui
vive</i>, or that they have received orders from Montgomery
to commence operations here. I fear” that Fox’s attempt
“cannot fail to be disastrous to all concerned.... We
have not oil enough to keep a light in lanterns for one
night. The boats will have therefore to rely at night
entirely upon other marks. I ought to have been informed
that this expedition was to come. Colonel Lamon’s
remark convinced me that the idea merely hinted
at to me by Captain Fox would not be carried out. We
shall strive to do our duty, though I frankly say that
my heart is not in the war which I see is to be thus
commenced.”<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">184</a></p>

<p>As shown by despatches which Anderson had no
means of sending, and carried north, eight guard-boats
and signal-vessels were on duty out far beyond the bar;
a fourth gun had been added to the new battery on Sullivan’s
Island, which had until the 8th been masked by
a house now torn down, and which bore directly upon
any boat attempting to land stores on the left bank.
There was bread enough to last, using half-rations, until
dinner-time Friday (12th). Anderson reported the command
in fine spirits. It was evident that a hostile force
was expected. The iron-clad floating battery appeared
the morning of the 11th at the west end of Sullivan’s
Island. Anderson, in ignorance that his own intercepted
letter and Harvey’s telegram had given them all they
needed to know, said: “Had they been in possession of
the information contained in your letter of the 4th instant
they could not have made better arrangements
than these they have made and are making to thwart
the contemplated scheme.”<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">185</a></p>

<p>Chew, who, as mentioned, had been selected as the
messenger to carry to Charleston the notice of the President’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">262</span>
intention to attempt to provision Sumter, left
Washington Saturday, April 6th, at 6 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span>, in company
with Captain Talbot, and reached Charleston forty-eight
hours later; finding no action taken against Sumter,
he delivered a copy of his memorandum to the governor,
who called General Beauregard into the consultation.
Captain Talbot’s request to join the garrison at Sumter
was referred to Beauregard, and peremptorily refused,
Beauregard remarking that the instructions from Montgomery
required that no communication whatever should
be permitted with Anderson except to convey an order for
the evacuation of the fort.<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> The return of the envoys
to Washington was much delayed by disarrangement of
trains by order of Beauregard, who also held all telegrams
from Chew to Lincoln.<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a></p>

<p>Sumter now mounted fifty-nine guns, twenty-seven
of the heaviest of which were in barbette (the upper
and open tier). In the lowest tier there were also twenty-seven,
four of which were forty-two-pounders and the remainder
thirty-two’s. The ports of the second (or middle
tier), eight feet square, were closed by a three-foot brick
wall, laid in cement and backed in twenty-seven of the
more exposed by two feet of sand kept in place by planks
or barrels. On the parade were one 10-inch and four 8-inch
guns, mounted as howitzers, the former to throw shells
into Charleston, the latter into the batteries on Cummings
Point. The guns bearing upon the three batteries on
the west end of Sullivan’s Island were ten thirty-two-pounders;
on Fort Moultrie, two forty-three-pounders.
Five guns bore upon the mortar battery at Fort Johnson.
Seven hundred cartridges had been made up, material of
every kind, even the woollen shirts of the men, being used.<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">188</a></p>

<p>Bearing upon Fort Sumter there were on Sullivan’s Island
three 8-inch, two thirty-two-pounders, and six twenty-four-pounders<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">263</span>
in Fort Moultrie; two thirty-two-pounders and
two twenty-four-pounders in the new enfilade battery; one
9-inch, two forty-two-pounders, and two thirty-two-pounders
at the Point and aboard the floating battery, and six
10-inch mortars; on Morris Island, two forty-two-pounders,
one twelve-pounder Blakely rifle, three 8-inch guns, and
seven 10-inch mortars; at Fort Johnson, one twenty-four-pounder
and four 10-inch mortars; at Mount Pleasant, one
10-inch mortar: a total of twenty-seven guns and eighteen
mortars.<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> The latter were particularly to be feared, as
mortar fire under the conditions of a fixed target and perfectly
established distances is extremely accurate. The interior
of the fort was thus as vulnerable as the exterior.</p>

<p>Governor Pickens at once sent to Montgomery a telegram
reporting the visit of the President’s messenger.
A lengthy discussion ensued in the Confederate Cabinet.
Toombs, the Secretary of State, said: “The firing upon
that fort will inaugurate a civil war greater than any the
world has yet seen; and I do not feel competent to advise
you.”<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> In the state of Southern feeling, however,
the only thing possible was for Secretary Walker to order
Beauregard, April 10th, “If you have no doubt of the
authorized character of the agent who communicated to
you the intention of the Washington government to
supply Sumter by force, you will at once demand its
evacuation, and if this is refused proceed, in such manner
as you may determine, to reduce it.”<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> Beauregard answered
the same day, “The demand will be made to-morrow
at twelve o’clock.” To this came reply from Montgomery,
“Unless there are special reasons connected with
your own condition, it is considered proper that you
should make the demand at an earlier date.” Beauregard
replied (all these of the same date, the 10th), “The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">264</span>
reasons are special for twelve o’clock.”<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> These imperative
“reasons” proved to be shortness of powder, then on
its way, and which arrived from Augusta, Georgia, that
evening,<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> and the placing of a new rifled twelve-pounder.</p>

<p>Shortly after noon, April 11th, a boat bearing a white
flag and three officers, the senior being Colonel James
Chesnut, recently a United States senator, pushed off
from a Charleston wharf and arrived at Sumter at half-past
three. The officers being conducted to Anderson,
a demand for the evacuation of the work was delivered.
The officers of the fort were summoned, and after an
hour’s discussion it was determined, without dissent, to
refuse the demand, and a written refusal was sent, in
which Anderson regretted that his sense of honor and
his obligations to his government prevented his compliance.<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">194</a>
Anderson accompanied the messengers as far
as the main gate, where he asked, “Will General Beauregard
open his batteries without further notice to me?”
Colonel Chesnut replied, “I think not,” adding, “No, I
can say to you that he will not, without giving you
further notice.” On this Anderson unwisely remarked
that he would be starved out anyway in a few days if
Beauregard did not batter him to pieces with his guns.
Chesnut asked if he might report this to Beauregard.
Anderson declined to give it such character, but said it
was the fact.<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a></p>

<p>This information, telegraphed to Montgomery, elicited
the reply: “Do not desire needlessly to bombard Fort
Sumter. If Major Anderson will state the time at which,
as indicated by him, he will evacuate, and agree that in
the mean time he will not use his guns against us unless
ours should be employed against Sumter, you are authorized
thus to avoid the effusion of blood. If this or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">265</span>
its equivalent be refused, reduce the fort as your judgment
decides to be most practicable.”<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a></p>

<p>A second note from Beauregard was presented that
night, and after a conference with his officers of three
hours, in which the question of food was the main consideration,
Anderson replied, “I will, if provided with
proper and necessary means of transportation, evacuate
Fort Sumter by noon on the 15th instant ... should I
not receive prior to that time controlling instructions
from my government or additional supplies.” The
terms of the reply were considered by the messengers
“manifestly futile,” and at 3.20 <span class="smcap smaller">A.M.</span> of the 12th the following
note was handed by Beauregard’s aides, Chesnut
and Lee, to Anderson: “By authority of Brigadier-General
Beauregard, commanding the provisional forces
of the Confederate States, we have the honor to notify
you that he will open the fire of his batteries on Fort
Sumter in one hour from this time.”<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">197</a></p>

<p>Meantime Fox, intrusted with the general charge of
the relief expedition, was sent by the President, March
30th, to New York, with verbal instructions to prepare
for the voyage but to make no binding engagements.
Not having received the written authority expected, he
returned to Washington April 2d, and on the 4th the
final decision was reached, and Fox was informed that
a messenger would be sent to the authorities at Charleston
to notify them of the President’s action. Fox mentioned
to the President that he would have but nine
days to charter vessels and reach Charleston, six hundred
and thirty-two miles distant. He arrived at New York
April 5th, bearing an order from General Scott to Lieutenant-Colonel
H. L. Scott (son-in-law and aide-de-camp
to the general-in-chief), embracing all his wants and directing
Colonel Scott to give in his name all necessary
instructions. Colonel Scott ridiculed the idea of relief,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">266</span>
and his indifference caused the loss of half a day of
precious time, besides furnishing recruits who, Fox complained,
were “totally unfit” for the service they were
sent on.<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a></p>

<p>Fox at once engaged the large steamer <i>Baltic</i> for troops
and stores, and, after great difficulty, obtained three
tugs, the <i>Uncle Ben</i>, <i>Freeborn</i>, and <i>Yankee</i>, the last fitted
to throw hot water. The <i>Pocahontas</i>, <i>Pawnee</i>, and the
revenue-cutter <i>Harriet Lane</i>, as already mentioned, were
to be a part of the force, which thus, with the <i>Powhatan</i>,
included four armed vessels, the last being of considerable
power. The <i>Pawnee</i>, Commander Rowan, sailed from
Washington the 9th; the <i>Pocahontas</i>, Captain Gillis,
from Norfolk the 10th; the <i>Harriet Lane</i>, Captain Faunce,
from New York the 8th; the <i>Baltic</i>, Captain Fletcher, the
9th. The <i>Powhatan</i> was already far on her way to
Pensacola.</p>

<p>The <i>Baltic</i> arrived at the rendezvous, ten miles east
of Charleston bar, at 3 <span class="smcap smaller">A.M.</span> of the 12th, and found there
the <i>Harriet Lane</i>; at six the <i>Pawnee</i> arrived; the <i>Powhatan</i>
was not visible. The <i>Baltic</i>, followed by the
<i>Harriet Lane</i>, stood in toward the land, where heavy
guns were heard and the smoke and shells from the batteries
which had opened that morning on Sumter were
distinctly visible. Fox stood out to inform Rowan, of
the <i>Pawnee</i>. Rowan asked for a pilot, declaring his intention
of going in and sharing the fate of his brethren
of the army. Fox went aboard the <i>Pawnee</i> and informed
him that he would answer for it that the government did
not expect such a sacrifice, having settled maturely upon
the policy in instructions to Captain Mercer and himself.
The <i>Nashville</i>, from New York, and a number of merchant
vessels off the bar, gave the appearance of the presence of
a large naval fleet.</p>

<p>The weather continued very bad, with a heavy sea.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">267</span>
No tugboats had arrived; the tug <i>Freeborn</i> did not leave
New York; the <i>Uncle Ben</i> was driven into Wilmington
by the gale; the <i>Yankee</i> did not arrive off Charleston bar
until April 15th, too late for any service; neither the
<i>Pawnee</i> nor the <i>Harriet Lane</i> had boats or men to carry
supplies; the <i>Baltic</i> stood out to the rendezvous and
signalled all night for the expected <i>Powhatan</i>. The next
morning, the 13th, was thick and foggy, with a heavy
ground-swell, and the <i>Baltic</i>, feeling her way in, touched
on Rattlesnake Shoal, but without damage; a great
volume of black smoke was seen from Sumter. No tugboats
had yet arrived, and a schooner near by, loaded
with ice, was seized and preparations made to load her
for entering the following night. Going aboard the
<i>Pawnee</i>, Fox now learned that a note from Captain
Mercer of the <i>Powhatan</i> mentioned that he had been
detached by superior authority and that the ship
had gone elsewhere; though Fox had left New York
two days later than the <i>Powhatan</i>, he had no intimation
of the change. At 2 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span>, April 13th, the <i>Pocahontas</i>
arrived, and the squadron, powerless for relief,
through the absence of the <i>Powhatan</i> and the tugs,
was obliged to witness the progress of the bombardment.<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">199</a></p>

<p>“About 4 <span class="smcap smaller">A.M.</span> on the twelfth,” says Doubleday, “I
was awakened by some one groping about my room in
the dark and calling out my name.” This was Anderson,
who had come to inform his second in command of
the information just received of the intention of the
Confederates to open fire an hour later.<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> At 4.30, the
Confederates being able to make out the outline of the
fort, a gun at Fort Johnson was fired as the signal to
open; the first shotted gun was then fired from Morris
Island by Edmund Ruffin, an aged secessionist from Virginia,
who had long, in pamphlet and speech, advocated<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">268</span>
separation from the Union. The fire from the batteries
at once became general.</p>

<p>The fort began its return at seven o’clock. All the
officers and men, including the engineers, had been divided
into three reliefs of two hours each, and the forty-three
workmen yet remaining all volunteered for duty.
It was, however, an absurdly meagre force to work such
a number of guns and to be pitted against the surrounding
batteries, manned by more than six thousand men.
The number of cartridges was so reduced by the middle
of the day, though the six needles available were kept
steadily at work in making cartridge-bags, that the
firing had to slacken and be confined to the six guns
bearing toward Moultrie and the batteries on the west
end of Sullivan’s Island. The mortar fire had become
very accurate, so that, when the 13-inch shells “came
down in a vertical direction and buried themselves in
the parade-ground, their explosion shook the fort like
an earthquake.”<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> The horizontal fire also grew in accuracy,
and Anderson, to save his men, withdrew them
from the barbette guns and used those of the lower tiers
only. Unfortunately, these were of too light a caliber to
be effective against the Morris Island batteries, the shot
rebounding without effect from the face of the iron-clad
battery there, as well as from the floating iron-clad battery
moored behind the sea-wall at Sullivan’s Island.
The withdrawal of the men from the heavier battery could
only be justified by the already foregone result, and no
doubt this was in Anderson’s mind. The garrison was
reduced to pork and water, and, however willing, it could
not with such meagre food withstand the strain of the
heavy labor of working the guns; to add to the difficulties,
the guns, strange to say, were not provided with breech-sights,
and these had to be improvised with notched sticks.<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">202</a></p>

<p>The shells from the batteries set fire to the barracks<span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">269</span>
three times during the day, and the precision of the vertical
fire was such that the four 8-inch and one 10-inch
columbiad, planted in the parade, could not be used.
Half the shells fired from the seventeen mortars engaged
came within, or exploded above, the parapet of
the fort, and only about ten buried themselves in the
soft earth of the parade without exploding. Two of the
barbette guns were struck by the fire from Moultrie,
which also damaged greatly the roof of the barracks and
the stair towers. None of the shot came through. The
day closed stormy and with a high tide, without any
material damage to the strength of the fort. Throughout
the night the Confederate batteries threw shell every
ten or fifteen minutes. The garrison was occupied until
midnight in making cartridge-bags, for which all the
extra clothing was cut up and all the coarse paper and
extra hospital sheets used.<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a></p>

<p>At daylight, April 13th, all the batteries again opened,
and the new twelve-pounder Blakely rifle, which had
arrived but four days before from abroad,<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> caused the
wounding of a sergeant and three men by the fragments
thrown off from the interior of the wall by its deep penetration.
An engineer employed was severely wounded
by a fragment of shell. Hot shot now became frequent,
and at nine o’clock the officers’ quarters were set afire.
As it was evident the fire would soon surround the magazine,
every one not at the guns was employed to get out
powder; but only fifty barrels could be removed to the
casements, when it became necessary from the spread
of the flames to close the magazine. The whole range
of the officers’ quarters was soon in flames, and the
clouds of smoke and cinders sent into the casements set
on fire many of the men’s beds and boxes, making the
retention of the powder so dangerous that all but five
barrels were thrown into the sea.<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">270</span>
By eleven o’clock the fire and smoke were driven by
the wind in such masses into the point where the men
had taken refuge that suffocation appeared imminent.
“The roaring and crackling of the flames, the dense
masses of whirling smoke, the bursting of the enemy’s
shells, and our own, which were exploding in the burning
rooms, the crashing of the shot and the sound of masonry
falling in every direction made the fort a pandemonium....
There was a tower at each angle of the fort. One of
these, containing great quantities of shells, ... was almost
completely shattered by successive explosions. The
massive wooden gates, studded with iron nails, were
burned, and the wall built behind them was now a heap
of débris, so that the main entrance was wide open for
an assaulting party.”<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">206</a></p>

<p>But however great the apparent damage and the discomfort
and danger while the fire lasted, the firing could
have been resumed “as soon as the walls cooled sufficiently
to open the magazines, and then, having blown down
the wall projecting above the parapet, so as to get rid
of the flying bricks, and built up the main gates with
stones and rubbish, the fort would actually have been
in a more defensible condition than when the action
commenced.”<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a></p>

<p>But want of men, want of food, and want of powder
together made a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">force majeure</i> against which further
strife was useless; and when, about 1 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span>, the flag-staff
was shot away, though the flag was at once flown
from an improvised staff, a boat was sent from the commanding
officer at Morris Island, bringing Colonel (Ex-Senator)
Wigfall and a companion bearing a white flag,
to inquire if the fort had surrendered.</p>

<p>Being allowed entrance, Major Anderson was sought
for, and Wigfall, using Beauregard’s name, offered Anderson
his own terms. Wigfall exhibited a white handkerchief<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">271</span>
from the parapet, and this being noticed brought
from Beauregard himself Colonel Chesnut, Colonel Roger
A. Pryor, Colonel William Porcher Miles, and Captain
Lee, followed soon by Beauregard’s adjutant-general,
Jones, Ex-Governor Manning, and Colonel Alston. It
transpired that Wigfall had not seen Beauregard for
two days, and that his visit was wholly unauthorized.
The proper authorities, however, being now at hand, arrangements
were concluded at 7 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span>, Anderson surrendering
(after some correspondence), with permission
to salute the flag as it was hauled down, to march out
with colors flying and drums beating and with arms
and private baggage.<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a></p>

<p>Noticing the disappearance of the colors, a flag of truce
was sent in from the squadron outside, and arrangements
made for carrying the garrison north. Next morning,
Sunday, April 14th, with a salute of fifty guns, the flag
was finally hauled down. It had been Anderson’s intention
to fire a hundred guns, but a lamentable accident
occurred in the premature discharge of one, by which
one man was killed, another mortally wounded, and four
others seriously injured. This accident delayed the departure
until 4 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span>, when the little company of some
eighty men, accompanied by the forty laborers,<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> marched
out of the gate with their flags flying and drums beating.
The steamer <i>Isabel</i> carried Anderson and his men to the
<i>Baltic</i>, and at nightfall they were on their way north.</p>

<p>April 15th, the day after the surrender, the President
issued his proclamation calling “forth the militia of the
several states of the Union” to the number of seventy-five
thousand men, in order to suppress “combinations
too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of
judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the
marshals by law,” and “to cause the laws to be duly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">272</span>
executed.” Congress was called to convene July 4th.
An immediate effect of the proclamation was the secession
of Virginia, April 17th, the conservative elements of the
state convention, although in the majority, being overwhelmed
by the enthusiasm and impetus of the secession
attack. Another prompt result was the formation
of the northwestern counties into what is now West
Virginia.</p>

<p>Fox’s expedition, however abortive in a physical
sense, did much more than attempt to succor Sumter;
it was the instrument through which the fort was held
to the accomplishment of the fateful mistake of the
Confederacy in striking the first blow. It prevented the
voluntary yielding of the fort, and was an exhibition of
the intention of the government to hold its own. It was
thus elemental in its effects. Had Anderson withdrawn
and hauled down his flag without a shot from the South,
it would have been for the Federal government to strike
the first blow of war; and its call for men would have
met with a different response to that which came from
the electric impulse which the firing upon the flag caused
to vibrate through the North. This expectation was the
basis of Lincoln’s determination. Almost alone, unmovable
by Cabinet or War Department, he saw with the certainty
of the seer what holding Sumter meant, and continued
on the unchangeable way which from the first
he had taken. In his letter of sympathy to Fox, May 1st,
he said: “You and I both anticipated that the cause of
the country would be advanced by making the attempt
to provision Fort Sumter, even if it should fail, and it is
no small consolation now to feel that our anticipation is
justified by the result.”<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">210</a></p>

<p>The enthusiastic response of the North to the proclamation
was witness to the truth of Lincoln’s view, as
well as to the North’s determination that the offended<span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">273</span>
dignity of the Union should be avenged, its strongholds
regained, its boundaries made intact, and that the United
States be proved to be a nation. It was for this the
Union fought; the freeing of the blacks was but a natural
and necessary incident. The assault upon Sumter was
the knife driven by the hand of the South itself into the
vitals of slavery.</p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN THE BOMBARDMENT<br />
OF FORT SUMTER, 1861, AND THE BATTLE<br />
OF THE <i>MONITOR</i> AND THE<br />
<i>MERRIMAC</i>, 1862</h3>

<p>1861. President Lincoln calls for seventy-five thousand
militia to suppress the rebellion of the Southern
States. Secession of Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas, and
North Carolina. Formal division of Western Virginia
from Virginia. The Massachusetts militia attacked in
Baltimore. The Congress of the Confederate States assembles
at Montgomery and is later transferred to Richmond.
The first battle of Bull Run results in a Federal
repulse. Battle of Wilson’s Creek. Repulse of the Federals
at Ball’s Bluff. McClellan succeeds Scott as commander-in-chief
of the Federal armies. The Federals
gain possession of Port Royal. The Confederate commissioners,
Mason and Slidell, are intercepted on the
British steamer <i>Trent</i>.</p>

<p>1862. Surrender of the Confederate commissioners,
Mason and Slidell, to the British government. The
Federals capture Roanoke Island. Fort Henry and Fort
Donelson surrender to General Grant. Federal victory
at Pea Ridge. Engagement between the <i>Monitor</i> and
the <i>Merrimac</i>. The French declare war against Mexico.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">274</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XVI" class="vspace">XVI<br />

<span id="t_17" class="subhead">THE BATTLE OF THE <i>MONITOR</i> AND THE <i>MERRIMAC</i></span></h2>
</div>

<h3>I<br />

<span class="subhead">A PRELUDE TO THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN OF APRIL TO JUNE,
1862</span></h3>

<p class="p1 b2 center"><i>By James Kendall Hosmer</i></p>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Obviously</span> the capture of Richmond was the
proper objective in the offensive campaign in the
East for which McClellan had been so long preparing.
The selection of that city by the Confederacy for the
seat of government caused all its interests to centre
there; the maintenance of its capital, moreover, was
essential to the good standing of the Confederacy before
Europe, recognition from which was so earnestly desired.
If the North could capture Richmond, quite
possibly nothing more would be necessary to crush the
South. The protection of Washington, too, could not
be left at all in doubt. Should that city be lost to the
Union, England and France might justly feel that the
cause of the North was hopeless, and no longer refrain
from intervention.</p>

<p>Before Washington, McClellan and Johnston faced each
other throughout the fall of 1861, the latter having, in
October, a force of 41,000, which later grew to 57,337.<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a>
Under Johnston at the end of the year were three subordinates—Jackson,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">275</span>
in the Valley of Virginia; Beauregard,
about Leesburg, near the Potomac; and Holmes,
below Washington, about Acquia Creek, where Confederate
batteries closed the Potomac. McClellan had fully
twice as many men, an army well disciplined and equipped,
devoted to their leader, and of fine <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">morale</i>. Why could
the army not be used? Because the general always
imagined before him a host of enemies that greatly outnumbered
his own, and insisted on more men and a more
perfect training before setting out. Meantime he grew
cavalier in his treatment of his superiors. The venerable
Scott, who now retired at seventy-five, had his last days
embittered by the scant courtesy of the new commander,
and even the President was slighted. “I will hold
McClellan’s horse for him if he will only win us victories,”
said Lincoln, with good-natured patience. In December,
McClellan fell ill, and all was in doubt. With the new
year, 1862, prospects brightened for the Union. The
great successes in the West and South, ending with the
capture of New Orleans, brought cheer; at last the army
of the Potomac was in motion.</p>

<p>In March, Johnston withdrew southward; and McClellan,
his command now restricted to the “Army of the
Potomac,” as he had baptized his splendid creation, was
ready for the long-delayed advance. Lincoln, whose
good sense when applied to warfare often, though not
always, struck true, earnestly desired that Richmond
should be approached by a direct southward movement,
Washington being covered, while at the same time Richmond
was threatened. But McClellan judged it better
to proceed by the Chesapeake, landing at the end of the
peninsula running up between the York and James rivers,
and marching against Richmond from the east. Much
could be said in favor of this route: troops and supplies
could be carried by water to the neighborhood of Richmond
without fatigue or danger. Yet the President
yielded reluctantly, fearing danger to Washington, laying<span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">276</span>
it down as fundamental that the capital must be
protected by forty thousand men.</p>

<p>The Peninsular campaign had a dramatic prelude. A
necessary condition was a command of the waters, which
was secured in early March by an event that startled the
world. Among the many disadvantages under which
the South labored in her struggle with the North was a
painful lack, as compared with her opponent, of factories,
machine-shops, ship-yards, and skilled labor; yet determination
and ingenuity brought about several wonderful
fighting contrivances, of which the most remarkable
was the <i>Virginia</i>. The hull of the <i>Merrimac</i>, a frigate of
thirty-five hundred tons and forty guns, one of the most
formidable vessels of the old navy, partly burned and
afterward sunk at the evacuation of Norfolk by the
Federals in April, 1861, was raised, and found to be
sound enough for further use. Good heads, among whom
John M. Brooke, manager of the Tredegar Iron Works
at Richmond, was prominent, fitted to the hull a casemate,
or box, pierced for cannon, and heavily plated with
iron—the first effective armored ship. There was a
frank farewell to masts, sails, and other former appliances
for motion and management. The winds were superseded
by steam, applied for the first time in naval warfare,
not as auxiliary, but as the sole motive-power. One
appliance of the <i>Virginia</i> was, however, not a new invention,
but a revival of a fighting arm common in the
days of Salamis and Actium—a ram, projecting from the
prow like that of an ancient galley.<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> The craft was cumbrous,
hard to steer, and provided with engines far too
weak for her immense weight, but she had marvellous
defensive power and was fast enough to approach and
destroy any resisting sailing-ship.</p>

<div id="ip_276" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 25em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_315.jpg" width="400" height="456" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">HAMPTON ROADS</div></div>

<p>On March 8th, from the direction of Norfolk, the
<i>Virginia</i>, a mass low-lying upon the water, suddenly appeared<span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">277</span>
before the astonished eyes of the Federal onlookers
in Hampton Roads.<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> Five stately wooden frigates
lay at anchor off Hampton, and they gallantly discharged
their broadsides at this strange assailant, but the balls
glanced harmless from her impenetrable back. She
turned and pierced the <i>Cumberland</i> with her ram, sending
the frigate to the bottom; then she assailed the <i>Congress</i>,
which presently went up in flames; the brave crews as
helpless as if their means of defence were bows and
arrows. Mistress of the situation, with three more
frigates—<i>Minnesota</i>, <i>Roanoke</i>, and <i>St. Lawrence</i>—aground
on the shoals or offering a futile defiance, the <i>Virginia</i>
then withdrew for the day; she was certain of her prey and
could afford to wait for a few hours, meanwhile making
some changes which would render her more effective.
Vivid terror overspread the North as the news was despatched<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">278</span>
in the evening; and it was nowhere greater than
in the cabinet-room at the White House, where Lincoln
anxiously studied upon means to meet the exigency; and
Stanton, pacing the room “like a caged lion,” predicted
she would come up the Potomac and shell Washington.<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a></p>

<p>On the forenoon of March 9th, doing all things deliberately,
as one that has no reason to hasten, the <i>Virginia</i>
again appeared and moved toward the <i>Minnesota</i>,
aground and apparently certain to become a helpless
victim. Suddenly in the path appeared a little craft
scarcely one-fourth the size of the <i>Virginia</i>, “a cheese-box
on a raft,” as it will go down in history, the <i>Monitor</i>,
an iron-clad of another pattern. This vessel, undertaken
as an experiment, and completed in one hundred days,
was due to the genius and indomitable zeal of John
Ericsson, its designer. That it should have arrived from
New York at this moment is one of the fateful accidents
of history. A multitude beheld the encounter, from
the ships close at hand, from the shores near and far.
The superior size and armament of the <i>Virginia</i> were
neutralized by her unwieldiness and depth of draught.
The <i>Monitor</i>, more active, and passing everywhere over
shoal or through channel, could elude or strike as she
chose. Neither had much power to harm the other;
each crew behind its shield manœuvred and fired for the
most part uninjured. Worden, commander of the <i>Monitor</i>,
in his pilot-house at the bow, built of iron bars log-cabin
fashion, received in the face, as he peered through
the interstice, the blinding fire and smoke from a shell
that struck within a few inches, but he escaped death.
The casualties on the <i>Virginia</i> were few. On the morning
of that day both North and South believed that the
Confederacy was about to control the sea. The anticipation,
whether hope or fear, vanished in the smoke of that
day’s battle. With it, too, passed away the traditional
beauty and romance of the old sea-service—the oakribbed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">279</span>
and white-winged navies, whose dominion had
been so long and picturesque, at last and forever gave
way to steel and steam.<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">215</a></p>

<h3 id="t_18">II<br />

<span class="subhead">THE BATTLE DESCRIBED BY CAPTAIN WORDEN AND LIEUTENANT
GREENE OF THE <i>MONITOR</i></span></h3>

<p class="p1 b2 center"><i>By Lucius E. Chittenden</i></p>

<p>Some weeks after the historic battle between the
<i>Monitor</i> and the <i>Merrimac</i> in Hampton Roads, on March
9, 1862, the former vessel came to the Washington navy-yard
unchanged, in the same condition as when she discharged
her parting shot at the <i>Merrimac</i>. There she
lay until her heroic commander had so far recovered from
his injuries as to be able to rejoin his vessel. All leaves
of absence had been revoked, the absentees had returned
and were ready to welcome their captain. President
Lincoln, Captain Fox, and a limited number of Captain
Worden’s personal friends had been invited to his informal
reception. Lieutenant Greene received the President
and the guests. He was a boy in years—not too
young to volunteer, however, when volunteers were
scarce, and to fight the <i>Merrimac</i> during the last half of
the battle, after the captain was disabled.</p>

<p>The President and the other guests stood on the deck,
near the turret. The men were formed in lines, with
their officers a little in advance, when Captain Worden
ascended the gangway. The heavy guns in the navy-yard
began firing the customary salute when he stepped
upon the deck. One side of his face was permanently
blackened by the powder shot into it from the muzzle of
a cannon carrying a shell of one hundred pounds weight,
discharged less than twenty yards away. The President<span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">280</span>
advanced to welcome him, and introduced him to the
few strangers present. The officers and men passed in
review and were dismissed. Then there was a scene
worth witnessing. The old tars swarmed around their
loved captain, they grasped his hand, crowded to touch
him, thanked God for his recovery and return, and invoked
blessings upon his head in the name of all the
saints in the calendar. He called them by their names,
had a pleasant word for each of them, and for a few moments
we looked upon an exhibition of a species of affection
that could only have been the product of a common
danger.</p>

<p>When order was restored the President gave a brief
sketch of Captain Worden’s career. Commodore Paulding
had been the first, Captain Worden the second officer
of the navy, he said, to give an unqualified opinion in
favor of armored vessels. Their opinions had been influential
with him and with the Board of Construction.
Captain Worden had volunteered to take command of
the <i>Monitor</i>, at the risk of his life and reputation, before
her keel was laid. He had watched her construction, and
his energy had made it possible to send her to sea in time
to arrest the destructive operations of the <i>Merrimac</i>.
What he had done with a new crew, and a vessel of novel
construction, we all know. He, the President, cordially
acknowledged his indebtedness to Captain Worden, and
he hoped the whole country would unite in the feeling of
obligation. The debt was a heavy one, and would not
be repudiated when its nature was understood. The
details of the first battle between iron-clads would interest
every one. At the request of Captain Fox, Captain Worden
had consented to give an account of his voyage from
New York to Hampton Roads, and of what had afterward
happened there on board the <i>Monitor</i>.</p>

<p>In an easy, conversational manner, without any effort
at display, Captain Worden told the story, of which the
following is the substance:</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">281</span>
“I suppose,” he began, “that every one knows that we
left New York Harbor in some haste. We had information
that the <i>Merrimac</i> was nearly completed, and if we
were to fight her on her first appearance we must be on
the ground. The <i>Monitor</i> had been hurried from the
laying of her keel. Her engines were new, and her machinery
did not move smoothly. Never was a vessel
launched that so much needed trial-trips to test her
machinery and get her crew accustomed to their novel
duties. We went to sea practically without them. No
part of the vessel was finished; there was one omission
that was serious, and came very near causing her failure
and the loss of many lives. In heavy weather it was intended
that her hatches and all her openings should be
closed and battened down. In that case all the men
would be below, and would have to depend upon artificial
ventilation. Our machinery for that purpose proved
wholly inadequate.</p>

<p>“We were in a heavy gale of wind as soon as we passed
Sandy Hook. The vessel behaved splendidly. The seas
rolled over her, and we found her the most comfortable
vessel we had ever seen, except for the ventilation, which
gave us more trouble than I have time to tell you about.
We had to run into port and anchor on account of the
weather, and, as you know, it was two o’clock in the
morning of Sunday before we were alongside the <i>Minnesota</i>.
Captain Van Brunt gave us an account of Saturday’s
experience. He was very glad to make our acquaintance,
and notified us that we must be prepared to
receive the <i>Merrimac</i> at daylight. We had had a very
hard trip down the coast, and officers and men were weary
and sleepy. But when informed that our fight would probably
open at daylight, and that the <i>Monitor</i> must be put
in order, every man went to his post with a cheer. That
night there was no sleep on board the <i>Monitor</i>.</p>

<p>“In the gray of the early morning we saw a vessel
approaching which our friends on the <i>Minnesota</i> said<span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">282</span>
was the <i>Merrimac</i>. Our fastenings were cast off, our
machinery started, and we moved out to meet her half-way.
We had come a long way to fight her, and did
not intend to lose our opportunity.</p>

<p>“Before showing you over the vessel, let me say that
there were three possible points of weakness in the <i>Monitor</i>,
two of which might have been guarded against in her
construction if there had been more time to perfect her
plans. One of them was in the turret, which, as you see,
is constructed of eight plates of inch iron—on the side
of the ports, nine—set on end so as to break joints, and
firmly bolted together, making a hollow cylinder eight
inches thick. It rests on a metal ring on a vertical shaft,
which is revolved by power from the boilers. If a projectile
struck the turret at an acute angle, it was expected
to glance off without doing damage. But what would
happen if it was fired in a straight line to the centre of
the turret, which in that case would receive the whole
force of the blow? It might break off the bolt-heads on
the interior, which, flying across, would kill the men at
the guns; it might disarrange the revolving mechanism,
and then we would be wholly disabled.</p>

<p>“I laid the <i>Monitor</i> close alongside the <i>Merrimac</i>, and
gave her a shot. She returned our compliment by a
shell, weighing one hundred and fifty pounds, fired when
we were close together, which struck the turret so squarely
that it received the whole force. Here you see the scar,
two and a half inches deep in the wrought iron, a perfect
mould of the shell. If anything could test the turret,
it was that shot. It did not start a rivet-head or a nut!
It stunned the two men who were nearest where the
ball struck, and that was all. I touched the lever—the
turret revolved as smoothly as before. The turret had
stood the test; I could mark that point of weakness off
my list forever.</p>

<p>“You notice that the deck is joined to the side of the
hull by a right angle, at what sailors call the ‘plank-shear.’<span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">283</span>
If a projectile struck that angle, what would happen?
It would not be deflected; its whole force would be expended
there. It might open a seam in the hull below
the water-line, or pierce the wooden hull, and sink us.
Here was our second point of weakness.</p>

<p>“I had decided how I would fight her in advance. I
would keep the <i>Monitor</i> moving in a circle, just large
enough to give time for loading the guns. At the point
where the circle impinged upon the <i>Merrimac</i> our guns
should be fired, and loaded while we were moving around
the circuit. Evidently the <i>Merrimac</i> would return the
compliment every time. At our second exchange of
shots, she returning six or eight to our two, another of
her large shells struck our ‘plank-shear’ at its angle, and
tore up one of the deck-plates, as you see. The shell had
struck what I believed to be the weakest point in the
<i>Monitor</i>. We had already learned that the <i>Merrimac</i>
swarmed with sharpshooters, for their bullets were constantly
spattering against our turret and our deck. If
a man showed himself on deck he would draw their fire.
But I did not much consider the sharpshooters. It was
my duty to investigate the effects of that shot. I ordered
one of the pendulums to be hauled aside, and,
crawling out of the port, walked to the side, laid down
upon my chest, and examined it thoroughly. The hull
was uninjured, except for a few splinters in the wood.
I walked back and crawled into the turret—the bullets
were falling on the iron deck all about me as thick as
hailstones in a storm. None struck me, I suppose because
the vessel was moving—and at the angle, and when
I was lying on the deck, my body made a small mark
difficult to hit. We gave them two more guns, and then
I told the men, what was true, that the <i>Merrimac</i> could
not sink us if we let her pound us for a month. The
men cheered; the knowledge put new life into all.</p>

<p>“We had more exchanges, and then the <i>Merrimac</i> tried
new tactics. She endeavored to ram us, to run us down.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">284</span>
Once she struck us about amidships with her iron ram.
Here you see its mark. It gave us a shock, pushed us
around, and that was all the harm. But the movement
placed our sides together. I gave her two guns, which I
think lodged in her side, for, from my lookout crack, I
could not see that either shot rebounded. Ours being
the smaller vessel, and more easily handled, I had no
difficulty in avoiding her ram. I ran around her several
times, planting our shot in what seemed to be the most
vulnerable places. In this way, reserving my fire until
I got the range and the mark, I planted two more shots
almost in the very spot I had hit when she tried to ram
us. Those shots must have been effective, for they were
followed by a shower of bars of iron.</p>

<p>“The third weak spot was our pilot-house. You see
that it is built a little more than three feet above the
deck, of bars of iron, ten by twelve inches square, built
up like a log-house, bolted with very large bolts at the
corners where the bars interlock. The pilot stands upon
a platform below, his head and shoulders in the pilot-house.
The upper tier of bars is separated from the
second by an open space of an inch, through which the
pilot may look out at every point of the compass. The
pilot-house, as you see, is a four-square mass of iron, provided
with no means of deflecting a ball. I expected
trouble from it, and I was not disappointed. Until my
accident happened, as we approached the enemy I stood
in the pilot-house and gave the signals. Lieutenant
Greene fired the guns, and Engineer Stimers, here, revolved
the turret.</p>

<p>“I was below the deck when the corner of the pilot-house
was first struck by a shot or a shell. It either burst
or was broken, and no harm was done. A short time
after I had given the signal, and, with my eye close against
the lookout crack, was watching the effect of our shot,
when something happened to me—my part in the fight
was ended. Lieutenant Greene, who fought the <i>Merrimac</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">285</span>
until she had no longer stomach for fighting, will tell you
the rest of the story.”</p>

<p>Can it be possible that this beardless boy fought one
of the historic battles of the world? This was the thought
of every one as the modest, diffident young Greene was
half pushed forward into the circle.</p>

<p>“I cannot add much to the Captain’s story,” he began.
“He had cut out the work for us, and we had only
to follow his pattern. I kept the <i>Monitor</i> either moving
around the circle or around the enemy, and endeavored
to place our shots as near her amidships as possible where
Captain Worden believed he had already broken through
her armor. We knew that she could not sink us, and I
thought I would keep right on pounding her as long as
she would stand it. There is really nothing new to be
added to Captain Worden’s account. We could strike
her wherever we chose; weary as they must have been,
our men were full of enthusiasm, and I do not think we
wasted a shot. Once we ran out of the circle for a moment
to adjust a piece of machinery, and I learn that
some of our friends feared that we were drawing out of
the fight. The <i>Merrimac</i> took the opportunity to start
for Norfolk. As soon as our machinery was adjusted we
followed her, and got near enough to give her a parting
shot. But I was not familiar with the locality; there
might be torpedoes planted in the channel, and I did not
wish to take any risk of losing our vessel, so I came back
to the company of our friends. But except that we were,
all of us, tired and hungry when we came back to the
<i>Minnesota</i> at half-past 12 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span>, the <i>Monitor</i> was just as
well prepared to fight as she was at eight o’clock in the
morning when she fired the first gun.”</p>

<p>We were then shown the injury to the pilot-house.
The mark of the ball was plain upon the two upper bars,
the principal impact being upon the lower of the two.
This huge bar was broken in the middle, but held firmly
at either end. The farther it was pressed in, the stronger<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">286</span>
was the resistance on the exterior. On the inside the
fracture in the bar was half an inch wide. Captain Worden’s
eye was very near to the lookout crack, so that
when the gun was discharged the shock of the ball knocked
him senseless, while the mass of flame filled one side of
his face with coarse grains of powder. He remained insensible
for some hours.</p>

<p>“Have you heard what Captain Worden’s first inquiry
was when he recovered his senses after the general shock
to his system?” asked Captain Fox of the President.</p>

<p>“I think I have,” replied Mr. Lincoln, “but it is worth
relating to these gentlemen.”</p>

<p>“His question was,” said Captain Fox, “‘Have I saved
the <i>Minnesota</i>?’</p>

<p>“‘Yes, and whipped the <i>Merrimac</i>!’ some one answered.</p>

<p>“‘Then,’ said Captain Worden, ‘I don’t care what
becomes of me.’”</p>

<p>“Mr. President,” said Captain Fox, “not much of the
history to which we have listened is new to me. I saw
this battle from eight o’clock until mid-day. There was
one marvel in it which has not been mentioned—the
splendid handling of the <i>Monitor</i> throughout the battle.
The first bold advance of this diminutive vessel against
a giant like the <i>Merrimac</i> was superlatively grand. She
seemed inspired by Nelson’s order at Trafalgar: ‘He will
make no mistake who lays his vessel alongside the enemy.’
One would have thought the <i>Monitor</i> a living thing.
No man was visible. You saw her moving around that
circle, delivering her fire invariably at the point of contact,
and heard the crash of the missile against her
enemy’s armor above the thunder of her guns, on the
bank where we stood. It was indescribably grand!</p>

<p>“Now,” he continued, “standing here on the deck of
this battle-scarred vessel, the first genuine iron-clad—the
victor in the first fight of iron-clads—let me make
a confession and perform an act of simple justice. I<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">287</span>
never fully believed in armored vessels until I saw this
battle. I know all the facts which united to give us the
<i>Monitor</i>. I withhold no credit from Captain Ericsson,
her inventor, but I know that the country is principally
indebted for the construction of this vessel to President
Lincoln, and for the success of her trial to Captain Worden,
her commander.”</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">288</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XVII" class="vspace">XVII<br />

<span id="t_19" class="subhead">FARRAGUT’S CAPTURE OF NEW ORLEANS (1862)</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="p0 b2 center smaller wspace">WITH SOME NOTES ON THE BLOCKADE</p>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">While</span> the West in 1861–62 was alive with marching
armies and the sound of strife, the East had been
experiencing its share of activity by land and sea, and the
navy must first engage us. The blockade became steadily
more effective as new ships, purchased, chartered, or
built for the purpose, gathered at the various rendezvous.
Hatteras Inlet and Port Royal, seized in the fall of 1861,<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a>
became bases for coast and inland expeditions which narrowed
the Confederate hold on the shore of the Atlantic.
In January, 1862, a fleet and army, braving the mid-winter
storms which were more formidable than human
opposition, entered by Hatteras Inlet, in order to dominate
more completely the North Carolina sounds. The
fortifications on Roanoke Island, lying between Albemarle
and Pamlico sounds, were easily captured, February
8th. New-Berne and other towns were soon after
occupied, and the inlets and river-mouths so occupied
and threatened that the outlets to the sea became for
the Confederates few and perilous. This successful course
was interrupted during the Virginia campaign of the
summer; the troops were to a large extent withdrawn to
places where reinforcements were demanded. The Roanoke
Island expedition is noteworthy, among other reasons,
for bringing to the front Ambrose E. Burnside, its<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">289</span>
commander,<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> a brave and well-intentioned patriot, quite
inadequate, however, for large responsibilities, which
later came upon him.</p>

<p>During these same weeks forces farther south were
equally busy in expeditions from Port Royal. Fort
Pulaski, the strong work which commanded the approaches
to Savannah, a post environed by swamps and
watercourses, and therefore difficult of access, succumbed
rather to the engineering skill than to the bravery of its
assailants, April 11, 1862; therefore, most of the littoral
of Georgia, in addition to that of North and South Carolina,
was in Federal hands.<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">218</a> These conquests were presently
supplemented by the occupation of the Atlantic
ports of Florida. On the Gulf side, the retention of Fort
Pickens by Union forces from the beginning had put
Pensacola Harbor under Federal control. The blockade,
at first deemed impracticable, within a year of its establishment
was throttling the foreign commerce which was
vital to the Confederacy. On the Atlantic scarcely any
important ports were left except Charleston and Wilmington;
and before the thresholds of these places lay,
night and day, the fierce and watchful war-dogs of the
Union.<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> Nevertheless, up to April, 1862, the Gulf ports
of Mobile, New Orleans, Galveston, and Matagorda still
remained to the Confederacy. How long could these
maintain themselves?</p>

<p>This swift and easy repossession of the southern coastline
by the Union, however important, lacked the wholesale
excitement of great and bloody battles, and was a
game little appreciated. But in the midst of it came an
incident dramatic and startling in the highest degree, its
hero being a naval officer, David Glasgow Farragut, son
of a Spaniard from the island of Minorca, who had married
a girl of Scotch strain and settled in the Tennessee<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">290</span>
mountains. After the birth of David the family removed
to Louisiana, the father receiving a naval command.
David as a boy of thirteen was on the <i>Essex</i> at Valparaiso,
in 1814, in her famous fight against the <i>Phœbe</i> and <i>Cherub</i>.
He had done good service on the seas and in port for
almost fifty years, but his opportunity did not come until
he was sixty years old.<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a></p>

<div id="ip_290" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 29.9375em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_328.jpg" width="479" height="436" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE MISSISSIPPI BELOW NEW ORLEANS</div></div>

<p>The need of seizing New Orleans, if practicable, was
obvious: the place commanded the lower Mississippi, and
was the most populous and important city of the Confederacy.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">291</span>
The government, therefore, early gave thought
to its capture, assigning for that end a land force of
eighteen thousand men, under General Benjamin F. Butler,
and a powerful fleet. It was recognized that the
navy must play the larger part in the operations: eighty-two
ships, therefore, were assigned to the West Gulf
Squadron, ranging from tugs, mortar-schooners, and
chartered ferry-boats to the most powerful man-of-war
which the nation owned.<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> To command this great fleet
was chosen Farragut, whose force and capacity had been
recognized, especially by Welles, Secretary of the Navy.<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">222</a>
He hoisted his flag on the <i>Hartford</i>, a wooden ship of
nineteen hundred tons and twenty-four guns, and February
2, 1862, sailed southward from Hampton Roads to
Ship Island, midway between the mouth of the Mississippi
and Mobile, the rendezvous for the army and squadron.</p>

<p>Farragut’s ships were all of wood; and, although steam
in great part was the motive-power, sails were not superseded.
Even as Farragut was concentrating in the Gulf,
an event, to be described presently, took place in Hampton
Roads which revolutionized naval warfare. But the
enterprises in the Gulf were well started, and some
triumphs still remained for the old-fashioned sailor and
the old-fashioned ship.<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a> In March the fleet managed to
cross the bar and enter the Mississippi, a feat of no small
difficulty in the case of the heavier vessels. The <i>Colorado</i>
was left outside, the <i>Pensacola</i> was dragged by her consorts
through a foot of mud, and the <i>Mississippi</i> was
scarcely less embarrassed. At last the squadron of attack
was for the most part within the branches of the
river; at the head of the passes they stripped like gladiators
for a final struggle, and proceeded to attack the
main obstructions twenty miles above. Farragut had<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">292</span>
seventeen ships for the attack, mounting one hundred
and fifty guns, besides twenty mortar-schooners, with
six attendant gunboats, under Commodore David D.
Porter.</p>

<p>Fort Jackson and Fort St. Philip, well manned and
equipped, guarded the river on the west and east. An
enormous chain, supported on anchored hulks, stretched
across the half-mile of current to hold any approaching
hostile vessels at a point where the fire of the forts could
converge. Above the forts, a formidable flotilla of craft
variously armed with rams and guns, some heaped with
pitch-pine knots to serve as fire-ships, stood ready to
take part.<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">224</a></p>

<div id="ip_292" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 30em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_330.jpg" width="480" height="241" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">FORTS OF THE MISSISSIPPI</div></div>

<p>Unless this boom could be broken the ships could not
ascend. Farragut ordered two gunboats to this dangerous
task. Stealing up at night, they accomplished it.
On the night of April 23d, the ships advanced, a column
led by the <i>Cayuga</i> following the eastern bank; Farragut
himself, in the <i>Hartford</i>, led the column which was to
pass close to Fort Jackson. Now came a rare blending<span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">293</span>
of the splendid and the terrible. The night was calm,
with starlight and a waning moon; but in the fiercer
flashings of the combat the world seemed on fire. In
arcs rising far toward the zenith the shells of the mortars
mounted and fell; broadsides thundered; from barbette
and casemate rolled an incessant reply. Suddenly above
the flashes of guns came a steady glare: fire-ships, their
pitch-pine cargoes all ablaze, swept into the midst of
the struggling fleet. The attacking lines became confused
in the volumes of smoke settling down upon the
stream. In the blinding vapor friend could scarcely be
told from foe. The captain of the Confederate <i>Governor
Moore</i>, finding that the bow of his own ship interfered
with the aim of his gun, coolly blew the bow to pieces
with a discharge, then through the shattered opening
renewed the battle. A Confederate tug pluckily pushed
a fire-raft directly upon the <i>Hartford</i>. The tug and its
crew disappeared and the <i>Hartford</i> ran aground; the
sailors, undaunted, stuck to their work; the ship was
pulled off by her own engines, while a deluge from the
pumps put out the fire. For an hour and a half the roar
and the flashings continued; as the dawn came, the
battle was hushed. Three Federal gunboats had been
driven back and one sunk, but the main fleet was above
the forts. The ships in general were scarred and battered
in the night’s encounter, but little harmed, and Farragut
made ready at once to go on his way.<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">225</a></p>

<p>The passing of the forts made certain the fall of New
Orleans. The small Confederate army under General
Mansfield Lovell was at once withdrawn and the city
left to its fate. Farragut appeared before it, after passing
rapidly up the intervening seventy miles, at noon,
April 25th. The population of one hundred and fifty
thousand souls, seething with natural mortification and
passion, lay under the broadsides of the fleet, and, after<span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">294</span>
one outburst, in which a mob trampled on the United
States flag, they sullenly submitted. With all possible
expedition, the forts having given up, the land forces
ascended the river and, on May 1st, took possession.<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">226</a>
Farragut soon ascended the river to Vicksburg with a
large part of his fleet.</p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN FARRAGUT’S CAPTURE<br />
OF NEW ORLEANS, 1862, AND THE<br />
BATTLES OF GETTYSBURG<br />
AND VICKSBURG, 1863</h3>

<p>1862. Battle of Shiloh. Capture of Island No. 10.
Battle of Seven Pines and Fair Oaks. “Seven Days’
Battle” between the armies of McClellan and Lee before
Richmond. Repulse of the Confederates at Malvern
Hill, and a constant succession of battles. Halleck appointed
Federal commander-in-chief. Confederate victory
at Cedar Mountain. Second battle of Bull Run and
defeat of the Federals. Battle of South Mountain. Battle
of Antietam Creek. Proclamation of Emancipation.
The Confederate cavalry under General Stuart makes
a successful raid into Pennsylvania. Burnside succeeds
McClellan as commander of the Army of the Potomac.
Battle of Fredericksburg and repulse of the Federals.</p>

<p>1863. Definite abolition of slavery in the rebellious
states. Hooker commands Army of the Potomac. West
Virginia admitted (by proclamation) into the Union.
Confederate victory at Chancellorsville. General Grant
invests Vicksburg. Lee occupies Winchester, crosses the
Potomac, and enters Pennsylvania. Meade appointed
commander of the Army of the Potomac. Battle of
Gettysburg, July 1–3. Fall of Vicksburg, July 4th.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">295</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XVIII" class="vspace">XVIII<br />

<span id="t_20" class="subhead">VICKSBURG (JANUARY–JULY, 1863)</span></h2>
</div>

<blockquote>

<p>In the American Civil War, 1861–65, the capture of Vicksburg,
on the Mississippi, cut the Confederacy in two, and the battle of
Gettysburg proved a Confederate invasion of the North impossible.
Out of the many great battles of that war it is historically
essential that these two should be emphasized.</p>

<p>After Fort Sumter was fired upon, April 12, 1861, the relative
efficiency of the South and the unpreparedness of the North were
soon illustrated in the battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861. In the
East, where the main objective point of the Northern attack was
Richmond, there followed McClellan’s organization of the Army
of the Potomac. In the West were Halleck and Buell, with headquarters
at St. Louis and Louisville, and the main end in view in
the Western campaign was the control of the Mississippi. February,
1862, brought Northern successes in the Western campaign
in Grant’s capture of Forts Henry and Donelson, followed by
Shiloh, Corinth, and Memphis, which opened the Mississippi to
Vicksburg. At the same time Farragut’s fleet in the South captured
New Orleans, a victory which, like the effect of the blockade
throughout the war, was a weighty demonstration of the influence
of sea power upon history. After Farragut had cleared
the lower river, it was practically Vicksburg alone which remained
to unite the eastern and western territory of the Confederacy.
But in the East there had been a series of Northern disasters, culminating
in Chancellorsville.—<span class="smcap">Editor.</span></p></blockquote>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">When</span> the defeated Federals recrossed the Rappahannock,
May 5, 1863, after Chancellorsville, the
fortunes of the North were at the lowest ebb. Then
came the turning of the tide, and in an unexpected quarter.
General Grant had shot up into fame through his
capture of Fort Donelson, early in 1862, but had done
little thereafter to confirm his reputation. Though in
responsible command in northern Mississippi and southwestern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">296</span>
Tennessee, the few successes there which the
country could appreciate went to the credit of his subordinate,
Rosecrans. The world remembered his shiftlessness
before the war, and began to believe that his success
had been accidental. All things considered, it is strange
that Grant had been kept in place. The pressure for his
removal had been great everywhere, but his superiors
stood by him faithfully, though Lincoln’s persistence was
maintained in the midst of misgivings.</p>

<p>In the fall of 1862, Grant, in command of fifty thousand
men, purposed to continue the advance southward
through Mississippi, flanking Vicksburg, which then must
certainly fall. His supplies must come over the Memphis
&amp; Charleston road and the two weak and disabled lines
of railroad, the Mississippi Central and the Mobile &amp; Ohio.
To guard one hundred and fifty miles of railroad in a
hostile country the army must necessarily be scattered,
as every bridge, culvert, and station needed a detail.
From Washington came unwise interference; but he
moved on with vigor. As winter approached, he pushed
into Mississippi toward Jackson. If that place could be
seized, Vicksburg, fifty miles west, must become untenable,
and to this end Grant desired to unite his whole
force. He was overruled, and the troops divided: while
he marched on Jackson, Sherman, with thirty-two thousand,
was to proceed down the river from Memphis.
Grant’s hope was that he and Sherman, both near Vicksburg,
and supporting each other, might act in concert.</p>

<p>Complete failure attended this beginning. Forrest,
operating in a friendly country, tore up the railroads in
Grant’s rear for scores of miles, capturing his detachments
and working destruction. On December 20th,
also, Van Dorn, now a cavalry leader, surprised Holly
Springs, Grant’s main depot in northern Mississippi, carrying
off and burning stores to the amount of $1,500,000.<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">227</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">297</span>
Grant’s movement southward became impossible: the
army stood stripped and helpless, saving itself only by
living off the country, an experience rough at the time,
but out of which, later, came benefit.<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> Co-operation with
Sherman could no longer be thought of. Nor could news
of the disaster be sent to Sherman, who, following his
orders, punctually embarked and steamed down to the
mouth of the Yazoo; this he entered, and on December
29th, believing that the garrison of Vicksburg had been
drawn off to meet Grant, he flung his divisions against
the Confederate lines at Chickasaw Bayou, with a loss of
eighteen hundred men and no compensating advantage.<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">229</a></p>

<p>The difficulty and disaster in the Mississippi campaign
were increased by a measure which strikingly reveals the
effect in war of political pressure at the capital. At the
outbreak of the war, John A. McClernand was a member
of Congress from Illinois, and later commanded a division
at Donelson and Shiloh. Returning to Washington, he
stood out as a War Democrat, a representative of a class
whose adherence to the administration was greatly
strained by the Emancipation Proclamation, and whose
loyalty Lincoln felt it was almost vital to preserve.
When, therefore, he laid before Lincoln a scheme<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> to
raise by his own influence a large force in the West, over
which he was to have military command, with the intention
of taking Vicksburg, Lincoln and Stanton yielded,
the sequel showing that McClernand was a soldier of little
merit....</p>

<p>McClernand went West, and kept his promise by mustering
into the service, chiefly through his personal influence,
some thirty regiments, a welcome recruitment in
those dark days. With this new army McClernand appeared
at the mouth of the Yazoo just at the moment
when Sherman emerged from the swamps with his crestfallen<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">298</span>
divisions. McClernand assumed command, Sherman
subsiding into a subordinate place; but he had influence
enough with his new superior to persuade him to
proceed at once to an attack upon Arkansas Post, not far
away.<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> This measure proved successful, the place capitulating
January 11, 1863, with five thousand men and
seventeen guns. Though the victory was due in great
part to the navy, Sherman alone in the army having rendered
conspicuous service, yet before the country the
credit went to McClernand, nominally the commander,
giving him an undeserved prestige which made the situation
worse.</p>

<p>Grant often found Halleck very trying; but in the
present exigency the superior stood stoutly by him, and
probably saved to him his position. The military sense
of the general-in-chief saw clearly the folly of a divided
command, and he enlightened the President, who made
Grant major-general in command of operations on the
Mississippi, McClernand being put at the head of a corps.
January 30th, therefore, Grant, suppressing a scheme entertained
by McClernand for a campaign in Arkansas, set
to work to solve the problem of opening the great river.</p>

<p>Probably few generals have ever encountered a situation
more difficult, or one in which military precedents
helped so little. The fortress occupied a height commanding
on the north and west, along the river, swampy bottom-lands,
at the moment largely submerged or threaded
with channels. These lowlands were much overgrown
with canebrake and forest; roads there were almost none,
the plantations established within the area being approached
most conveniently by boats. But it was from
the north and west, apparently, that Vicksburg must be
assailed, for the region south of the city appeared quite
beyond reach, since the batteries closed the river, which
seemed the sole means of approach for Northern forces.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">299</span>
The surest approach to the stronghold was from the east;
but there Grant had tried and failed; public sentiment
would not sustain another movement from that side.
There was nothing for it but to try by the north and west,
and Grant grappled with the problem.</p>

<p>Besides the natural obstacles, he had to take account of
his own forces, and the strength and character of his adversary.
In November, 1862, Johnston, not yet recovered
from the wounds received at Fair Oaks in May, was
ordered to assume command in the West, taking the
troops of Kirby Smith, Bragg, and the army defending
the Mississippi. The latter force, up to that time under
Van Dorn, was transferred to John C. Pemberton, of an
old Pennsylvania family, before and after the war a
citizen of Philadelphia. Though a Northerner, he had
the entire confidence of both Jefferson Davis and Robert
E. Lee. His record in the old army was good; he was
made lieutenant-general by the Confederacy, and received
most weighty responsibilities. He served bravely
and faithfully the cause he had espoused; though outclassed
in his campaign, he did not lack ability. Pemberton
commanded some fifty thousand men, comprising
not only the garrison of Vicksburg, but also that of Port
Hudson and detachments posted in northern Mississippi.
On the watch at such a point as Jackson, the state capital,
he could, on short notice, concentrate his scattered command
to meet whatever danger might threaten.</p>

<p>Against this alert adversary Grant could now oppose
about an equal number of men, comprised in four corps—the
Thirteenth (McClernand), Fifteenth (Sherman),
Sixteenth (Hurlbut), Seventeenth (McPherson). Hurlbut
was of necessity retained at and near Memphis, to preserve
communications and hold western Tennessee; the
three other corps could take the field with about forty-three
thousand. Among Grant’s lieutenants, two were
soldiers of the best quality—Sherman and James B.
McPherson, the latter a young officer of engineers, who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">300</span>
during the preceding months had been coming rapidly
to the front.<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> Besides the army, Grant had a powerful
auxiliary in the fleet, which now numbered seventy craft,
large and small, manned by fifty-five hundred sailors
and commanded by David D. Porter, an indefatigable chief.</p>

<p>Grant at the outset could, of course, have no fixed
plan. Throughout February and March his operations
were tentative; and though the country murmured at
his “inactivity,” never did general or army do harder
work. Might not Vicksburg perhaps be isolated on the
west, and a way be found beyond the reach of its cannon
to that vantage-ground south of it which seemed so inaccessible?
Straightway the army tried, with spade,
pick, and axe, to complete the cut-off which Williams had
begun the previous summer; also to open a tortuous and
embarrassed passage far round through Lake Providence
and the Tensas and Washita rivers. Might not some
insufficiently guarded approach be found through the
Yazoo bottom<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">233</a> to Haines’ Bluff, the height dominating
Vicksburg from the northeast, which Sherman had sought
to seize at Chickasaw Bayou? Straightway there were
enterprises seldom attempted in war.<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> The levee at
Yazoo Pass was cut, far up the river, so that the swollen
Mississippi flooded the wide region below. Through the
crevasse plunged gunboat and transport, to engage in
amphibious warfare; soldiers wading in the mire or
swimming the bayous; divisions struggling to <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">terra firma</i>,
only to find that Pemberton was there before them behind
unassailable parapets; gunboats wedged in ditches,
unable to turn, with hostile axemen blocking both advance
and retreat by felling trees across the channel;
Porter sheltering himself from sharpshooters within a
section of broken smokestack and meditating the blowing-up
of his boats; Sherman now paddling in a canoe,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">301</span>
now riding bareback, now joining the men of a rescue-party
in a double-quick—all in cypress forests draped
with funereal moss, as if Death had made ready for a
calamity that seemed certain.</p>

<p>April came, and nothing had been accomplished on the
north or west. To try again from the east meant summary
removal for the commander. Was an attack from
the south, after all, out of the question, as all his lieutenants
urged? Grant resolved to try; the river-bank to
the west was so far dried that the passage of a column
through the swamp-roads became possible. Porter was
willing to attempt to run the batteries, though sure that,
if once below, he could never return. The night of April
16th was one of wild excitements. The fleet was discovered
as soon as it got under way, and conflagrations,
blazing right and left, clearly revealed it as it swept down
the stream. The Confederate fire could not be concentrated,<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">235</a>
and hence the injury was small to the armored
craft; and even the transports in their company, protected
only by baled hay or cotton, escaped with one
exception. A few days later transports and barges again
passed down.<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> The column, toiling along the swampy
road, was met, when at last it reached a point well below
the town, by an abundance of supplies and ample means
for placing it on the other bank. April 29th, Grand Gulf,
the southern outpost of Vicksburg, was cannonaded, with
ten thousand men on transports at hand for an assault,
if the chance came. High on its bluff, it defied the bombardment,
as the main citadel had done. Then it was
that Grant turned to his last resource.</p>

<p>It requires attention to comprehend how a plan so
audacious as that now adopted could succeed. First, the
watchful Pemberton was bewildered and misled as to the
point of attack. About the time the batteries were run,
Grierson, an Illinois officer, starting with seventeen hundred<span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">302</span>
cavalry from La Grange, Tennessee, raided completely
through Mississippi, from north to south, so skilfully
creating an impression of large numbers, so effectively
wrecking railroads and threatening incursion now here
and now there, that the back-country was thrown into
a panic, and Pemberton thought an attack in force from
that direction possible. Following close upon Grierson’s
raid, Sherman demonstrated with such noise and parade
north of the city that Pemberton sent troops to meet a
possible assault there. Meantime, the Thirteenth and
Seventeenth corps were ferried rapidly across the river
below Grand Gulf, and, a footing on the upland having
been obtained unopposed, Grant stood fairly on the left
bank. He now sent word to Halleck that he felt this
battle was more than half won.<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">237</a></p>

<div id="ip_302" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 25em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_341.jpg" width="400" height="545" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">SIEGE OF VICKSBURG</div></div>

<p>The event proved that Grant was not oversanguine.
An easy victory at Port Gibson, over a brave but inferior
force, gave him Grand Gulf. Joined now by Sherman,
he plunged with his three corps into the interior, cutting
loose from his river base, and also from his hampering
connection with Washington. The previous fall he had
learned to live off the country. Two more easy victories,
at Raymond and Jackson, gave him the state capital,
and placed him, fully concentrated, between the armies
of Pemberton and Johnston. The number of his foes
was swelling fast—from Port Hudson, from South Carolina,
from Tennessee; but Grant did not let slip his advantage.
Johnston, not yet recovered from his Fair
Oaks wound, was not at his best. Pemberton, confused
by an adversary who could do so unmilitary a thing as
to throw away his base, vacillated and blundered. A
heavy battle at Champion’s Hill, May 16th, in which the
completeness of Grant’s victory was prevented by the
bad conduct of McClernand, nevertheless resulted in
Pemberton’s precipitate flight. Next day the Federals<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">303</span>
seized the crossing of the Big Black River, after which
all the outposts of Vicksburg, from Haines’ Bluff southward,
fell without further fighting, and Pemberton, with
the army that remained to him, was shut up within the
works. The Federals held all outside, looking down
from those heights, which for so long had seemed to them
impregnable, upon the great river open to the north. Supplies
and reinforcements could now come unhindered and were
already pouring in. The fall of Vicksburg was certain....</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">304</span>
The siege once begun, the fortress was doomed without
recourse. Pemberton, to be sure, did not lose heart, and
drove back the repeated Federal assaults with skill and
courage. Johnston, from the rear, mustered men as he
could, tried to concert with the besieged army a project
of escape, and at last advanced to attack. But within
the city supplies soon failed, and outside no resources
were at hand for the city’s succor. Johnston’s request
for twenty thousand men, lying idle in Arkansas had
been slighted;<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> there was no other source of supply.
Kirby Smith and Dick Taylor attempted a diversion on
the west bank of the river; and still later, at Helena,
Arkansas, a desperate push was made to afford relief.
It was all in vain. The North, made cheerful by long-delayed
success, poured forth to Grant out of its abundance
both men and means. His army was in size nearly
doubled; food and munitions abounded. The starving
defenders were inexorably encircled by nearly three times
their number of well-supplied and triumphant foes.
Grant’s assaults, bold and bloody though they were, had
little effect in bringing about the result; the close investment
would have sufficed.<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> On July 4th came the unconditional
surrender. The Confederate losses before the
surrender were fully 10,000; now 29,491, became prisoners,
while in the fortress were 170 cannon and 50,000 small
arms. Grant’s loss during the whole campaign was 9362.<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">240</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">305</span>
To this triumph, a week later, was added the fall of
Port Hudson,<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> which, with a depleted garrison, held out
stubbornly for six weeks against the Federals. N. P.
Banks, who after his tragical Virginia experiences succeeded,
in December, 1862, Butler in Louisiana, was set,
as in the valley, to meet a difficult situation with inadequate
means. With an army of little more than thirty
thousand, in part nine-months men, he was expected to
hold New Orleans and such of Louisiana as had been conquered,
and also to co-operate with Grant in opening the
Mississippi. When his garrisons had been placed he had
scarcely fifteen thousand men left for service in the field,
a number exceeded at first by the Port Hudson defenders,
strongly placed and well commanded. West of the river,
moreover, was still another force under an old adversary
in the Shenandoah country—Dick Taylor, a general well-endowed
and trained in the best school. That Banks,
though active, had no brilliant success was not at all
strange; yet Halleck found fault. He could not extend
a hand to Grant; but, risking his communications—risking,
indeed, the possession of New Orleans—he concentrated
at Port Hudson, which fortress, after a six weeks’
siege, marked by two spirited assaults, he brought to great
distress. Its fate was sealed by the fall of Vicksburg—Gardner,
the commander, on July 9th, surrendering the
post with more than six thousand men and fifty-one guns.</p>

<p>The capture of Vicksburg and Port Hudson was a success
such as had not been achieved before during our Civil War,
and was not paralleled afterward until Appomattox. In
military history there are few achievements which equal
it; and the magnitude of the captures of men and resources
is no more remarkable than are the unfailing courage of
the soldiers and the genius and vigor of the general.<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">242</a></p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">306</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XIX" class="vspace">XIX<br />

<span id="t_21" class="subhead">GETTYSBURG, JULY 1–3, 1863</span></h2>
</div>

<blockquote>

<p>In the Eastern field of operations in the American Civil War,
McClellan’s organization of the Army of the Potomac had given
him a well-disciplined force, with which he was facing General
Joseph Johnston at the opening of 1862. But the Peninsular
Campaign which McClellan entered upon early in the year, with
the bloody fighting at Fair Oaks in May, and the Seven Days’
Battles in May and June, resulted in the withdrawal of the
Northern forces. There followed Pope’s defeat near Bull Run.
The forward movement was a failure. The Northern forces, only
four miles from Richmond in June, were practically defending
Washington in September. The desperate battle of Antietam
checked Lee’s movement into Maryland, but was not decisive.
Burnside’s costly defeat at Fredericksburg in December closed a
gloomy year in the East, which to many seemed to show that the
South could more than hold its own. The new year brought a
renewal of disaster to the Northern arms in Hooker’s defeat in
the hard-fought battle of Chancellorsville. But the tide was to
be turned by one of the crucial events of military history, which
was close at hand.—<span class="smcap">Editor.</span></p></blockquote>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> fall of Vicksburg, though a terrible blow to the
South, was not a sudden one: to all intelligent eyes
it had for some weeks been impending; but that Lee
could be defeated seemed a thing impossible. Because
so long unconquered, it had come to be accepted that he
was unconquerable.</p>

<p>Hooker soon recovered from the daze into which he
had been thrown at Chancellorsville. His confidence in
himself was not broken by his misfortune. Instead of,
like Burnside, manfully shouldering most of the responsibility
of his failure, Hooker vehemently accused his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">307</span>
lieutenants of misconduct, and faced the new situation
with as much resolution as if he had the prestige of a
victor. The Army of the Potomac, never down in heart
except for a moment, plucked up courage forthwith and
girded itself for new encounters.</p>

<p>The South, meanwhile, was still rejoicing over Chancellorsville,
for the cloud on the southwestern horizon
was at first no bigger than a man’s hand. Longstreet
joined Lee from Suffolk with two divisions, swelling the
Army of Northern Virginia to eighty thousand or more.
Never before had it been so numerous, so well appointed,
or in such good heart. The numerical advantage which
the Federals had heretofore enjoyed was at this time
nearly gone, because thousands of enlistments expired
which could not immediately be made good; volunteering
had nearly ceased, and the new schemes for recruiting
were not yet effective.</p>

<p>Lee took the initiative early in June,<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> full of the sense
of the advantage to be gained from a campaign on
Northern soil. War-worn Virginia was to receive a
respite; Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, as well as
Washington, might be terrorized, and perhaps captured.
If only the good-fortune so far enjoyed would continue,
the Union’s military strength might be completely
wrecked, hesitating Europe won over to recognition, and
the cause of the South made secure.</p>

<p>With these fine and not at all extravagant anticipations,
Lee put in motion his three great corps under the
lieutenant-generals Ewell (Jackson’s successor), Longstreet,
and A. P. Hill. Longstreet was ill at ease. Vicksburg,
now in great danger, he thought could only be saved
by reinforcing Bragg and advancing rapidly on Cincinnati,
in which case Grant might be drawn north. Notwithstanding
Longstreet’s urgency, Lee persisted.<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> Ewell,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">308</span>
pouring suddenly down the Shenandoah Valley, “gobbled
up,” as Lincoln put it, Milroy and his whole command
of some four thousand, June 13th, and presently from
Maryland invaded Pennsylvania. Longstreet was close
behind: while the head of Ewell’s column had been nearing
the Potomac, A. P. Hill, who had remained at Fredericksburg
to watch Hooker, as yet inactive on Stafford
Heights, broke camp and followed northwestward.
Ewell seized Chambersburg a few days later, then appeared
at Carlisle, and even shook Harrisburg with his
cannon. The North had, indeed, cause for alarm; the
farmers of the invaded region were in a panic. “Emergency
men,” enlisted for three months, gathered from
New York, Ohio, West Virginia, and Pennsylvania to
the threatened points. The great coast cities were face
to face with a menace hitherto unexperienced. Were
they really about to be sacked? What was to be done?</p>

<p>There was no indecision either at Washington or in
the Army of the Potomac. Lincoln’s horse-sense, sometimes
tripping, but oftener adequate to deal with unparalleled
burdens, homely, terse, and unerring in its expression,
was at its best in these days. To Hooker,
meditating movements along and across the Rappahannock,
he wrote: “I would not take any risk of being
entangled upon the river like an ox jumped half over a
fence, and liable to be torn by dogs in front and rear
without a fair chance to gore one way or kick the other.”<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">245</a>
And again: “If the head of Lee’s army is at Martinsburg
(near the Potomac), and the tail of it on the plank-road
between Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, the animal
must be very slim somewhere. Could you not break
him?” “Fret him and fret him,” was the President’s
injunction to Hooker, regarding the advance of Lee.
Well-poised, good-humored, constant, Lincoln gave no
counsel to Hooker in these days that was not sound.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">309</span>
Indeed, at this time, Hooker needed little admonition.
Alert and resourceful, he no sooner detected the movement
of Lee than he suggested an advance upon Richmond,
which was thus left unguarded. Lee, of course,
had contemplated the possibility of such a move, and,
with a nod toward Washington, had joked about “swapping
queens.” The idea, which Hooker did not press,
being disapproved, Hooker, turning toward Lee, proceeded
to “fret him and fret him,” his conduct comparing
well with his brilliant management at the opening of
the campaign of Chancellorsville. The cavalry, greatly
improved by him, under Pleasonton, with divisions commanded
by Buford, Duffie, and Gregg, was serviceable
as never before, matching well the troopers of Stuart at
Brandy Station, Aldie, and Middleburg. Screened on
his left flank by his cavalry, as, on the other hand, Lee
was screened by a similar body on his right, Hooker
marched in columns parallel to those of his foe and farther
east, yet always interposing between the enemy and
Washington. As June drew to its end the Confederate
advance was near Harrisburg, but the Federals were not
caught napping. Hooker stood at Frederick, in Maryland,
his corps stretched on either hand to cover Washington
and Baltimore, touching hands one with the
other, and all confronting the foe.</p>

<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div>

<p>Lee’s previous campaign had shown with what disregard
of military rules he could act, a recklessness up to
this time justified by good luck and the ineptitude of his
adversaries. Still contemptuous of risks, he made just
here an audacious move which was to result unfortunately.<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">246</a>
He ordered, or perhaps suffered, Stuart, whom as he drew
toward the Potomac he had held close on his right flank,
to undertake with the cavalry a raid around the Federal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">310</span>
army, after the precedents of the Peninsular and Second
Bull Run campaigns. Casting loose from his chief, June
25th, Stuart sallied out eastward and penetrated close to
the neighborhood of Washington. He did no harm beyond
making a few small captures and causing a useless
scare; on the other hand, he suffered terrible fatigue, his
exhausted men falling asleep almost by squadrons in
their saddles. He could get no news from his friends, nor
could he find Ewell’s corps, which he had hoped to meet.
Quite worn out with hardship, he did not become available
to Lee until the late afternoon of July 2d. A critical
battle might have had a different issue<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> had the Confederate
cavalry been in its proper place. It was almost a
chance, through a scout of Longstreet’s, that Lee, at
Chambersburg, all uncertain of the Federal movement,
heard at last that his enemy was close at hand and threatening
his communications. At once he withdrew Ewell
southward, so that he might face the danger with his
three divisions together.</p>

<p>Meantime a most critical change came about in the
camp of his foes. Hooker, on ill terms with Halleck,
and engaged in controversy with him over Halleck’s refusal
to authorize the withdrawal of the garrison of Harper’s
Ferry, rather petulantly asked to be relieved of
command, and the President complied at once. Such
promptness was to be expected. Hooker had been doing
well; but he had done just as well before Chancellorsville;
he was generally distrusted; his best subordinates were
outspoken as to his lamentable record. The unsparing
critic of Burnside had now to take his own medicine. A
battle with Lee could not be ventured upon under a
commander who could not keep on good terms with the
administration, had there been nothing else. It was
perilous swapping of horses in the midst of the stream,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">311</span>
but Lincoln was forced to do it. Some cried out for the
restoration of McClellan, and others for that of Frémont.
The appointment fell to George Gordon Meade, commander
of the Fifth Corps, who, with soldierly dignity,
obeyed orders, assuming the burden June 28th, with a
pledge to do his best.</p>

<p>Meade, a West-Pointer of 1835,<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> was a man of ripe
experience, thoroughly trained in war. He had first risen
leading a brigade of the Pennsylvania reserves at Mechanicsville,
just a year earlier. The good name then
won he confirmed at Antietam, and still more at Fredericksburg.
He was tall and spare, with an eagle face
which no one that saw it can forget, a perfect horseman,
and, though irascible, possessed of strong and manly
character. In that momentous hour the best men were
doubtful on what footing they stood. When Lincoln’s
messenger, with a solemn countenance, handed to Meade
the appointment, he took it to be an order for his arrest.
Placed in command, he hesitated not a moment, building
his strategy upon the foundation laid by his predecessor.</p>

<p>Meade had with him in the field seven corps of infantry:
the First, commanded temporarily by Doubleday;
the Second, by Hancock, recently promoted; the
Third, by Sickles; the Fifth, his own corps, now turned
over to Sykes; the Sixth, Sedgwick, fortunately not displaced,
though so unjustly censured for his noble work
on May 3d; the Eleventh, Howard; and the Twelfth,
Slocum. The excellent cavalry divisions were under Buford,
Kilpatrick, and Gregg; and in the lower places
capable young officers—Custer, Merritt, Farnsworth,
Devin, Gamble—were pushing into notice. Of field-guns
there were three hundred and forty. It was a fault of
the Union organization that corps, divisions, and brigades
were too small, bringing about, among other evils, too
large a number of general and staff officers.<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">249</a> The Confederates<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">312</span>
here were wiser. Lee faced Meade’s seven corps
with but three, and two hundred and ninety-three guns;
but each Confederate corps was nearly or quite twice as
large as a Union corps; divisions and brigades were in
the same relative proportion. The Army of the Potomac
numbered 88,289 effectives; the Army of Northern Virginia,
75,000.<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">250</a></p>

<div id="ip_312" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_350.jpg" width="500" height="378" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><p>POSITION OF FEDERAL AND CONFEDERATE ARMIES, JUNE 30, 1863</p>

<p>(Federal: hollow bars, Confederate: solid bars)</p></div></div>

<p>Meade at once chose and caused to be surveyed a position
on Pipe Creek, just south of the Maryland line, as a
field suitable to be held should the enemy come that
way. He marched, however, northwestward cautiously,
his corps in touch but spread wide apart, ready for battle
and protecting as ever the capital and cities of the coast.<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">251</a>
His especial reliance in this hour of need was John F.
Reynolds, hand in hand with whom he had proceeded in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">313</span>
his career from the day when, as fellow-brigadiers, they
repulsed A. P. Hill at Beaver Dam Creek. This man he
trusted completely and loved much. He warmly approved
Hooker’s action in committing to Reynolds the
left wing nearest the enemy, made up of the First, Third,
and Eleventh corps. This made Reynolds second in
command. Meade, commander-in-chief, retained the centre
and right. So the armies hovered, each uncertain
of the other’s exact whereabouts, during the last days of
June.</p>

<div id="ip_313" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 25em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_351.jpg" width="400" height="331" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">OPENING OF BATTLE OF
GETTYSBURG, JULY 1, 8 A.M.</div></div>

<p>On July 1st, though Stuart for the moment was out of
the campaign, the Federal cavalry was on hand. Buford’s
division, thrown out from the Federal left, moved
well forward north of the town
of Gettysburg, and were met
by Heth’s division of Hill’s
corps, marching forward, it is
said, with no more hostile purpose
at the time than that of
getting shoes.<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">252</a> Buford held his
line valiantly, being presently
joined by Reynolds. The two,
from the cupola of the seminary
near by, studied the prospect
hurriedly. A stand must
be made then and there, and the First Corps, close at
hand, was presently in support of the bold horsemen,
who, dismounted, were with their carbines blocking the
advance of the hostile infantry.</p>

<p>The most irreparable and lamentable loss of the entire
battle now occurred at the very outset. Reynolds fell
dead at the front, leaving the left divisions without a
leader in the most critical hour. Heth’s advance was
roughly handled; one brigade was mostly captured,
Doubleday nodding, with a pleasant “Good-morning, I<span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">314</span>
am glad to see you,” to its commander, his old West Point
chum Archer, as the latter was passed to the rear among
the prisoners.<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">253</a> There were still other captures and much
fighting; but Ewell was fast arriving by the roads from
the north; and although Howard, with the Eleventh
Corps, came up from the south at the same time, the
heavier Confederate battalions could not be held. Barlow,
thrown out far forward into Ewell’s path, was at
once badly wounded, whereupon his division was repulsed.
The Eleventh Corps in general gave way before Ewell’s
rush, rolling back disordered through the town, where
large numbers were captured. Fortunately, on the high
crest of Cemetery Hill, Howard had stationed in reserve
the division of Steinwehr. What broken brigades and
regiments, fleeing through the town, could reach this
point were forthwith rallied and reorganized. Thus, at
mid-day of July 1st, things were hopeful for Lee. The
First Corps, its flank exposed by the retirement of the
Eleventh Corps, fell back fighting through Gettysburg to
Cemetery Hill during the afternoon. Lee swept the
Federals from the town and the fields and ridges beyond.
Had Ewell stormed Cemetery Hill at once, Lee might
have won a great success.</p>

<p>One of the first marks of a capacity for leadership is
the power to choose men, and Meade now showed this
conspicuously. He had lost Reynolds, his main dependence,
a loss that no doubt affected greatly the fortunes of
the first day’s battle; he replaced Reynolds with a young
officer whom it was necessary to push over the heads of
several seniors; but a better selection could not have
been made. Of the splendid captains whom the long
agony of the Army of the Potomac was slowly evolving,
probably the best as an all-round soldier was Winfield
Scott Hancock. Since his West Point training, finished
in 1844,<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> he had had wide and thorough military experience,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">315</span>
climbing laboriously from colonel to corps commander,
winning out from each grade to the next higher
through faithful and able service. He could deal with
figures; was diligent over papers and office drudgery; he
was a patient drill-master—all these, and at the same
time so dashing and magnetic in the field that he early
earned the title “The Superb.”<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">255</a> His vigor, moreover,
was tempered by judgment.</p>

<div id="ip_315" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 18.75em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_353.jpg" width="300" height="376" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">BEGINNING OF
INFANTRY ENGAGEMENT,
JULY 1, 10 A.M.</div></div>

<p>Hancock it was whom Meade now sent forward from
Taneytown, thirteen miles away, when he was anxiously
gathering in his host, to lead the
hard-pressed left wing; he was to
judge whether the position should
be held, as Reynolds had thought,
or a retirement attempted toward
the surveyed lines of Pipe Creek.
The apparition on Cemetery Hill,
just before four o’clock, July 1st, of
Hancock upon his sweating charger,
was equal to a reinforcement by an
army corps. Fugitives halted; fragments
of formations were welded
into proper battle-lines. In the respite
given by Ewell, so ill-timed for Lee, the shattered
First and Eleventh corps found breathing-space and
plucked up heart. At six o’clock they were joined by
the Twelfth Corps, that of the steadfast Slocum. Hancock,
now feeling that there were troops enough for the
present, and resolute leaders, galloped back to report to
his chief. Upon his report Meade concentrated everything
toward Cemetery Hill, the troops plodding through
the moonlit night. Meade himself reached the field an
hour past midnight, gaunt and hollow-eyed through want
of sleep,<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> but clear in mind and stout of heart. At dawn<span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">316</span>
of July 2d the Second Corps, at the head of which Gibbon
had taken Hancock’s place, and the Third Corps, Sickles,
were at hand. At noon arrived the Fifth, and soon after
the Sixth, Sedgwick having marched his men thirty-four
miles in eighteen hours.</p>

<p>Two parallel ridges, their crests separated by an interval
of not quite a mile, extend at Gettysburg north and
south. The more westerly of these, called, from the
Lutheran College there, Seminary Ridge, was the scene
of the first attack on July 1st, but on the second day
became the main Confederate position. The eastern
ridge, terminated at its northern end by the town cemetery,
close to which Howard so fortunately stationed
Steinwehr on the first day, became the Federal stronghold.
Cemetery Ridge was really shaped like a fishhook,
its line curving eastward to the abrupt and wooded Culp’s
Hill, the barb of the hook. At the curve the ridge was
steep and rough with ledges and bowlders; as it ran
southward its height diminished until, after a mile or so,
it rose again into two marked elevations—Round Top,
six hundred feet high, with a spur, Little Round Top,
just north.</p>

<div id="ip_316" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_354.jpg" width="600" height="360" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">POSITION, JULY 1, 3 P.M.</div></div>

<p>On the morning of July 2d the Federals lay along this<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">317</span>
ridge in order as follows: at the extreme right, on Culp’s
Hill (the fishhook’s barb), the Twelfth Corps, Slocum; at
the bend, near the cemetery, the Eleventh Corps, Howard,
reinforced from other bodies; on their left the First,
now under Newton, and the Second, Gibbon. The First
and Second corps formed, as it were, the shank of the
hook, which the Third, Sickles, was expected to prolong.
The Fifth, on arriving, took place behind the Third; and
the Sixth, when it appeared from the east, helped to make
secure the trains and sent aid elsewhere. The convex
formation presently proved to be of incalculable value,
enabling Meade to strengthen rapidly any threatened
point. Fronting their foe, the Confederates lay in a
parallel concave line, Ewell close at the curve and in the
town, and A. P. Hill on Seminary Ridge; this line Longstreet
prolonged southward, his right flank opposed to
Round Top. The concave formation was an embarrassment
to Lee—no reinforcements could reach threatened
points without making a wide circuit.</p>

<div id="ip_317" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 28.125em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_355.jpg" width="450" height="303" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">FIRST CORPS, SEMINARY RIDGE, 3.30 P.M., JULY 1, 1863<br />
  <span class="smaller">(From a print of the time)</span></div></div>

<p>When Meade, supposing that Sickles had prolonged
with the Third Corps the southward-stretching line, reviewed
the field, he found the Third Corps thrown out far
in advance, to the Emmittsburg road, which here passed
along a dominating ridge; the break in the continuity of
his line filled the general with alarm, but it was too late
to change. Whether or not Sickles blundered will not
be argued here. Meade condemned; other good authorities
have approved, among them Sheridan, who regarded
as just Sickles’ claim that the line marked out by
Meade was untenable.<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">257</a></p>

<p>What happened here will presently be told.</p>

<p>Lee, too, was out of harmony with Longstreet, his well-tried
second; and the first matter in dispute was the expediency
of fighting at all at Gettysburg. When Longstreet,
coming from Chambersburg, took in the situation,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">318</span>
he urged upon Lee, bent upon his battle, a turning of the
Federal left as better strategy, by which the Confederates
might interpose between Meade and Washington and
compel Meade to make the attack. Longstreet held Lee
to be perfect in defensive warfare; on the offensive, however,
he thought him “over-combative” and liable to
rashness.<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> Lee rejected the advice with a touch of irritation;
and when Longstreet, acquiescing, made a second
suggestion—namely, for a tactical turning of the Federal
left instead of a direct assault—Lee pronounced for the
assault in a manner so peremptory that Longstreet could
say no more. From first to last at Gettysburg, Longstreet
was ill at ease, in spite of which his blows fell like
those from the hammer of a war-god. The friends of
Lee have denounced him for a sluggishness and insubordination
that, as they claim, lost for them the
battle.<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> His defence of himself is earnest and pathetic,
of great weight as coming from one of the most
able and manful figures on either side in the Civil
War.</p>

<p>Of Longstreet’s three divisions, only one, that of
McLaws, was on hand with all its brigades on the forenoon
of July 2d. At noon arrived Law, completing
Hood’s division. Pickett’s division was still behind;
but in mid-afternoon, without waiting for him, Longstreet
attacked—Hood, with all possible energy, striking
Sickles in his far-advanced position and working dangerously
around his flank toward the Round Tops. Longstreet’s
generals, Hood and afterward Law (Hood falling
wounded in the first attack), though men of courage and
dash, assaulted only after having filed written protests,
feeling sure that the position could be easily turned and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">319</span>
gained with little fighting. But Lee had been peremptory,
and no choice was left.<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">260</a></p>

<div id="ip_319" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_359.jpg" width="500" height="632" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">POSITION, JULY 2, 2.30 P.M.</div></div>

<p>Gouverneur K. Warren, then chief-engineer of the Army
of the Potomac, despatched by Meade to the left during
the afternoon, found the Round Tops undefended. They
were plainly the key to the Federal position, offering
points which, if seized by the enemy, would make possible
an enfilading of the Federal line. Troops of the Twelfth<span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">320</span>
Corps, at first stationed there, had been withdrawn and
their places not supplied. There was not a moment to
lose. Even as he stood, Warren beheld in the opposite
woods the gleam of arms from Longstreet’s swift advance.
Leaping down from ledge to ledge, he met a brigade of
the Fifth Corps, just arrived and marching to the aid of
Sickles. These he diverted to the eyrie he had so lately
left; a battery, too, was dragged up over the rocks, and
none too soon. At that very moment the men of Hood
charged out of the valley, and the height was held only
by the most obstinate combat.</p>

<p>From the valley, meantime, came up a tumult of arms
which, as the sun threw its rays aslant, spread wider
and louder. Longstreet and A. P. Hill threw in upon
the Third Corps every man available; while, on the other
hand, Meade poured in to its support division after division
from the Fifth, and at last from the Second and Twelfth.<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">261</a>
About six o’clock Sickles fell wounded; by sunset his line
was everywhere forced back, though not in rout. By
dusk the Confederates had mastered all resistance in the
valley. But the line once reached which Meade had
originally designed, running north from Little Round
Top to Cemetery Ridge, retreat went no farther. That
line was not crossed by foot of foe. When night fell the
Round Tops were held firmly, while troops from the
Sixth Corps guarded the Union left. Nearer the centre
stood the Third and Fifth, much shattered but still defiant.
In a way, what had happened was but a rectification
of Meade’s line: the Confederates, indeed, had won
ground, but the losses they had inflicted were no more
appalling than those they had received.</p>

<p>Meantime, fighting no less determined and sanguinary
had taken place at the cemetery and Culp’s Hill. Lee’s
plan contemplated a simultaneous attack at the north
and south; but Ewell, at the north, was late in his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">321</span>
advance, and the intended effect of distracting the
Federals was wellnigh lost. The Louisiana brigade
dashed itself in vain against the height just above the
town. The Stonewall division fared better; for, the
Federal defenders being for the most part withdrawn,
they seized intrenchments on Culp’s Hill, penetrating far—for
Meade a most critical advance, since they came
within thirty rods of the Baltimore turnpike, where lay
his trains and reserve ammunition. The South has always
believed that, had Stonewall Jackson been there,
the Federal rear would have been reached, and rout and
capture made certain.</p>

<p>For both sides it had been a day of terrible experiences,
and for the Federals the outlook was perhaps more gloomy
than for their foes. On each flank the Confederates had
gained an advantage, and Lee probably felt a hopefulness
which the circumstances did not really justify. Meade
gathered his generals at midnight in council. It was in
a little room, but ten or twelve feet square, a group dust-covered
and sweat-stained, the strong faces sternly earnest.
Some sat on the bed; some stood; Warren, wounded,
stretched out on the floor, was overcome by sleep. There
was no vote but to fight it out on the morrow. In this
Meade acquiesced, carefully planning for a retreat, however,
should the need arise. To Gibbon, commanding the
Second Corps, placed between the wings, he said: “Your
turn will come to-morrow. To-day he has struck the
flanks; next, it will be the centre.”<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">262</a></p>

<p>Lee was drawn on by the success of the first day to
fight again on the second; his success on the second induced
him to try for the third time; but he had exhausted
his good-fortune. At earliest dawn of July 3, 1863, began
a wrestle for the possession of Culp’s Hill, Ewell
heavily reinforcing the Stonewall division which had
won footing there the night before, and the Twelfth<span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">322</span>
Corps as stubbornly struggling for the ground it had
lost. It was a fight of six hours, in which the extreme
northern wings of the two armies only were concerned.
The Federals won, at a heavy sacrifice of life.</p>

<div id="ip_322" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_362.jpg" width="500" height="546" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">POSITION, JULY 3, IN THE EARLY AFTERNOON</div></div>

<p>Elsewhere the armies rested, an ominous silence at last
reigning on the trampled and bloody field under the mid-day
sun. Meade and his soldiers knew that it portended
danger, and with a sure intuition the army chief was
watching with especial care the centre, as yet unassailed.
On the Confederate side, the unhappy Longstreet, at
odds with his chief as to the wisdom of the campaign
from the start, and disapproving both its strategy and
tactics, was now in deeper gloom than ever. Lee had
determined to assault the Federal centre, and by a cruel<span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">323</span>
turn of fate the blow must be struck by the reluctant
Longstreet. Of the three great Confederate corps, it
was only in Longstreet’s that a force remained as yet unwrung
by the fearful agonies of the last two days. Pickett’s
division, solidly Virginian, and in the eyes of Lee a Tenth
Legion in its valor, as yet had done nothing, and was to
bear the brunt of the attack. “What troops do you design
for the assault?” Longstreet had asked. Lee, having
indicated Pickett’s division of five thousand, with auxiliary
divisions, making an entire number in the charging
column of fifteen thousand, the Georgian burst out: “I
have been a soldier from the ground up. I have been
with soldiers engaged in fights by couples, by squads,
companies, regiments, armies, and should know as well
as any one what soldiers can do. It is my opinion that
no fifteen thousand men ever arrayed for battle can take
that position.”<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">263</a></p>

<p>But Lee was unmoved. Confident of success, he despatched
Stuart, arrived at last after his raid, so long
and futile, around beyond the Federal right. When the
Union centre should be broken and Meade thrown into
retreat, Stuart was to seize its only practicable route for
retreat, the Baltimore pike, and make the defeat decisive.</p>

<p>Meade, meantime, had managed warily and well. At
his centre stood Hancock, his best lieutenant. There were
massed the First and Second corps, with reserve troops at
hand ready to pour in at the word, with batteries bearing
upon front and flank, every approach guarded, every
man and horse on the alert. The provost guards, and in
the rear of all a regiment of cavalry, formed in line behind,
had orders to shoot any faint-hearts who, in the
crisis, should turn from the foe to flee.<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">264</a> At one o’clock
two signal-guns were heard on Seminary Ridge, upon
which followed a terrible cannonade, appalling but only
slightly harmful, for the waiting ranks found cover from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">324</span>
the missiles. Feeling sure that this was a prelude to
something more serious, the Federal chief relaxed his fire
to spare his ammunition. It was understood on the
other side that the Federal guns were silenced; and that
moment having been appointed as the time for the onset,
Pickett inquired of Longstreet if he should go forward.
Longstreet, convinced that the charge must fail, made
no reply, though the question was repeated. “I shall go
forward,” said Pickett, to which his general bowed his
head. Instantly was heard the footbeat of the fifteen
thousand, and the heavy-hearted Longstreet, mounting
his horse, rode out to behold the sacrifice. He has recorded
that the column passed him down the slope high-hearted,
buoyant, hopeful, Pickett riding gracefully, like
a holiday soldier, with cap set jauntily on his long, auburn
locks.<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">265</a></p>

<p>The silence of the Federal guns had been for a purpose.
As Pickett’s men appeared there was a sudden reopening
of their tumult; a deadly sequence from round-shot to
canister, and thence to the Minié-balls of the infantry.
The defenders now saw before them, as they peered
through the battle smoke from their shelter, a solid wedge
of men, the division of Pickett, flanked by masses on the
right and left commanded by Pettigrew and Wilcox.
The column approached, and visibly melted away. Of
Pickett’s commanders of brigades every one went down,
and their men lay literally in heaps beside them.</p>

<div class="poem-container">
<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
<span class="iq">“A thousand fell where Kemper led;<br /></span>
<span class="i0">A thousand died where Garnett bled;<br /></span>
<span class="i0">In blinding flame and strangling smoke<br /></span>
<span class="i0">The remnant through the batteries broke,<br /></span>
<span class="i0">And crossed the line with Armistead.”<br /></span>
</div></div>
</div>

<p class="in0">A hundred or so, led by Armistead, his cap held aloft on
his sword-point, actually penetrated the Federal line and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">325</span>
reached the “clump of trees” just beyond, holding for a
few moments a battery. Pettigrew and Trimble, just
north, struggled also for a footing. But the foothold
was only for a moment; on front and flank the Federals
converged, and the tide rolled slowly and heavily
rearward. For the South all hope of victory was
gone.</p>

<div id="ip_325" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 28.125em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_365.jpg" width="450" height="303" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">ATTACK OF PICKETT’S AND ANDERSON’S DIVISION<br />
 <span class="smaller">(From a print of the time)</span></div></div>

<p>As the broken and diminished multitude fell back to
Seminary Ridge, Lee rode out to meet them. He was
alone, his staff being all absent, in that supreme moment,
on desperate errands. His face was calm and resolute,
his voice confident but sympathetic as he exclaimed, “It
was all my fault; now help me to do what I can to save
what is left.” It casts a light on his character that even
in that hour he chided a young officer near for chastising
his horse: “Don’t whip him, captain. I’ve got just such
another foolish horse myself, and whipping does no good.”<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">266</a>
Longstreet declares Lee said again that night, about the
bivouac-fire: “It was all my fault. You ought not to
have made that last attack”; and that still again Lee
wrote to him at a later time, “If I had only taken your
advice, even on the 3d, and moved around the Federal
left, how different all might have been!”<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">267</a></p>

<p>Longstreet also records that he fully expected a counter-stroke
at once, and looked to his batteries, only to find the
ammunition exhausted; but they were his only reliance
for defence. The Federal cavalry, at that moment attacking
his right, occupied troops who might otherwise
have been brought to the centre.</p>

<p>Should there have been a counter-stroke? Hancock,
lying wounded almost to death in an ambulance, reasoned
that, because he had been struck by a tenpenny nail, the
Confederate ammunition must be exhausted; he had
strength to dictate an approval if the charge should be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">326</span>
ordered.<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">268</a> Lincoln always felt that it should have been
made, and lamented that he did not go to Gettysburg
himself and push matters on the field, as the crisis required.<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">269</a>
We can surmise what Grant would have done
had he instead of Meade, as the sun lowered, looked across
the valley from Cemetery Ridge. But the case may be
put strongly for Meade: with his best lieutenants dead
or wounded, worn out himself, whom else could he trust?
And, in the disorder of his line, how could he tell how
far his own army had been shattered in the desperate
fights, or what was Lee’s condition? It was only prudent
to let well enough alone. Nevertheless, a little of such
imprudence as his adversary was constantly showing
might perhaps have led to Lee’s complete destruction.<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">270</a>
During the three fearful days the Federals had lost 3155
killed, 14,529 wounded, 5365 missing—a total of about
23,000; the Confederates, 3903 killed, 18,735 wounded,
5425 missing—a total of about 28,000.<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">271</a></p>

<p>As it was, Lee stood defiantly on Seminary Ridge full
twenty-four hours longer. Then, gathering his army
about him, and calling in the cavalry which, during
Pickett’s charge, was receiving severe punishment on its
own account at the hands of Gregg and his division, he
slowly withdrew. Practically undisturbed, he crossed
the Potomac, followed with great deliberation by the army
that had conquered but failed to crush.</p>

<p>Lincoln’s disappointment was never greater than over
the lame outcome of Gettysburg. “We had them within
our grasp,” he cried. “We had only to stretch forth our
hands and they were ours, and nothing I could say or do<span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">327</span>
could make the army move. Our army held the War in
the hollow of their hand and they would not close it.”
The honor that fell to Meade for his splendid service was
deserved. While the criticism was violent he asked to
be relieved. But the better nature of the North made
itself evident at last, and he was retained. It was felt
that he had served his country most nobly, and, though
possibly falling short of the highest, deserved to be forever
cherished among the immortals.</p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN THE BATTLES OF<br />
GETTYSBURG AND VICKSBURG, 1863,<br />
AND APPOMATTOX, 1865</h3>

<p>1863. Surrender of Port Hudson. Conscription riots
in New York. The Confederate cavalry leader, General
Morgan, makes a raid into Indiana. Confederate victory
at Chickamauga. Federal victories of Chattanooga,
Lookout Mountain, and Missionary Ridge. Admission
of Nevada into the Union. The Archduke Maximilian,
of Austria, lands at Vera Cruz and assumes the crown of
Mexico, with the support of French troops.</p>

<p>1864. The Red River expedition. Grant supersedes
Halleck as commander-in-chief of the Federal armies.
Storming of Fort Pillow by the Confederates. General
Sherman begins his march on Atlanta. Battle of the
Wilderness. Battle of Spottsylvania Court-house. Second
battle of Cold Harbor. Siege of Petersburg. Sinking
of the Confederate cruiser <i>Alabama</i> by the <i>Kearsarge</i>.
Confederate raid into Maryland and Pennsylvania.
Federal naval victory of Mobile Bay. The Federals
occupy Atlanta. Battle of Winchester and Cedar Creek.
Abraham Lincoln re-elected President. Federal occupation
of Savannah.</p>

<p>1865. The Federals capture Fort Fisher. General Sherman<span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">328</span>
occupies Charleston. Organization of the Freedmen’s
Bureau. Battle of Five Forks. Occupation of
Petersburg and Richmond by the Federals, April 3rd.
Surrender of General Lee at Appomattox Court-House,
April 9th. Assassination of Abraham Lincoln, April 14th.
Andrew Johnson succeeds to the Presidency. Capture of
Jefferson Davis in Georgia. End of the Civil War.
Proclamation of amnesty. The Thirteenth Amendment,
abolishing slavery in the United States, becomes a part
of the Constitution.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">329</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XX" class="vspace">XX<br />

<span id="t_22" class="subhead">THE LAST SCENE—APPOMATTOX, 1865</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">When</span>, on the night of the 8th of April, 1865, the
cavalry corps of the Army of the Potomac reached
the two or three little houses that made up the settlement
at Appomattox Depot—the station on the South-side
Railroad that connects Appomattox Court-house with
the travelling world—it must have been nearly or quite
dark. At about nine o’clock or half-past, while standing
near the door of one of the houses, it occurred to me that
it might be well to try and get a clearer idea of our immediate
surroundings, as it was not impossible that we
might have hot work here or near here before the next
day fairly dawned upon us.</p>

<p>My “striker” had just left me with instructions to
have my horse fed, groomed, and saddled before daylight.
As he turned to go he paused and put this question, “Do
you think, Colonel, that we’ll get General Lee’s army
to-morrow?”</p>

<p>“I don’t know,” was my reply; “but we will have some
savage fighting if we don’t.”</p>

<p>As the sturdy young soldier said “Good-night, sir,”
and walked away, I knew that if the enlisted men of our
army could forecast the coming of the end so plainly,
there was little hope of the escape of the Army of Northern
Virginia.</p>

<p>I walked up the road a short distance, and looked carefully
about me to take my bearings. It was a mild spring
night, with a cloudy sky, and the soft, mellow smell of
earthiness in the atmosphere that not infrequently portends<span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">330</span>
rain. If rain came, then it might retard the arrival
of our infantry, which I knew General Sheridan was most
anxious should reach us at the earliest possible moment.
A short distance from where I stood was the encampment
of our headquarters escort, with its orderlies, grooms,
officers’ servants, and horses. Just beyond it could be
seen the dying camp-fires of a cavalry regiment, lying
close in to cavalry corps headquarters. This regiment
was in charge of between six and eight hundred prisoners,
who had fallen into our hands just at dark, as Generals
Custer and Devin, at the head of their respective cavalry
commands, had charged into the station and captured
four railway trains of commissariat supplies, which had
been sent here to await the arrival of the Confederate
army, together with twenty-six pieces of artillery. For
a few moments the artillery had greatly surprised and
astonished us, for its presence was entirely unexpected,
and as it suddenly opened on the charging columns of
cavalry it looked for a short time as though we might
have all unwittingly fallen upon a division of infantry.
However, it turned out otherwise. Our cavalry, after
the first recoil, boldly charged in among the batteries,
and the gunners, being without adequate support, sensibly
surrendered. The whole affair was for us a most gratifying
termination of a long day’s ride, as it must have
proved later on a bitter disappointment to the weary and
hungry Confederates pressing forward from Petersburg
and Richmond in the vain hope of escape from the
Federal troops, who were straining every nerve to overtake
them and compel a surrender. To-night the cavalry
corps was in their front and squarely across the road to
Lynchburg, and it was reasonably certain, should our
infantry get up in time on the morrow, that the almost
ceaseless marching and fighting of the last ten days
were to attain their legitimate result in the capitulation
of General Lee’s army.</p>

<p>As I stood there in the dark thinking over the work<span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">331</span>
of the twelve preceding days, it was borne in upon me
with startling emphasis that to-morrow’s sun would rise
big with the fate of the Southern Confederacy.</p>

<div id="ip_331" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 50em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_373.jpg" width="800" height="534" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">MAP OF THE APPOMATTOX CAMPAIGN</div></div>

<p>Just before daylight on the morning of the 9th of
April, I sat down to a cup of coffee, but had hardly begun
to drink it when I heard the ominous sound of a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">332</span>
scattering skirmish fire, apparently in the direction of
Appomattox Court-house. Hastily swallowing what remained
of the coffee, I reported to General Sheridan, who
directed me to go to the front at once. Springing into
the saddle, I galloped up the road, my heart being greatly
lightened by a glimpse of two or three infantrymen standing
near a camp-fire close by the depot—convincing proof
that our hoped-for reinforcements were within supporting
distance.</p>

<p>It was barely daylight as I sped along, but before I
reached the cavalry brigade of Colonel C. H. Smith, that
held the main road between Appomattox Court-house
and Lynchburg, a distance of about two miles northeast
from Appomattox Depot, the enemy had advanced to
the attack, and the battle had opened. When ordered
into position late the preceding night, Colonel Smith had
felt his way in the dark as closely as possible to Appomattox
Court-house, and at or near midnight had halted
on a ridge, on which he had thrown up a breastwork of
rails. This he occupied by dismounting his brigade, and
also with a section of horse-artillery, at the same time
protecting both his flanks by a small mounted force. As
the enemy advanced to the attack in the dim light of
early dawn he could not see the led horses of our cavalry,
which had been sent well to the rear, and was evidently
at a loss to determine what was in his front. The result
was that after the first attack he fell back to get his artillery
in position, and to form a strong assaulting column
against what must have seemed to him a line of infantry.
This was most fortunate for us, for by the time he again
advanced in full force, and compelled the dismounted
cavalry to slowly fall back by weight of numbers, our infantry
was hurrying forward from Appomattox Depot
(which place it had reached at four o’clock in the morning),
and we had gained many precious minutes. At
this time most of our cavalry was fighting dismounted,
stubbornly retiring. But the Confederates at last realized<span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">333</span>
that there was nothing but a brigade of dismounted
cavalry and a few batteries of horse-artillery in their
immediate front, and pushed forward grimly and determinedly,
driving the dismounted troopers slowly
ahead of them.</p>

<p>I had gone to the left of the road, and was in a piece
of woods with some of our cavalrymen (who by this time
had been ordered to fall back to their horses and give
place to our infantry, which was then coming up), when
a couple of rounds of canister tore through the branches
just over my head. Riding back to the edge of the woods
in the direction from which the shots came, I found myself
within long pistol range of a section of a battery of
light artillery. It was in position near a country road
that came out of another piece of woods about two hundred
yards in its rear, and was pouring a rapid fire into
the woods from which I had just emerged. As I sat on
my horse quietly watching it from behind a rail fence,
the lieutenant commanding the pieces saw me, and, riding
out for a hundred yards or more toward where I was,
proceeded to cover me with his revolver. We fired together—a
miss on both sides. The second shot was uncomfortably
close, so far as I was concerned, but as I took
deliberate aim for the third shot I became aware that in
some way his pistol was disabled; for using both hands
and all his strength I saw that he could not cock it. I
had him covered, and had he turned I think I should
have fired. He did nothing of the sort. Apparently
accepting his fate, he laid his revolver across the pommel
of his saddle, fronted me quietly and coolly, and looked
me steadily in the face. The whole thing had been
something in the nature of a duel, and I felt that to fire
under the circumstances savored too much of murder.
Besides, I knew that at a word from him the guns would
have been trained on me where I sat. He, too, seemed
to appreciate the fact that it was an individual fight, and
manfully and gallantly forbore to call for aid; so, lowering<span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">334</span>
and uncocking my pistol, I replaced it in my holster, and
shook my fist at him, which action he cordially reciprocated,
and then, turning away, I rode back into the
woods.</p>

<p>About this time the enemy’s artillery ceased firing, and
I again rode rapidly to the edge of the woods, just in time
to see the guns limber up and retire down the wood road
from which they had come. The lieutenant in command
saw me and stopped. We simultaneously uncovered,
waved our hats to each other, and bowed. I have always
thought he was one of the bravest men I ever faced.</p>

<p>I rode back again, passing through our infantry line,
intending to go to the left and find the cavalry, which I
knew would be on the flank somewhere. Suddenly I became
conscious that firing had ceased along the whole
line.</p>

<p>I had not ridden more than a hundred yards when I
heard some one calling my name. Turning, I saw one of
the headquarters aides, who came galloping up, stating
that he had been hunting for me for the last fifteen minutes,
and that General Sheridan wished me to report to
him at once. I followed him rapidly to the right on the
wood path in the direction from which he had come.</p>

<p>As soon as I could get abreast of him I asked if he
knew what the general wanted me for.</p>

<p>Turning in his saddle, with his eyes fairly ablaze, he
said: “Why, don’t you know? A white flag.”</p>

<p>All I could say was, “Really?”</p>

<p>He answered by a nod; and then we leaned toward
each other and shook hands; but nothing else was said.</p>

<p>A few moments more and we were out of the woods in
the open fields. I saw the long line of battle of the
Fifth Army Corps halted, the men standing at rest, the
standards being held butt on earth, and the flags floating
out languidly on the spring breeze. As we passed them I
noticed that the officers had generally grouped themselves
in front of the centre of their regiments, sword in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">335</span>
hand, and were conversing in low tones. The men were
leaning wearily on their rifles, in the position of parade
rest. All were anxiously looking to the front, in the
direction toward which the enemy’s line had withdrawn,
for the Confederates had fallen back into a little swale
or valley beyond Appomattox Court-house, and were
not then visible from this part of our line.</p>

<p>We soon came up to General Sheridan and his staff.
They were dismounted, sitting on the grass by the side
of a broad country road that led to the Court-house. This
was about one or two hundred yards distant, and, as we
afterward found, consisted of the court-house, a small
tavern, and eight or ten houses, all situated on this same
road or street.</p>

<p>Conversation was carried on in a low tone, and I was
told of the blunder of one of the Confederate regiments
in firing on the general and staff after the flag of truce
had been accepted. I also heard that General Lee was
then up at the little village awaiting the arrival of General
Grant, to whom he had sent a note, through General
Sheridan, requesting a meeting to arrange terms of surrender.
Colonel Newhall, of our headquarters staff, had
been despatched in search of General Grant, and might
be expected up at almost any moment.</p>

<p>It was, perhaps, something more than an hour and a
half later, to the best of my recollection, that General
Grant, accompanied by Colonel Newhall, and followed
by his staff, came rapidly riding up to where we were
standing by the side of the road, for we had all risen at
his approach. When within a few yards of us he drew
rein, and halted in front of General Sheridan, acknowledged
our salute, and then, leaning slightly forward in
his saddle, said, in his usual quiet tone, “Good-morning,
Sheridan; how are you?”</p>

<p>“First-rate, thank you, General,” was the reply.
“How are you?”</p>

<p>General Grant nodded in return, and said, “Is General<span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">336</span>
Lee up there?” indicating the court-house by a
glance.</p>

<p>“Yes,” was the response, “he’s there.” And then
followed something about the Confederate Army, but I
did not clearly catch the import of the sentence.</p>

<p>“Very well, then,” said General Grant. “Let’s go up.”</p>

<p>General Sheridan, together with a few selected officers
of his staff, mounted and joined General Grant and staff.
Together they rode to Mr. McLean’s house, a plain two-story
brick residence in the village, to which General Lee
had already repaired, and where he was known to be
awaiting General Grant’s arrival. Dismounting at the
gate, the whole party crossed the yard, and the senior
officers present went up onto the porch which protected
the front of the house. It extended nearly across the
entire house and was railed in, except where five or six
steps led up the centre opposite the front door, which was
flanked by two small wooden benches, placed close against
the house on either side of the entrance. The door
opened into a hall that ran the entire length of the house,
and on either side of it was a single room with a window
in each end of it, and two doors, one at the front and
one at the rear of each of the rooms, opening on the hall.
The room to the left, as you entered, was the parlor, and
it was in this room that General Lee was awaiting General
Grant’s arrival.</p>

<p>As General Grant stepped onto the porch he was met
by Colonel Babcock, of his staff, who had in the morning
been sent forward with a message to General Lee. He
had found him resting at the side of the road, and had
accompanied him to Mr. McLean’s house.</p>

<p>General Grant went into the house, accompanied by
General Rawlins, his chief of staff; General Seth Williams,
his adjutant-general; General Rufus Ingalls, his quarter-master-general;
and his two aides, General Horace Porter
and Lieutenant-Colonel Babcock. After a little time General
Sheridan; General M. R. Morgan, General Grant’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">337</span>
chief commissary; Lieutenant-Colonel Ely Parker, his
military secretary; Lieutenant-Colonel T. S. Bowers, one
of his assistant adjutant-generals; and Captain Robert
T. Lincoln and Adam Badeau, aides-de-camp, went into
the house at General Grant’s express invitation, sent out,
I believe, through Colonel Babcock, who came to the
hall-door for the purpose, and they were, I was afterward
told, formally presented to General Lee. After a
lapse of a few more minutes quite a number of these
officers, including General Sheridan, came out into the
hall and onto the porch, leaving General Grant and
General Lee, Generals Rawlins, Ingalls, Seth Williams,
and Porter, and Lieutenant-Colonels Babcock, Ely Parker,
and Bowers, together with Colonel Marshall, of
General Lee’s staff, in the room, while the terms of the
surrender were finally agreed upon and formally signed.
These were the only officers, therefore, who were actually
present at the official surrender of the Army of Northern
Virginia.</p>

<p>After quite a length of time Colonel Babcock came to
the door again, opened it, and glanced out. As he did
so he placed his forage-cap on one finger, twirled it
around, and nodded to us all, as much as to say, “It’s all
settled,” and said something in a low tone to General
Sheridan. Then they, accompanied by General E. O. C.
Ord, the commanding-general of the Army of the James,
who had just ridden up to the house, entered the house
together, the hall-door partly closed again after them,
leaving quite a number of us staff-officers upon the porch.</p>

<p>While the conference between Generals Grant and Lee
was still in progress, Generals Merritt and Custer, of the
Cavalry Corps, and several of the infantry generals, together
with the rest of General Sheridan’s staff-officers,
came into the yard, and some of them came up on the
porch. Colonel Babcock came out once more, and General
Merritt went back to the room with him at his request;
but most, if not all, of the infantry generals left<span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">338</span>
us and went back to their respective commands while
the conference was still in progress and before it ended.</p>

<p>Just to the right of the house, as we faced it on entering,
stood a soldierly looking orderly in a tattered gray
uniform, holding three horses—one a fairly well-bred-looking
gray, in good heart, though thin in flesh, which,
from the accoutrements, I concluded belonged to General
Lee; the others, a thoroughbred bay and a fairly
good brown, were undoubtedly those of the staff-officer
who had accompanied General Lee and of the orderly
himself. He was evidently a sensible soldier, too, for
as he held the bridles he baited the animals on the young
grass, and they ate as though they needed all they had
a chance to pick up.</p>

<p>I cannot say exactly how long the conference between
Generals Grant and Lee lasted, but after quite a while,
certainly more than two hours, I became aware from the
movement of chairs within that it was about to break
up. I had been sitting on the top step of the porch,
writing in my field note-book, but I closed it at once,
and, stepping back on the porch, leaned against the railing
nearly opposite and to the left of the door, and expectantly
waited. As I did so the inner door slowly
opened, and General Lee stood before me. As he paused
for a few seconds, framed in by the doorway, ere he slowly
and deliberately stepped out upon the porch, I took
my first and last look at the great Confederate chieftain.
This is what I saw: A finely formed man, apparently
about sixty years of age, well above the average height,
with a clear, ruddy complexion—just then suffused by
a deep-crimson flush that, rising from his neck, overspread
his face and even slightly tinged his broad forehead,
which, bronzed where it had been exposed to the
weather, was clear and beautifully white where it had
been shielded by his hat—deep-brown eyes, a firm but
well-shaped Roman nose, abundant gray hair, silky and
fine in texture, with a full gray beard and mustache,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">339</span>
neatly trimmed and not over-long, but which, nevertheless,
almost completely concealed his mouth. A
splendid uniform of Confederate gray cloth, that had
evidently seen but little service, was closely buttoned
about him and fitted him to perfection. An exquisitely
mounted sword, attached to a gold-embroidered Russia-leather
belt, trailed loosely on the floor at his side, and
in his right hand he carried a broad-brimmed, soft, gray
felt hat, encircled by a golden cord, while in his left he
held a pair of buckskin gauntlets. Booted and spurred,
still vigorous and erect, he stood bareheaded, looking out
of the open doorway, sad-faced and weary—a soldier and
a gentleman, bearing himself in defeat with an all-unconscious
dignity that sat well upon him.</p>

<p>The moment the open door revealed the Confederate
commander, each officer present sprang to his feet, and
as General Lee stepped out onto the porch every hand
was raised in military salute. Placing his hat on his
head, he mechanically but courteously returned it, and
slowly crossed the porch to the head of the steps leading
down to the yard, meanwhile keeping his eyes intently
fixed in the direction of the little valley over beyond the
Court-house in which his army lay. Here he paused
and slowly drew on his gauntlets, smiting his gloved
hands into each other several times after doing so, evidently
utterly oblivious of his surroundings. Then, apparently
recalling his thoughts, he glanced deliberately
right and left, and, not seeing his horse, he called, in a
hoarse, half-choked voice, “Orderly! Orderly!”</p>

<p>“Here, General, here!” was the quick response. The
alert young soldier was holding the general’s horse near
the side of the house. He had taken out the bit, slipped
the bridle over the horse’s neck, and the wiry gray was
eagerly grazing on the fresh young grass about him.</p>

<p>Descending the steps, the general passed to the left
of the house and stood in front of his horse’s head while
he was being bridled. As the orderly was buckling the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">340</span>
throat-latch, the general reached up and drew the fore-lock
out from under the brow-band, parted and smoothed
it, and then gently patted the gray charger’s forehead in
an absent-minded way, as one who loves horses but
whose thoughts are far away might all unwittingly do.
Then, as the orderly stepped aside, he caught up the
bridle-reins in his left hand, and, seizing the pommel of
the saddle with the same hand, he caught up the slack
of the reins in his right hand, and placing it on the cantle
he put his foot in the stirrup and swung himself slowly
and wearily, but nevertheless firmly, into the saddle (the
old dragoon mount), letting his right hand rest for an
instant or two on the pommel as he settled into his seat,
and as he did so there broke unguardedly from his lips a
long, low, deep sigh, almost a groan in its intensity, while
the flush on his neck and face seemed, if possible, to take
on a little deeper hue.</p>

<p>Shortly after General Lee passed down the steps he
was followed by an erect, slightly built, soldierly looking
officer, in a neat but somewhat worn gray uniform, a
man with an anxious and thoughtful face, wearing spectacles,
who glanced neither to the right nor left, keeping
his eyes straight before him. Notwithstanding this, I
doubt if he missed anything within the range of his vision.
This officer, I was afterward told, was Colonel Marshall,
one of the Confederate adjutants-general, the member of
General Lee’s staff whom he had selected to accompany
him.</p>

<p>As soon as the colonel had mounted, General Lee drew
up his reins, and, with the colonel riding on his left and
followed by the orderly, moved at a slow walk across the
yard toward the gate.</p>

<div id="ip_340" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 24.5em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_383.jpg" width="392" height="594" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">DEPARTURE OF GENERAL LEE AFTER THE SURRENDER</div></div>

<p>Just as they started, General Grant came out of the
house, crossed the porch, and passed down the steps into
the yard. At this time he was nearly forty-two years of
age, of middle height, not over-weighted with flesh, but,
nevertheless, stockily and sturdily built, with light complexion,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">341</span>
mild, gray-blue eyes, finely formed Grecian nose,
an iron-willed mouth, brown hair, full brown beard with
a tendency toward red rather than black, and in his
manner and all his movements there was a strength of
purpose, a personal poise, and a cool, quiet air of dignity,
decision, and soldierly confidence that were very good
to see. On this occasion he wore a plain blue army
blouse, with shoulder-straps set with three silver stars
equidistant, designating his rank as lieutenant-general
commanding the armies of the United States; it was unbuttoned,
showing a blue military vest, over which and
under his blouse was buckled a belt, but he was without
a sword. His trousers were dark blue and tucked into
top-boots, which were without spurs, but heavily splashed
with mud, for, once he knew that General Lee was waiting
for him at Appomattox Court-house, he had ridden rapidly
across the country, over road and field and through
woods, to meet him. He wore a peculiar, stiff-brimmed,
sugar-loaf-crowned, campaign hat of black felt, and his
uniform was partly covered by a light-weight, dark-blue,
waterproof, semi-military cloak, with a full cape, unbuttoned
and thrown back, showing the front of his uniform,
for while the day had developed into warm, bright, and
beautifully sunny weather, the early morning had been
damp, slightly foggy, and presaged rain.</p>

<p>As he reached the foot of the steps and started across
the yard to the fence where, inside the gate, the orderlies
were holding his horse and those of several of his staff-officers,
General Lee, on his way to the gate, rode across
his path. Stopping suddenly, General Grant looked up,
and both generals simultaneously raised their hands in
military salute. After General Lee had passed, General
Grant crossed the yard and sprang lightly and quickly
into his saddle. He was riding his splendid bay horse
Cincinnati, and it would have been difficult to find a
firmer seat, a lighter hand, or a better rider in either army.</p>

<p>As he was about to go out of the gate he halted, turned<span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">342</span>
his horse, and rode at a walk toward the porch of the
house, where, among others, stood General Sheridan and
myself. Stopping in front of the general, he said, “Sheridan,
where will you make your headquarters to-night?”</p>

<p>“Here, or near here; right here in this yard, probably,”
was the reply.</p>

<p>“Very well, then; I’ll know where to find you in case
I wish to communicate. Good-day.”</p>

<p>“Good-day, General,” was the response, and with a
military salute General Grant turned and rode away.</p>

<p>As he rode forward and halted at the porch to make
this inquiry, I had my wished-for opportunity, but my
eyes sought his face in vain for any indication of what
was passing in his mind. Whatever may have been
there, as Colonel Newhall has well written, “not a muscle
of his face told tales on his thoughts”; and if he felt any
elation, neither his voice, features, nor his eyes betrayed
it. Once out of the gate, General Grant, followed by his
staff, turned to the left and moved off at a rapid trot.</p>

<p>General Lee continued on his way toward his army
at a walk, to be received by his devoted troops with
cheers and tears, and to sit down and pen a farewell order
that, to this day, no old soldier of the Army of Northern
Virginia can read without moistening eyes and swelling
throat.</p>

<p>General Grant, on his way to his field headquarters on
this eventful Sunday evening, dismounted, sat quietly
down by the roadside, and wrote a short and simple despatch,
which a galloping aide bore at full speed to the
nearest telegraph station. On its reception in the nation’s
capital this despatch was flashed over the wires to every
hamlet in the country, causing every steeple in the
North to rock to its foundation, and sending one tall,
gaunt, sad-eyed, weary-hearted man in Washington to
his knees, thanking God that he had lived to see the
beginning of the end, and that he had at last been vouchsafed
the assurance that he had led his people aright.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">343</span></p>

<h3 class="syn">SYNOPSIS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY<br />
MILITARY, BETWEEN APPOMATTOX, 1865,<br />
AND THE BATTLES OF MANILA BAY<br />
AND SANTIAGO DE CUBA, 1898</h3>

<p>1866. The Civil Rights Bill is passed over President
Johnson’s veto. Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment
granting political rights to the negro. (This amendment
was proclaimed part of the Constitution in 1868.)
Successful establishment of ocean telegraphy between
Europe and America. Fenian raid into Canada.</p>

<p>1867. Admission of Nebraska into the Union. Passage
of the Reconstruction Act. Purchase of Alaska from
Russia. Dominion of Canada constituted. Maximilian,
abandoned by the French in Mexico, is captured and
shot.</p>

<p>1868. Impeachment and trial of President Johnson.
The impeachment fails. Ulysses S. Grant elected President.
Outbreak of Cuban insurrection.</p>

<p>1869. Adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment prohibiting
the States from denying the right to vote to any citizen
of the United States on account of race or color.
(This amendment was proclaimed a part of the Constitution
in 1870.) Completion of the Pacific Railway.</p>

<p>1870. Completion of reconstruction in the Southern
States. Death of Lee and Farragut.</p>

<p>1871. Treaty of Washington for the settlement of the
“Alabama” Claims. Great Fire in Chicago. Hall’s Arctic
Expedition reaches lat. 82° 16´.</p>

<p>1872. The Geneva Tribunal makes an award to the
United States on account of the “Alabama” Claims.
The Emperor of Germany decides San Juan boundary
question. Ulysses S. Grant re-elected President. Outbreak
of the Modoc War.</p>

<p>1873. Surrender of the Modocs. Capture of the American<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">344</span>
steamer <i>Virginius</i> by a Spanish gunboat. Surrender
of the <i>Virginius</i>. Financial Panic.</p>

<p>1874. President Grant vetoes Inflation Bill. Race riots
in the Southern States.</p>

<p>1875. Supplementary Civil Rights Bill passed.</p>

<p>1876. The Custer Massacre by the Sioux Indians.
Admission of Colorado into the Union. Disputed Presidential
Election (Hayes, Republican, and Tilden,
Democrat). The Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia.
Invention of the Telephone.</p>

<p>1877. The Electoral Commission awards the Presidency
to Rutherford B. Hayes. Great Labor Strike throughout
the United States. Campaign against the Nez Percé
Indians.</p>

<p>1878. End of the Ten Years’ War in Cuba. China sends
a minister to Washington for the first time.</p>

<p>1879. Resumption of Specie Payment in the United
States.</p>

<p>1880. James A. Garfield elected President. Treaty
with China relative to the restriction of Chinese Immigration.</p>

<p>1881. Assassination of James A. Garfield. Chester A.
Arthur succeeds to the Presidency. Construction of the
Panama Canal begun by the French.</p>

<p>1882. Verdict in the Star Route case.</p>

<p>1883. Passage of the Civil Service Bill. Northern
Pacific Railroad opened.</p>

<p>1884. Grover Cleveland elected President.</p>

<p>1885. United States government guarantees transit
across Isthmus of Panama threatened by insurgents, and
enforces this with troops.</p>

<p>1886. Extensive Labor Strikes in the United States.
The “Haymarket” Anarchists’ riot at Chicago. Earthquake
at Charleston. Anti-Chinese riots in Seattle. Railroad
riots in the West. United States troops ordered to
St. Louis. Act passed to increase navy.</p>

<p>1887. Interstate Commerce Bill passed. Centennial Celebration<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">345</span>
of the Constitution. Execution of the Chicago
“Haymarket” Anarchists. Blizzard throughout the
northwestern section of the United States.</p>

<p>1888. Blizzard in the East. Benjamin Harrison elected
President. Dakota divided into North and South Dakota.</p>

<p>1889. Wreck of the U. S. steamers <i>Trenton</i>, <i>Vandalia</i>,
and <i>Nipsic</i> at the Samoan Islands. The territory of
Oklahoma opened for settlement. Flood at Johnstown,
Pennsylvania. Centennial celebration of Washington’s
inauguration. Admission of North and South Dakota
into the Union; also of Montana and Washington. Department
of Agriculture created.</p>

<p>1890. The McKinley Tariff Bill passed. Admission of
Wyoming into the Union. The Mormon Church formally
abandons Polygamy.</p>

<p>1891. The Pine Ridge Indian outbreak. Seizure of the
Chilian insurgent steamer <i>Itata</i>. Assault upon sailors
of the U. S. Cruiser <i>Baltimore</i> at Valparaiso.</p>

<p>1892. An Ultimatum submitted to Chili; the latter
country makes an apology and pays an indemnity. The
Homestead Labor Riots in Pennsylvania. Railroad
riots at Buffalo. National Guard ordered out. Grover
Cleveland elected President.</p>

<p>1893. Opening of the World’s Columbian Exposition
at Chicago. Admission of Utah and Arizona into the
Union.</p>

<p>1894. Great Railway Strike at Chicago. President
Cleveland recognizes the new Republic of Hawaii. <i>Kearsarge</i>
lost on Roncador Reef.</p>

<p>1895. Steamship <i>Alliance</i> fired upon by a Spanish
Cruiser. Spain apologizes. Spain declares martial law
in Cuba. Cuban revolutionists proclaim independence,
adopt a constitution, establish a republican government,
and unfurl the flag of the revolution of 1868–78. Message
of President Cleveland regarding the boundary dispute
between Great Britain and Venezuela.</p>

<p>1896. William McKinley elected President. President<span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">346</span>
Cleveland issues a proclamation against the Cuban
Filibusters. International Arbitration Congress meets
at Washington.</p>

<p>1897. The United States recognizes the belligerency of
the Cuban insurgents. Venezuela boundary treaty ratified.
Hawaii annexed to the United States.</p>

<p>1898. The U. S. battle-ship <i>Maine</i> is blown up in Havana
Harbor, with great loss of life, on the night of February 15th.
On April 20th Congress directs the President to intervene
between Spain and Cuba. On April 23d the President
issues a call for one hundred and twenty-five thousand
volunteers, and on April 26th Congress authorizes an increase
of the regular army to 61,919 officers and men.
On April 25th Congress declares war between Spain and
the United States as existing since April 21st.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_347">347</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XXI" class="vspace">XXI<br />

<span id="t_23" class="subhead">THE BATTLE OF MANILA BAY, 1898</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">For</span> more than a century the island of Cuba had been
an object of peculiar interest and concern to the
United States.<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> During the first part of the nineteenth
century the fear was that Cuba might be acquired by
Great Britain or France, and thus a strong European
power would be established at the very gate of the
American republic. Manifestly, it was then the policy
of the United States to guarantee the possession of the
island to Spain. But after the Mexican War the idea of
exterritorial expansion entered more and more largely
into American statesmanship. The South looked upon
Cuba as a desirable addition to slave-holding territory,
and it was apparent to every eye that the island occupied
an all-important strategic position in relation to the proposed
canal routes across the Isthmus of Panama.</p>

<p>In 1822 propositions for annexation came from Cuba
to the United States, and Monroe sent an agent to investigate.
Later, annexation was a recurrent subject
favored by the South, which saw a field for the extension
of slavery. In 1848 the American minister at Madrid
was instructed by President Polk to sound the Spanish
government upon the question of sale or cession. But
Spain declined even to consider such a proposition. In
1854 the so-called “Ostend Manifesto,” drawn up by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">348</span>
James Buchanan, John Y. Mason, and Pierre Soulé (respectively
United States ministers to England, France,
and Spain), declared in plain language that the “Union
can never enjoy repose nor possess reliable security as
long as Cuba is not embraced within its boundaries.” It
went on to advise the seizing of the coveted territory in
case Spain refused to sell. The administration of President
Pierce never directly sanctioned the proposition
advanced in such extraordinary terms, and Marcy, the
Secretary of State, repudiated it unqualifiedly. So the
matter fell again into abeyance until in 1873 the <i>Virginius</i>,
an American schooner suspected of conveying
arms and ammunition to the Cuban insurgents, was captured
by a Spanish gunboat and taken to Havana. As a
result of the trial, many insurgents, together with six British
subjects and thirty American citizens, were executed.
For a time international complications seemed certain,
but finally Spain made proper apologies and surrendered
the <i>Virginius</i> and the survivors of her crew.</p>

<p>The Cuban “Ten Years’ War,” from 1868 to 1878, was
characterized by great cruelty and destructive losses of
life and property in which American interests were now
deeply involved. President Grant seriously considered
and even threatened intervention, which would have
meant annexation; but Spain promised definite reforms,
and the old conditions were continued.</p>

<p>When the insurrection of 1895 began, American citizens
owned at least fifty millions of property in the island,
and American commerce amounted to a hundred millions
annually. Both on the Spanish and Cuban side outrages
were of daily occurrence, and the situation quickly became
intolerable. The McKinley administration ventured
upon a mild remonstrance against the inhumanities
of Captain-General Weyler, and the Spanish authorities
replied evasively. Finally the United States formally
offered its good offices for the adjustment of Cuban affairs,
presumably on a basis of independence. Spain declared<span class="pagenum" id="Page_349">349</span>
that it was her intention to grant autonomy to the island,
and the decree was actually published on November 27,
1897. But it was now too late, and the unhappy conditions
grew worse day by day.</p>

<p>There had been riots at Havana itself, and it was
thought advisable to send the United States cruiser <i>Maine</i>
on a friendly visit to that port. The <i>Maine</i> arrived at
Havana on January 25, 1898. On the night of February
15th the <i>Maine</i> was blown up while lying at her harbor
moorings, with a ghastly loss of life. The American Court
of Inquiry found that the ship was destroyed from the
outside; the Spanish inquiry resulted in a verdict that
the ship was destroyed from causes within herself. At
the time there was an outburst of passion throughout
the United States, and Spain was held guilty of an atrocious
crime. While the exact cause of the disaster has never
been finally determined, it is the verdict of calmer and
more distant consideration that official Spain must be
acquitted, although the belief remains on the part of
the American naval authorities that the <i>Maine</i> was blown
up from outside. At the time, however, this tragedy
powerfully reinforced the efforts of Cubans and the pressure
of financial interests to secure American support.
When Senator Redfield Proctor, of Vermont, a man of
peculiarly dispassionate temperament, made public his
account of the suffering which he had witnessed among the
<i xml:lang="es" lang="es">reconcentrados</i> (collections of native Cubans, particularly
women and children, herded together by Spanish troops),
the sympathies of Americans were stirred even more
deeply. Ministers preached intervention from their pulpits.
Many newspapers demanded intervention. Yellow
journals clamored for an ultimatum backed by arms.
Congress was carried away by the wave of intense feeling,
although President McKinley thought that a solution
could be reached without an appeal to arms—a belief in
which the final verdict of history will probably agree, although
it was inevitable that Spain should resign control<span class="pagenum" id="Page_350">350</span>
of Cuba. But the President was powerless against
the popular sentiment.</p>

<p>On April 25th war with Spain was formally declared,
and for the first time in over three-quarters of a century
the republic of the West found itself arrayed in arms
against a European nation.</p>

<p>The situation had its peculiar features. It had been
assumed that the principal theatre of conflict would be
the island of Cuba, and consequently the American campaign
must be one of invasion. But the Spaniards, owing
to the civil war in the colony, were in virtually the same
position—fighting at a distance from their base of supplies.</p>

<p>In material resources the United States ranked immeasurably
superior. True, the numerical strength of the regular
army was small, but behind it stood thousands of
State militia and millions of available reserves. Moreover,
the United States was classed among the richest of nations
and Spain among the poorest. So far as the land operations
were concerned, the final issue could not be doubtful.</p>

<p>In naval strength, however, there was less disparity.
On paper the United States ranked sixth among the
world powers, while Spain occupied eighth place. But
the United States, with its thousands of miles of coast on
both the Atlantic and the Pacific seaboards, was unquestionably
vulnerable. Coast defences were admittedly
inadequate, and it was conceivable that one swift dash
by a Spanish squadron might endanger millions of property
at Boston, New York, and Baltimore; at San
Francisco, Portland, and Seattle.</p>

<p>The situation on the Pacific coast seemed even more
delicate than that on the Eastern seaboard. There was a
formidable Spanish squadron at Manila in the Philippine
Islands, and all depended upon the fighting ability of the
American Pacific fleet; if Dewey failed, the Western States
of America were absolutely at the mercy of the enemy.</p>

<p>For more than a month Commodore Dewey had lain
with his fleet in the harbor of Hong-Kong, waiting for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">351</span>
events to shape themselves. In anticipation of the coming
strife, and the consequent declaration of neutrality
on the part of Great Britain, the American commander
had purchased two transport steamers, together with
ten thousand tons of coal. He was thus prepared for
prompt and decisive action.</p>

<p>War had been declared on April 25th, and the American
squadron immediately left Hong-Kong for Mirs Bay,
some thirty miles away. On April 26th Commodore
Dewey received the following despatch:</p>

<blockquote>
<p class="sigright">
“<span class="smcap">Washington</span>, <i>April 26</i>.
</p>

<p>“<span class="smcap">Dewey, Asiatic Squadron</span>,—Commence operations at
once, particularly against the Spanish fleet. You must capture
or destroy them.</p>

<p class="sigright">
<span class="smcap">McKinley.</span>”
</p></blockquote>

<p>On April 27th the American fleet sailed for Manila, six
hundred and twenty-eight miles away, and on the morning
of Saturday, April 30th, Luzon was sighted, and the
ships were ordered to clear for action.</p>

<p>Under Commodore George Dewey were the <i>Olympia</i>,
the <i>Boston</i>, the <i>Petrel</i>, the <i>Concord</i>, the <i>Raleigh</i>, and the
<i>Baltimore</i>. The only armored vessel in the squadron was
the <i>Olympia</i>, the protecting belting, four inches thick,
being around the turret guns. The auxiliary force was
made up of the revenue-cutter <i>McCulloch</i> and two transports,
the <i>Vaughan</i> and the <i>Zafiro</i>. Altogether, the
American fighting force included four cruisers, two gunboats,
fifty-seven classified big guns, seventy-four rapid-fire
and machine guns, and 1808 men. On the other side,
Rear-Admiral Montojo commanded seven cruisers, five
gunboats, two torpedo-boats, fifty-two classified big
guns, eighty-three rapid-fire and machine guns, and 1948
men. It will thus be seen that the Americans mounted
a few more heavy guns, but the Spanish had several
more ships and over a hundred more men. Moreover,
the Spanish ships were assisted by the fort and land batteries<span class="pagenum" id="Page_352">352</span>
at Manila, and they also possessed the great advantage
of range-marks. Finally, the ship-channels were
supposed to be amply protected by mines and submarine
batteries. After satisfying himself that the ships of the
enemy were not in Subig Bay, Commodore Dewey resolved
to enter Manila Bay the same night. It was
known that the channel had been mined, but that risk
must be taken. With all lights except the stern ones
extinguished, the American vessels steamed steadily onward;
finally, Corregidor Island, with its lofty light-house,
came into view, and the fleet swept into the main ship-channel
known as the Boca Grande.</p>

<p>Up to this point no sign had been made by the enemy
that the approach of the American ships had been discovered,
although the night was moonlit and it was only
a little after eleven o’clock. Then a fireman on the
<i>McCulloch</i> threw some soft coal in the furnace and a
shower of sparks flew from the cutter’s funnel. A solitary
rocket ascended from Corregidor, and there was an answering
light from the mainland. At a quarter-past
eleven a bugle sounded, and from the shore batteries
came a blinding glare, followed by the boom of a heavy
gun—the first shot of the Spanish-American War.</p>

<p>The <i>Raleigh</i> had the honor of replying for the American
side, and the <i>Boston</i> followed quickly. A well-aimed six-inch
shell from the <i>Concord</i> plumped into the Spanish
fort; there was a crash and a cry, and all was still. The
forts had been silenced.</p>

<p>At slow speed the squadron moved onward, for Commodore
Dewey did not wish to arrive at Manila before
dawn. Some of the men managed to get a little sleep,
but the ever-present danger of torpedoes and the excitement
of the approaching battle were not conducive to
peaceful slumbers.</p>

<p>The morning of Sunday, May 1st, dawned clear and
beautiful, although the day promised to be hot. The
squadron found itself directly across the bay from the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">353</span>
city of Manila; and there, under the guns of Cavité, lay
the Spanish fleet.</p>

<div id="ip_353" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 26.0625em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_397.jpg" width="417" height="338" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">BATTLE OF MANILA BAY</div></div>

<p>According to Commodore Dewey’s report, the shore
batteries began firing at a quarter-past five. The <i>Olympia</i>,
flying the signal “Remember the Maine,” led the American
column, followed closely by the <i>Baltimore</i>, <i>Raleigh</i>,
<i>Petrel</i>, <i>Concord</i>, and <i>Boston</i> in the order named. The
ships came on in a line approximately parallel to that
of the enemy, reserving their fire until within effective
range. As the fleet advanced two submarine mines were
exploded, but neither did any damage. At twenty minutes
to six Commodore Dewey shouted to Captain Gridley
in the conning-tower of the flag-ship: “Fire as soon as you
get ready, Gridley.” Instantly the <i>Olympia</i> discharged
her broadside, the <i>Baltimore</i> followed the lead, and each
successive ship in turn discharged every gun that could
be brought to bear. The Spanish returned the fire with
great energy, but with inconclusive results. Several of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">354</span>
the American ships were struck, but no casualties followed.
Lieutenant Brumby, of the flag-ship, had the signal halliards
shot out of his hands; a shot passed clean through
the <i>Baltimore</i>, and another smashed into the foremast of
the <i>Boston</i>. Incessantly firing, the battle-line steamed
past the whole length of the stationary Spanish fleet,
then swung slowly around and began the countermarch.
Once Montojo’s flag-ship, the <i>Reina Cristina</i>, made a
desperate attempt to leave the line and engage at close
quarters, but she was quickly driven back.</p>

<p>A little after half-past seven the American commander
ordered the firing to be stopped, and the fleet headed for
the eastern side of the bay for breakfast and a redistribution
of ammunition for the big guns. The Spaniards,
seeing the withdrawal of the American vessels, rashly
concluded that the enemy had been repulsed and raised
a feeble cheer. In reality they were hopelessly beaten: several
of their ships were on fire, the decks of all were covered
with dead and dying men, and ammunition was running low.</p>

<p>At a quarter-past eleven the battle was renewed. Several
of the Spanish ships were now disabled and on fire,
and Admiral Montojo had been forced to transfer his flag
to the <i>Isla de Cuba</i>.</p>

<p>A few minutes later the <i>Reina Cristina</i>, his former flag-ship,
was blazing from end to end, and the explosion of
her magazine completed the destruction of the vessel.
One after another the Spanish ships succumbed under the
storm of shot and shell, and either surrendered or were
cut to pieces. The <i>Don Antonio de Ulloa</i>, riddled like a
sieve and on fire in a dozen places, refused to acknowledge
defeat, and went down with colors flying. Finally,
Admiral Montojo hauled down his flag, and, leaving the
<i>Isla de Cuba</i>, escaped to the shore. The arsenal building
at Cavité ran up the white flag, and at half-past one
Commodore Dewey signalled to his ships that they might
anchor at discretion.</p>

<div id="ip_354" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 28.9375em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_399.jpg" width="463" height="293" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">BATTLE OF MANILA BAY</div></div>

<p>Never was victory more decisive. Not a man had<span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">355</span>
been killed on the American side, and but four men were
wounded—this through the explosion of a Spanish shell
on the <i>Baltimore</i>. None of the American ships received
any material damage. On the other hand, the following
Spanish ships were completely destroyed: <i>Reina Cristina</i>
(flag-ship), <i>Castilla</i>, <i>Don Antonio de Ulloa</i>, <i>Don Juan de
Austria</i>, <i>Isla de Luzon</i>, <i>Isla de Cuba</i>, <i>Marquiz del Duero</i>,
<i>General Lezo</i>, <i>Correo</i>, <i>Velasco</i>, and <i>Isla de Mandanao</i>.
The casualties on the Spanish side amounted to about
four hundred men. Moreover, the water-batteries of
Cavité had been demolished, the arsenal had been captured,
and the city of Manila lay defenceless under the
guns of the American fleet.</p>

<p>But Commodore Dewey’s difficulties were by no means
at an end. He had immediately proclaimed a blockade
of the port. The German Pacific squadron, under Vice-Admiral
von Diederich, had arrived at Manila shortly after
the battle, and were, of course, in the position of neutrals,
having access to the harbor merely on the ground of
international courtesy. This privilege the Germans
quickly began to abuse, disregarding Commodore Dewey’s
regulations at will, and committing various acts inconsistent
with the neutrality laws. Their attitude was both
annoying and insolent, and it was evident that it must
be promptly and effectually checked if the American
supremacy were to be maintained.</p>

<p>At last the opportunity came. Commodore Dewey
learned, on unquestionable authority, that one of the
German vessels had been landing provisions at Manila,
thereby violating neutrality. He immediately sent a
vigorous protest to Admiral von Diederich—a message
that ended with these significant words: “And, Brumby,
tell Admiral von Diederich that if he wants a fight he
can have it right now.”</p>

<p>That was enough. The German admiral was not quite
ready to involve his country in a war with the United States;
he made an apology, and the incident was closed.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">356</span>
On June 30th the first army expedition from the United
States arrived at Manila, and Commodore Dewey’s long
vigil was at an end, the succeeding operations in the
Philippines being almost exclusively military, and consisting
of the capture of the city of Manila by the Americans
and subsequent warfare with Aguinaldo and insurgent
Filipinos.</p>

<p>Such, in large outline, was the battle of Manila Bay.
Foreign critics have derided American enthusiasm on the
ground that the American fleet was far superior, that the
Spanish vessels, many of them mere gunboats, lacked
armor and adequate guns, and that they were imperfectly
manned. Yet the same critics ranked the naval forces
of Spain as quite equal to the American at the outset of
the war. Furthermore, the action of Dewey, without a
single battle-ship or torpedo-boat under his command,
in entering a mined harbor without waiting to countermine,
and in attacking a fleet whose strength was not
accurately known, under the guns of land batteries, must
be classed among the distinctive achievements of naval
history. The battle was decisive in its immediate outcome,
far-reaching in its ultimate consequences. Dewey’s
victory but presaged the final triumph of American arms.
The Battle of Manila Bay meant the expulsion of Spain
from the Pacific and the succession of the United States
to Spain’s heritage of Asiatic power. Politically, therefore,
in its establishment of the United States as a power
in the Orient, Manila Bay is to be placed among the
decisive battles of history.<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">273</a></p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">357</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="XXII" class="vspace">XXII<br />

<span id="t_24" class="subhead">THE BATTLES OF SANTIAGO, 1898</span></h2>
</div>

<h3>I<br />

<span class="subhead">THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR IN THE
WEST INDIES</span></h3>

<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Ex-President Roosevelt</span> once said that the
most striking thing about the war with Spain was
the preparedness of the navy and the unpreparedness of
the army. For fifteen years the United States had been
building up a navy, and for months preceding the war
every effort was made, with the resources at the command
of the Navy Department, to put it in a state of
first-class efficiency. As early as January 11, 1898, instructions
were sent to the commanders of the several
squadrons to retain in the service men whose terms of
enlistment were about to expire. As the Cuban situation
grew more threatening, the North Atlantic Squadron and
a torpedo-boat flotilla were rapidly assembled in Florida
waters; and immediately after the destruction of the
<i>Maine</i> the ships on the European and South Atlantic
stations were ordered to Key West....</p>

<p>Both from a political and a military point of view the
blockade of Cuba was the first step for the American government
to take, and the surest and quickest means of
bringing things to an issue. Cuba was the point in dispute
between the United States and Spain, and a blockade
would result in one of two things—the surrender of the
island or the despatch of a Spanish naval force to its<span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">358</span>
relief. The Navy Department had very little apprehension
of an attack on our coast, as no squadron could hope
to be in condition after crossing the Atlantic for offensive
operations without coaling, and the only places where
Spain could coal were in the West Indies. The public,
however, took a different view of the situation, and no
little alarm was felt in the Eastern cities. A few coast-defence
guns of modern pattern would have relieved the
department of the necessity of protecting the coast, and
enabled it to concentrate the whole fighting force around
Cuba. To meet popular demands, however, a Northern
Patrol Squadron was organized April 20th, under command
of Commodore Howell, to cover the New England
coast; and a more formidable Flying Squadron, under
Commodore Schley, was assembled at Hampton Roads,
and kept there until the appearance of the Spanish fleet
in the West Indies. The main squadron was stationed
at Key West under Rear-Admiral William T. Sampson,
who had just been promoted to that grade, and given
command of the entire naval force in North Atlantic
waters. His appointment over the heads of Schley and
other officers of superior rank and longer service created
a great deal of criticism, although he was everywhere
conceded to be one of the most efficient and progressive
officers of the new navy.<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">274</a></p>

<p>One hundred and twenty-eight ships [steam merchantmen,
revenue-cutters, light-house tenders, yachts, and
ocean liners] were added to the navy, and the government
yards were kept busy transforming them. To man
these ships the number of enlisted men was raised from
12,500 to 24,123, and a number of new officers appointed.<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">275</a>
The heavy fighting force consisted of four first-class
battle-ships, the <i>Indiana</i>, <i>Iowa</i>, <i>Massachusetts</i>, and <i>Oregon</i>;
one second-class battle-ship, the <i>Texas</i>; and two armored
cruisers, the <i>Brooklyn</i> and the <i>New York</i>. As against<span class="pagenum" id="Page_359">359</span>
these seven armored ships Spain had five armored cruisers
of modern construction and of greater reputed speed than
any of ours except the <i>Brooklyn</i> and the <i>New York</i>, and
one battle-ship of the <i>Indiana</i> type. Spain had further a
type of vessel unknown to our navy and greatly feared by
us—namely, torpedo-boat destroyers, such as the <i>Furor</i>,
<i>Pluton</i>, and <i>Terror</i>. It was popularly supposed that the
Spanish navy was somewhat superior to the American.</p>

<p>As soon as the Spanish minister withdrew from Washington,
a despatch was sent to Sampson at Key West
directing him to blockade the coast of Cuba immediately
from Cardenas to Bahia Honda, and to blockade Cienfuegos
if it was considered advisable. On April 29th,
Admiral Cervera’s division of the Spanish fleet left the
Cape de Verde Islands for an unknown destination, and
disappeared for two weeks from the knowledge of the
American authorities. This fleet was composed of four
armored cruisers, the <i>Infanta Maria Teresa</i>, <i>Cristobal
Colon</i>, <i>Oquendo</i>, and <i>Vizcaya</i>, and three torpedo-boat
destroyers. Its appearance in American waters was
eagerly looked for, and interest in the war became intense....</p>

<p>[In the next two weeks Sampson’s patrol of the Windward
Islands and adjacent waters, and his visit to San
Juan, Porto Rico, produced no discoveries, and he started
to return to the blockade of Havana. At midnight,
May 12th–13th, thirty-six hours after the event, the Navy
Department learned that Cervera had appeared off Martinique.
Sampson, with his fleet, and Schley, with the
Flying Squadron, were ordered to Key West, which they
reached on May 18th.]</p>

<p>The department had heard that Cervera had munitions
of war essential to the defence of Havana, and that his
orders were to reach Havana, Cienfuegos, or a port connected
with Havana by rail. As Cienfuegos seemed the
only place he would be likely to choose, Schley was ordered
there with the <i>Brooklyn</i>, <i>Massachusetts</i>, and <i>Texas</i>, May<span class="pagenum" id="Page_360">360</span>
19th. He was joined later by the <i>Iowa</i>, under Captain
Evans, and by several cruisers. The Spanish squadron
slipped into Santiago, unobserved by the cruisers on
scouting duty, May 19th, two days before Schley arrived
at Cienfuegos, so that had Cervera known the conditions
he could easily have made the latter port. On the same
day the department received from spies in Havana probable
information, conveyed by the cable which had been
allowed to remain in operation, that Cervera had entered
Santiago. As we now know, he had entered early that
morning. Several auxiliary cruisers were immediately
ordered to assemble before Santiago in order to watch
Cervera and follow him in case he should leave.</p>

<p>At the same time the department “strongly advised”
Sampson to send Schley to Santiago at once with his
whole command. Sampson replied that he had decided
to hold Schley at Cienfuegos until it was certain that
the Spanish fleet was in Santiago. Later he sent a despatch
to Schley, received May 23d, ordering him to
proceed to Santiago if satisfied that the enemy were not
at Cienfuegos.<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> The next day<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">277</a> Schley started, encountering
on the run much rain and rough weather, which
seriously delayed the squadron. At 5.30 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span>, May 26th,
he reached a point twenty-two miles south of Santiago,
where he was joined by several of the auxiliary cruisers
on scouting duty. Captain Sigsbee, of the <i>St. Paul</i>, informed
him that the scouts knew nothing positively
about the Spanish fleet. The collier <i>Merrimac</i> had been
disabled, which increased the difficulty of coaling. At
7.45 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span>, a little over two hours after his arrival, Schley
without explanation signalled to the squadron: “Destination,
Key West, <i>via</i> south side of Cuba and Yucatan
Channel, as soon as collier is ready; speed, nine knots.”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">361</span>
Thus began the much-discussed retrograde movement
which occupied two days. Admiral Schley states in his
book that. Sigsbee’s report and other evidence led him
to conclude that the Spanish squadron was not in Santiago;
hence the retrograde movement to protect the
passage west of Cuba.<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> But he has never yet given any
satisfactory explanation why he did not definitely ascertain
the facts before turning back. Fortunately the
squadron did not proceed very far; the lines towing the
collier parted and other delays occurred. The next morning
Schley received a despatch from the department
stating that all the information at hand indicated that
Cervera was in Santiago, but he continued on his westward
course slowly and at times drifting while some of
the ships coaled. The next day, May 28th, Schley returned
to Santiago, arriving before that port about dusk,
and established a blockade.<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">279</a></p>

<p>Admiral Sampson arrived off Santiago June 1st, and
assumed direct command of the squadron. The blockade,
which lasted for over a month, was eagerly watched
by the whole American people. The most thrilling incident
was the daring but unsuccessful attempt made by
Lieutenant Richmond Pearson Hobson to sink the collier
Merrimac across the entrance to Santiago harbor, undertaken
by direction of Admiral Sampson. Electric torpedoes
were attached to the hull of the ship, sea-valves
were cut, and anchor chains arranged on deck so that
she could be brought to a sudden stop. Early on the
morning of June 3d, Hobson, assisted by a crew of seven
seamen, took the collier into the entrance of the harbor
under heavy fire and sunk her. The unfortunate shooting
away of her steering-gear and the failure of some of
the torpedoes to explode kept the ship from sinking at
the place selected, so that the plan miscarried. Hobson<span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">362</span>
and his men escaped death as by a miracle, but fell into
the hands of the Spaniards.<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">280</a></p>

<h3>II<br />

<span class="subhead">THE LAND CAMPAIGN</span></h3>

<p>As soon as Cervera was blockaded in Santiago and the
government was satisfied that all his ships were with
him, it was decided to send an army to co-operate with
the navy. Hitherto the war had been a naval war exclusively,
and the two hundred thousand volunteers
who had responded to the calls of the President in May
had been kept in camp in different parts of the country.
Most of the regular infantry and cavalry, together with
several volunteer regiments, had been assembled at
Tampa and organized as the Fifth Army Corps, in readiness
to land in Cuba as soon as the navy had cleared the
way. Conspicuous among these troops was the First
Volunteer Cavalry, popularly known as Roosevelt’s
Rough Riders, a regiment which through the energetic
efforts of Dr. Leonard Wood, an army surgeon, who
became its colonel, and Theodore Roosevelt, who resigned
the position of assistant secretary of the navy
to become its lieutenant-colonel, had been enlisted, officered,
and equipped in fifty days. It was recruited largely
from Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma, and had in
its ranks cowboys, hunters, ranchmen, and more than
one hundred and sixty full-blooded Indians, together
with a few graduates of Harvard, Yale, and other Eastern
colleges.</p>

<p>Tampa was ill-suited for an instruction camp, and the
preparations made by the department for the accommodation
and provisioning of such large bodies of men were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_363">363</span>
wholly inadequate. One of the main difficulties was the
inability of the Commissary and Quartermaster departments,
hampered by red tape, senseless regulations, and
political appointees, to distribute the train-loads of supplies
which blocked the tracks leading to Tampa; so
great was the congestion that the soldiers could not even
get their mail. This condition continued for weeks. The
great majority of the troops were finally sent to Santiago
to fight under a tropical sun in heavy woollen clothes;
lighter clothing was not supplied to them until they were
ready to return to Montauk Point, where they needed
the woollen. The sanitation of the camp was poor and
the water-supply bad; dysentery, malaria, and typhoid
soon made their appearance. Similar conditions prevailed
at the other camps. The administrative inefficiency
of the War Department was everywhere revealed
in striking contrast with the fine record of the Navy Department.
Secretary Alger had been too much occupied
with questions of patronage to look after the real needs
of the service. Although war had been regarded for
months as inevitable, when it finally came the department
was found to be utterly unprepared to equip troops
for service in Cuba. As the result of this neglect, for
which it should be said Congress was partly responsible,
it was necessary to improvise an army—a rather serious
undertaking!</p>

<p>It had been the original intention to land the Fifth
Army Corps at Mariel, near Havana, and begin operations
against the capital city under the direct supervision
of General Miles; but the bottling-up of Cervera at
Santiago caused a change of plan, and General Miles,
who still expected the heavy fighting to take place at
Havana, selected Major-General William R. Shafter for
the movement against Santiago. By June 1st the battle-ship
<i>Indiana</i>, under Captain Henry C. Taylor, with a
dozen smaller vessels, was ready to convoy the expedition.
The army was very slow in embarking, and it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_364">364</span>
was not until June 8th that the force was ready to depart.
Further delay was caused by the unfounded rumor that
a Spanish cruiser and two torpedo-boat destroyers had
been sighted off the north coast of Cuba.<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">281</a> In order to
ascertain whether all the Spanish ships were at Santiago,
Lieutenant Victor Blue, of the navy, landed, and by personal
observation from the hills back of the city located
Cervera’s entire division in the harbor. On June 14th
the transports, about thirty in number, sailed from
Tampa with their convoy. They were crowded and ill-provided
with supplies, the whole movement showing
lack of experience in handling large bodies of men. The
expedition consisted of 815 officers and 16,072 enlisted
men, regulars except the Seventy-first New York, Second
Massachusetts, and the First Volunteer Cavalry.<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">282</a></p>

<p>The expedition under Shafter began disembarking at
Daiquiri on the morning of June 22d, and by night six
thousand men had with great difficulty been put ashore.
No lighters or launches had been provided, and the only
wharf, a small wooden one, had been stripped of its
flooring: the War Department expected the navy to look
after these matters. In addition, the troops had been
crowded into the transports without any reference to
order, officers separated from their commands, artillery-pieces
on one transport, horses on another, harness on a
third, and no means of finding out where any of them
were. By the aid of a few launches borrowed from the
battle-ships, the men were put ashore, or near enough
to wade through the surf, but the animals had to be
thrown into the sea, where many of them perished, some
in their bewilderment swimming out to sea instead of
to shore.</p>

<p>General Lawton advanced and seized Siboney next
day, and Kent’s division landed here, eight miles nearer
Santiago. General Wheeler pushed on with part of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_365">365</span>
Young’s brigade, and on the morning of the 24th defeated
the Spanish force at Las Guasimas, with a loss of one officer
and fifteen men killed, six officers and forty-six men
wounded.<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">283</a> During the next week the army, including
Garcia’s Cuban command, was concentrated at Sevilla.
These were trying days. The troops suffered from the
heavy rains, poor rations, and bad camp accommodations.
No adequate provision had been made for landing supplies
or for transporting them to the camps, so that with
an abundance, such as they were, aboard the transports,
the soldiers were in actual want.</p>

<p>On June 30th it was decided to advance. San Juan
Hill, a strategic point on the direct road to Santiago,
could not be taken or held while the Spaniards occupied
El Caney, on the right of the American advance. The
country was a jungle, and the roads from the coast little
more than bridle-paths. Lawton moved out to a position
south of El Caney that afternoon, so as to begin the
attack early next morning. Wheeler’s division of dismounted
cavalry and Kent’s division of infantry advanced
toward El Poso, accompanied by Grimes’ battery,
which was to take position early in the morning and open
the way for the advance toward San Juan. The attack
at this point was to be delayed until Lawton’s infantry
fire was heard at El Caney. After forcing the enemy
from this position, Lawton was to move toward Santiago
and take position on Wheeler’s right. Little was known
of the ground over which the troops were to move or
the position and strength of the forces they were to meet,
consequently they went into battle without knowing
what they were about and fought without any generalship
being displayed. General Shafter was too ill to
leave his headquarters in the rear.</p>

<p>At El Caney, which was surrounded by trenches
and block-houses, the Spaniards developed unexpected<span class="pagenum" id="Page_366">366</span>
strength, and held Lawton in check until late in the
afternoon, when he finally carried the position. In this
fight about thirty-five hundred Americans were engaged,
and not more than six hundred or one thousand Spaniards.
The American loss was four officers and seventy-seven
men killed, and twenty-five officers and three hundred and
thirty-five men wounded. About one hundred and fifty
Spaniards were captured, and between three hundred and
four hundred killed and wounded.<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">284</a></p>

<div id="ip_366" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 27.75em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_413.jpg" width="444" height="322" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE CAPTURE OF THE BLOCK-HOUSE AT SAN JUAN</div></div>

<p>Meanwhile there had been a desperate fight at San
Juan Hill. As soon as Lawton’s musket-fire was heard
at El Caney, Grimes’ battery opened fire from El Poso
on the San Juan block-house. This fire was immediately
returned by the enemy’s artillery, who had the range,
and a number of men were killed. The Spaniards used
smokeless powder, which made it difficult to locate
them, while some of the Americans had black powder,
which quickly indicated their position. The road along
which the troops had to advance was so narrow and
rough that at times they had to proceed in column of
twos. The progress made was very slow, and the long-range
guns of the enemy killed numbers of men before
they could get into position to return the fire. By
the middle of the day the advance had crossed the
river, the cavalry division under Sumner deploying
to the right in front of Kettle Hill, and Kent’s division
of infantry deploying to the left directly in front
of San Juan Hill. During this movement the troops
were exposed to a galling artillery and rifle fire and suffered
greatly, especially the third brigade of Kent’s
division, which lost three commanders in fifteen minutes,
General Wikoff being killed and Colonels Worth
and Liscum disabled. The suffering of the wounded,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_367">367<a class="hidep" id="Page_368">368</a></span>
many of whom lay in the brush for hours without succor,
was the most terrible feature of the situation.</p>

<p>Finally the long-expected order to advance was given.
The First Regular Cavalry, the Rough Riders, and the
Negro troopers of the Ninth and a part of the Tenth
advanced up Kettle Hill and drove the Spaniards from
the ranch-house, while the infantry division with the
Sixth and Sixteenth regiments under Hawkins in the
lead charged up San Juan Hill in the face of a destructive
fire and captured the block-house. Then the
cavalry under Sumner and Roosevelt advanced from
Kettle Hill and occupied the trenches on San Juan
Hill north of the block-house. The Spaniards fled to
their second line of trenches, six or eight hundred yards
in the rear.</p>

<div id="ip_368" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 28.9375em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_415.jpg" width="463" height="705" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">PLAN OF MILITARY OPERATIONS AROUND SANTIAGO</div></div>

<p>After occupying San Juan Hill, the cavalry were still exposed
to a constant fire, and many were discouraged and
wanted to retire, but General Wheeler, who, though ill,
had come to the front early in the afternoon, put a stop
to this and set the men to work fortifying themselves.
The next day Lawton came up and advanced to a strong
position on Wheeler’s right. The fighting was resumed
on the two following days, but about noon, July 3d, the
Spaniards ceased firing. The losses in the three days’
fight were eighteen officers and one hundred and twenty-seven
men killed, sixty-five officers and eight hundred
and forty-nine men wounded, and seventy-two men
missing.<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> The condition of the troops after the battle
was very bad; many of them were down with fever, and
all were suffering from lack of suitable equipment and
supplies. General Shafter cabled to the secretary of
war, July 3d, that it would be impossible to take Santiago
by storm with the forces he then had, and that he was
“seriously considering withdrawing about five miles and
taking up a new position on the high ground between<span class="pagenum" id="Page_369">369</span>
the San Juan River and Siboney.”<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> The destruction of
Cervera’s fleet the same day materially changed the
situation.</p>

<h3>III<br />

<span class="subhead">THE DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET</span></h3>

<p>The advance made by the American troops around
Santiago on July 1st and 2d forced the Spanish authorities
to come to a decision in regard to Cervera’s fleet. Captain-General
Blanco insisted that the fleet should not be
captured or destroyed without a fight. Cervera refused
to assume the responsibility of leaving the harbor, and
when ordered to do so went out with consummate bravery,
knowing that he was leading a forlorn-hope. Sampson
seems to have been under the impression all along that
the Spanish squadron would attempt to escape at night,
but the American ships kept in so close to the shore,
with dazzling search-lights directed against the entrance
of the harbor, as to render it almost impossible to steer
a ship out. On the morning of July 3d, at 8.55, Sampson
started east to meet General Shafter in conference at
Siboney, signalling to the fleet as he left: “Disregard
movements commander-in-chief.” The <i>Massachusetts</i>
had also left her place in the blockade to go to Guantanamo
for coal. The remaining ships formed a semicircle
around the entrance of the harbor, the <i>Brooklyn</i>
to the west, holding the left of the line, then the <i>Texas</i>,
next the <i>Iowa</i> in the centre and at the south of the curve,
then, as the line curved in to the coast on the right, the
<i>Oregon</i> and the <i>Indiana</i>. The <i>Brooklyn</i> and the <i>Indiana</i>,
holding the left and the right of the line, were about
two miles and one and a half miles respectively from the
shore, and near them, closer in, lay the converted gunboats
<i>Vixen</i> and <i>Gloucester</i>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_370">370</span>
At 9.35 <span class="smcap smaller">A.M.</span>, while most of the men were at Sunday
inspection, the enemy’s ships were discovered slowly
steaming down the narrow channel of the harbor. In the
lead was the <i>Maria Teresa</i>, followed by the <i>Vizcaya</i>, the
<i>Colon</i>, the <i>Oquendo</i>, and the two torpedo-boat destroyers.
The <i>Iowa</i> was the first to signal that the enemy were
escaping, though the fact was noted on several ships at
almost the same moment, and no orders were necessary.
The American ships at once closed in and directed their
fire against the <i>Teresa</i>. For a moment there was doubt
as to whether the Spanish ships would separate and try
to scatter the fire of our fleet or whether they would stick
together. This was quickly settled when Cervera turned
west, followed by the remainder of his command. At
this point Commodore Schley’s flag-ship, the <i>Brooklyn</i>,
which was farthest west, turned to the eastward, away
from the hostile fleet, making a loop, at the end of which
she again steamed westward farther out to sea but still
ahead of any of the American vessels. The sudden and
unexpected turn of the <i>Brooklyn</i> caused the <i>Texas</i>, which
was behind her, to reverse her engines in order to avoid
a collision and to come to a standstill, thus losing position,
the <i>Oregon</i> and the <i>Iowa</i> both passing her. The
two destroyers, which came out last, were attacked by
the <i>Indiana</i> and the <i>Gloucester</i>, the commander of the
latter, Wainwright, dashing toward them in utter disregard
of the fragile character of his vessel. The <i>Furor</i>
was sunk and the <i>Pluton</i> was run ashore. The <i>Teresa</i>,
struck by several shells which exploded and set her on
fire, turned to the shore at 10.15 and was beached about
six miles west of the Morro. The <i>Oquendo</i> was riddled by
shell and likewise soon on fire. She was beached about
half a mile west of the <i>Teresa</i> at 10.20. The <i>Vizcaya</i> and
<i>Colon</i> were now left to bear the fire of the pursuing American
ships, which were practically uninjured. In this
running fight the <i>Indiana</i> dropped behind, owing to the
defective condition of her machinery, but kept up her<span class="pagenum" id="Page_371">371<a class="hidep" id="Page_372">372</a></span>
fire. At 11.05 the <i>Vizcaya</i> turned to run ashore about fifteen
miles west of the Morro. The <i>Brooklyn</i> and the <i>Oregon</i>,
followed at some distance by the <i>Texas</i>, continued the
chase of the <i>Colon</i>. The <i>Indiana</i> and the <i>Iowa</i>, at the
order of Sampson, who had come up, went back to guard
the transports. At 1.15 <span class="smcap smaller">P.M.</span> the <i>Colon</i> turned to shore
thirty miles west of the <i>Vizcaya</i> and surrendered.<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">287</a></p>

<div id="ip_372" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 50em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_419.jpg" width="800" height="336" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><p>THE RELATIVE POSITIONS OF THE SHIPS IN THE BATTLE OF JULY 3, 1898, OFF SANTIAGO</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Abbreviations</span>:—N. Y., <i>New York</i>;
  B., <i>Brooklyn</i>; Tx., <i>Texas</i>; A., <i>Iowa</i>; I., <i>Indiana</i>;
  O., <i>Oregon</i>; G., <i>Gloucester</i>; Vx., <i>Vixen</i>;
  H., <i>Hist.</i>; E., <i>Ericsson</i>; T., <i>Teresa</i>; V., <i>Vizcaya</i>;
  C., <i>Colon</i>; Oq., <i>Oquendo</i>;
 P., <i>Pluton</i>; F., <i>Furor</i>.</p>

  <span class="browser center small"><a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_419f.jpg">(FULL SIZE)</a></span>
</div></div>

<div class="epub">
<div id="ip_372b" class="figcenter">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_419l.jpg" width="800" height="664" alt="" /></div>

<div id="ip_372c" class="figcenter">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_419r.jpg" width="800" height="664" alt="" /></div>
</div>

<p>The fight was over, one of the most remarkable naval
battles on record. On the American side, though the
ships were struck many times, only one man was killed
and one wounded. These casualties both occurred on
Commodore Schley’s flag-ship, the <i>Brooklyn</i>. The Spaniards
lost about six hundred in killed and wounded. The
American sailors took an active part in the rescue of
the officers and crews of the burning Spanish ships.</p>

<p>Only one hundred and twenty-three out of about eight
thousand American projectiles hit the Spanish ships.</p>

<h3>IV<br />

<span class="subhead">THE SPANISH SURRENDER</span></h3>

<p>On July 3d, General Shafter demanded the surrender
of the Spanish forces in Santiago. This being refused, he
notified General Toral that the bombardment of Santiago
would begin at noon of the 5th, thus giving two days for
the women and children to leave the city. Nearly twenty
thousand people came out and filled the villages and
roads around. They were in an utterly destitute condition,
and had to be taken care of largely by the American
army—a great drain on their supplies. On the 10th and
11th the city was bombarded by the squadron. At this
point General Miles arrived off Santiago with additional
troops intended for Porto Rico. He and Shafter met
General Toral under a flag of truce and arranged terms
for the surrender, which took place on the 17th. Shafter’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_373">373</span>
command was by this time in a serious state of health and
anxious to return home. Malarial fevers had so weakened
the men that an epidemic of yellow-fever, which had appeared
sporadically throughout the command, was greatly
feared. The situation was desperate, and the War Department
apparently deaf to all representations of the
case. Under these circumstances the division and brigade
commanders and the surgeons met at General Shafter’s
headquarters early in August and signed a round-robin
addressed to the secretary of war urging the immediate
removal of the corps to the United States. This
action was much criticised at the time, but it had the
desired effect, and on August 4th orders were given to
remove the command to Montauk Point, Long Island.
The movement was begun at once and completed before
the end of the month.</p>

<div id="ip_373" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 29.4375em;">
  <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:r:ripley-hitchcock-decisive-battles-i_421.jpg" width="471" height="302" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE LAST OF CERVERA’S FLEET<br />
  <span class="smaller">(The <i>Colon’s</i> final effort)</span></div></div>

<p>The surrender of Santiago left General Miles free to
carry out plans already matured for the invasion of
Porto Rico. He left Guantanamo, July 21st, with 3415
men, mostly volunteers, convoyed by a fleet under the
command of Captain Higginson, and landed at Guanica
on the 25th. Early next morning General Garretson pushed
forward with part of his brigade and drove the Spanish
forces from Yauco, thus getting possession of the railroad
to Ponce. General Miles was reinforced in a few days by
the commands of Generals Wilson, Brooke, and Schwan,
raising his entire force to 16,973 officers and men. In
about two weeks they had gained control of all the southern
and western portions of the island, but hostilities were
suspended by the peace protocol before the conquest of
Porto Rico was completed. The American losses in this
campaign were three killed and forty wounded.<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">288</a></p>

<p>The last engagement of the war was the assault on
Manila, which was captured August 13, 1898, by the
forces under General Merritt, assisted by Admiral Dewey’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_374">374</span>
squadron. This occurred the day after the signing of
the peace protocol, the news of which did not reach the
Philippines until several days later.</p>

<h3>V<br />

<span class="subhead">CONTROVERSIES CAUSED BY THE WAR</span></h3>

<p>Two controversies growing out of the war with Spain
assumed such importance that they cannot be passed
by. The first related to the conduct of the War Department,
which was charged with inefficiency resulting from
political appointments and corruption in the purchase of
supplies. The most serious charge was that made by
Major-General Miles, commanding the army, who declared
that much of the refrigerated beef furnished the
troops was “embalmed beef,” preserved with secret
chemicals of an injurious character. In September, 1898,
President McKinley appointed a commission to investigate
these charges, and the hearings held were sensational
in the extreme. Commissary-General Eagan read a statement
before the commission which was so violent in its
abuse of the commanding general that he was later court-martialled
and sentenced to dismissal for conduct unbecoming
an officer and a gentleman, though this sentence
was commuted by the President to suspension from
rank and duty, but without loss of pay. The report of
the commission<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">289</a> failed to substantiate General Miles’
charges, but it was not satisfactory or convincing. In
spite of its efforts to whitewash things, the commission
had to report that the secretary of war had failed to
“grasp the situation.” Many leading newspapers demanded
Alger’s resignation, but President McKinley
feared to discredit the administration by dismissing him.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_375">375</span>
Nevertheless, a coolness sprang up between them; and
several months later, when Alger became a candidate
for the Michigan senatorship, with the open support of
elements distinctly hostile to the administration, the
President asked for his resignation, which was tendered
July 19, 1899.<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">290</a></p>

<p>The other controversy, which waged in the papers for
months, was as to whether Sampson or Schley was in
command at the battle of Santiago. As a reward for
their work on that day, the President advanced Sampson
eight numbers, Schley six, Captain Clark of the Oregon
six, and the other captains five. These promotions were
all confirmed by the Senate save those of Sampson and
Schley, a number of senators holding that Schley should
have received at least equal recognition with Sampson.
The controversy was waged inside and outside of Congress
for three years. The officials of the Navy Department
were for the most part stanch supporters of Sampson,
while a large part of the public, under the impression
that the department was trying to discredit Schley,
eagerly championed his cause. Finally, at the request
of Admiral Schley, who was charged in certain publications
with inefficiency and even cowardice, a court of
inquiry was appointed July 26, 1901, with Admiral Dewey
as president, for the purpose of inquiring into the conduct
of Schley during the war with Spain. The opinion
of the court was that his service prior to June 1st was
“characterized by vacillation, dilatoriness, and lack of
enterprise.” Admiral Dewey differed from the opinions
of his colleagues on certain points, and delivered a separate
opinion, in the course of which he took up the question
as to who was in command at Santiago, a point which
had not been considered by the court. His conclusion
was that Schley “was in absolute command and is entitled
to the credit due to such commanding officer for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_376">376</span>
the glorious victory which resulted in the total destruction
of the Spanish ships.” This made matters worse
than ever. Secretary Long approved the findings of the
majority of the court, and disapproved Dewey’s separate
opinion. Schley appealed from the findings of the court
to the President. February 18, 1902, President Roosevelt’s
memorandum, in which he reviewed the whole controversy,
was made public. He declared that the court
had done substantial justice to Schley. As regards the
question of command at Santiago, he said that technically
Sampson commanded the fleet, and Schley the
western division, but that after the battle began not
a ship took orders from either Sampson or Schley, except
their own two vessels. “It was a captains’
fight.”<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">291</a></p>

<p>The Spanish war revealed many serious defects in the
American military system, some of which have been
remedied by the reorganization of the army and the
creation of a general staff.<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">292</a> It demonstrated the necessity
of military evolutions on a large scale in time of
peace, so as to give the general officers experience in
handling and the Quartermaster and Commissary departments
experience in equipping and supplying large bodies
of troops; it showed the folly and danger of appointing
men from civil life through political influence to positions
of responsibility in any branch of the military or naval
service; it showed the value of field-artillery, of smokeless
powder, and of high-power rifles of the latest model;
it also showed the necessity of having on hand a large
supply of the best war material ready for use. While
every American is proud of the magnificent record of the
navy, it must not be imagined that the war with Spain
was a conclusive test of its invincibility, for, however<span class="pagenum" id="Page_377">377</span>
formidable the Spanish cruisers appeared at the time,
later information revealed the fact that through the
neglect of the Spanish government they were very far
from being in a state of first-class efficiency.</p>

<div class="chapter"><div class="footnotes">
<h2 id="FOOTNOTES" class="nobreak p1">FOOTNOTES</h2>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Bourne, <i>Spain in America</i> (<i>Am. Nation</i>, III), 31; Hart,
<i>Contemporaries</i>, I, 40.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> Andrews, <i>Colonial Self-Government</i> (<i>Am. Nation</i>, V), chap. v.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> Mahan, <i>Influence of Sea Power upon History</i>, chaps. iv–viii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> Cf. Howard, <i>Preliminaries of the Revolution</i> (<i>Am. Nation</i>,
VIII), chap. i.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 229.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> <i>Cf.</i> Hart, <i>Foundations of Am. Foreign Policy</i>, 18.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> McLaughlin, <i>Confederation and Constitution</i> (<i>Am. Nation</i>, X).
chaps. vii, viii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> Texts in <i>Am. Hist. Leaflets</i>, No. 32.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> <i>Federalist</i> (Lodge ed.), No. 14.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> Cf. Channing, <i>Jeffersonian System</i> (<i>Am. Nation</i>, XII),
chap. v.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Garrison, <i>Westward Extension</i> (<i>Am. Nation</i>, XVII), chap. v.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, chap. xi.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, chap. vii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> Turner, <i>New West</i> (<i>Am. Nation</i>, XIV), 114–122.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> <i>See</i> chap. iii, below.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> Bourne, <i>Essays in Historical Criticism</i>, No. 9.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> Dunning, <i>Reconstruction</i> (<i>Am. Nation</i>, XXII), chap. x.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> Dewey, <i>National Problems</i> (<i>Am. Nation</i>, XXIV), chap. xviii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> Official order addressed to Spanish commanders authorizing
the conversion, enslavement, or slaughter of the natives.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> “The shot from Champlain’s arquebus had determined the
part that was to be played in the approaching conflict by the
most powerful military force among the Indians of North America.
It had made the confederacy of the Iroquois and all its
nations and dependencies the implacable enemies of the French
and the fast friends of the English for all the long struggle that
was to come.” [This quotation is from Senator Elihu Root’s
eloquent address at the Champlain tercentenary celebration in
1909. Influential as Champlain’s act proved to be, it is well to
remember that it was the Dutch treatment of the Iroquois that
gained the latter’s friendship for the English, the successors of
the Dutch, and also that the Iroquois, as Doctor Thwaites points
out in his <i>France in America</i>, did in subsequent years negotiate
with the French. But the historic consequence of Champlain’s act
is of course obvious, although it is not necessary to accept unreservedly
one tercentenary dictum to the effect that “Few
decisive battles from Marathon to Waterloo had larger consequences.”
Cartier’s first voyage to the St. Lawrence decided the
immediate association of the French with their Algonquian neighbors.
It would have been impossible for them to be friends of
both Algonquians and Iroquois. The consequences of immediate
and prolonged hostility on the part of the Algonquians invite
curious speculation.—<span class="smcap">Editor.</span>]</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> Clowes, <i>Royal Navy</i>, III, 186–189.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> <i>Ibid</i>., 210–214, on Boscawen’s victory; 216–222, on Hawke’s.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> Clowes, <i>Royal Navy</i>, III, 196–201.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 201–203.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> Parkman, <i>Montcalm and Wolfe</i>, II, 80.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> For biographical details of Wolfe’s early career, see Wright,
<i>Life</i>, and Doughty and Parmelee, <i>Siege of Quebec</i>, I, 1–128; in
<i>ibid.</i>, II, 16, is a portrait of Wolfe’s fiancée.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> Text in Doughty and Parmelee, <i>Siege of Quebec</i>, VI, 87–90.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> Lists in Doughty and Parmelee, <i>Siege of Quebec</i>, II, 22, 23.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> Wood, <i>Fight for Canada</i>, 166, 167, 173.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> “Journal of the Expedition up the River St. Lawrence,” by
a sergeant-major of grenadiers, in Doughty and Parmelee, <i>Siege
of Quebec</i>, V, 1–11.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> Doughty and Parmelee, <i>Siege of Quebec</i>, II, 51–53.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> Wood, <i>Fight for Canada</i>, 152.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> Authorities cited in Parkman, <i>Montcalm and Wolfe</i>, II, 233,
234. For details, consult Doughty and Parmelee, <i>Siege of Quebec</i>,
II, chap. vi.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> See Bougainville’s correspondence, in Doughty and Parmelee
<i>Siege of Quebec</i>, IV, 1–141.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> September 22, 1759, quoted in Parkman, <i>Montcalm and Wolfe</i>,
II, 249.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> Official journal of Amherst, in London <i>Magazine</i>, XXVII,
379–383.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> Stanwix to Pitt, November 20, 1759, MS. in Public Record
Office.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> [There was one regular regiment of American origin with Wolfe,
the “Royal Americans,” represented by their second and third
battalions. One battalion was left to guard the landing. The
superior officers of this regiment were English. There seem to
have been also some provincial rangers, although the famous
Robert Rogers was not present.—<span class="smcap">Editor.</span>]</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> Doughty and Parmelee, <i>Siege of Quebec</i>, II, 237.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, II, 332, with detailed British returns; Wood, <i>Fight for
Canada</i>, 262.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Greene, <i>The Provincial Governor</i>, passim.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> Barry, <i>Hist. of Mass.</i>, I, 288–295.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> For a detailed study of this subject, see Howard, <i>Preliminaries
of the Revolution</i> (<i>American Nation</i>, VIII).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> 5 George III., chap. xii, given in Macdonald, <i>Select Charters</i>,
281.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> Beer, <i>Commercial Policy of England</i>, 10–13.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> For details and exact references to laws, see Channing, <i>The
Navigation Laws</i>, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., <i>Proceedings</i>, new series,
VI. For discussion, see Andrews, <i>Colonial Self-Government</i>, chap.
i; Greene, <i>Colonial Commonwealths</i> (<i>American Nation</i>, V, VI).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> Beer, <i>Commercial Policy of England</i>, chap. vii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> 6 George II., chap. xiii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> Macdonald, <i>Select Charters</i>, 259.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> Lecky, <i>American Revolution</i> (Woodburn’s ed.), 48.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> J. Adams, <i>Works</i>, II, 523–525.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> 4 George III., chap. xv.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> Osgood, in <i>Political Science Quarterly</i>, XIII, 45.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> Lecky, <i>American Revolution</i> (Woodburn’s ed.), 64.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> Dulany, in Tyler, <i>Lit. Hist. of Amer. Rev.</i>, I, 104–105.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> <i>Life, Correspondence, and Speeches of Patrick Henry</i>, I, 84–89.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> Hart, <i>Contemporaries</i>, II, 402.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> <i>Walpole’s Letters</i>, February 12, 1765.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> Franklin, <i>Works</i> (Sparks’ ed.), IV, 161–198.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> 6 George III, chap. xii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> Morley, <i>Burke</i>, 146.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> Franklin, <i>Works</i> (Sparks’ ed.), IV, 169.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> Walpole, <i>Memoirs of George III.</i>, II, 275, III, 23–27.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> 7 George III., chaps. xli, xlvi, lvi. See Macdonald, <i>Select
Charters</i>, 320–330.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> Samuel Adams, <i>Writings</i> (Cushing’s ed.), I, 184.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> Hutchinson, <i>Hist. of Massachusetts Bay</i>, III, 494.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> Junius (ed. of 1799), II, 31.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> Collins, <i>Committees of Correspondence</i> (Amer. Hist. Assoc.,
<i>Report</i>, 1901), I, 247.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> <i>Va. Cal. of State Pap.</i>, VIII, 1–2.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> <i>R. I. Col. Records</i>, VII, 81, 108.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> Farrand, “Taxation of Tea,” in <i>Amer. Hist. Review</i>, III, 269.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> Macdonald, <i>Select Charters</i>, 337–356; Force, <i>Am. Archives</i>,
4th series, I, 216.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> “Quebec Act and the American Revolution,” in <i>Yale Review</i>,
August, 1895.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> Force, <i>Am. Archives</i>, 4th series, I, 421.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> Macdonald, <i>Select Charters</i>, 356, 362.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> Wells, <i>Samuel Adams</i>, I.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> Franklin, <i>Works</i> (Sparks’ ed.), IV, 41.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> Franklin’s Plan, in <i>Works</i> (Sparks’ ed.), III, 26, 36–55.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> Van Tyne, <i>Loyalists</i>, 5.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> Van Tyne, <i>Loyalists</i>, chap. i.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> Force, <i>Am. Archives</i>, 4th series, II, 365–368.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> Hatch, <i>Administration of the Revolutionary Army</i>, 1.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> Frothingham, <i>Siege of Boston</i>, 100–102.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 99–101.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> Bolton, <i>The Private Soldier Under Washington</i>, 90; Force,
<i>Am. Archives</i>, 4th series, III, 2.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> Hatch, <i>Administration of the Revolutionary Army</i>, 13, 14.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> Frothingham, <i>Siege of Boston</i>, 105, 106.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> “Bunker Hill Monument celebrates a fact more important
than most victories—namely, that the raw provincials faced the
British army for two hours, they themselves being under so little
organization that it is impossible to tell even at this day who was
their commander; that they did this with only the protection of
an unfinished earthwork and a rail fence, retreating only when
their powder was out.... The newspapers of England, instead of
being exultant, were indignant or apologetic.”—<span class="smcap">Thomas Wentworth
Higginson.</span></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> Later Bemis.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> “The surrender of Burgoyne turned the scale in favor of the
Americans so far as the judgment of Europe was concerned....
The first treaty with France—which was also the first treaty of
the United States with any foreign government—was signed February
6, 1778, two months after the news of Burgoyne’s surrender
had reached Paris.”—Higginson’s <i>History of the United States</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> For the text of the articles of capitulation, and the general
return of the officers and privates surrendered, see <i>Harper’s
Encyclopædia of United States History</i>, X.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> A detailed description of the topography and events of the
Yorktown campaign is afforded in Lossing’s <i>Pictorial Field-Book
of the Revolution</i>, II, chap. xii. An elaborate and authoritative
study from a military point of view is provided in <i>The Yorktown
Campaign</i>, by Henry P. Johnston. Both histories are published
by Harper &amp; Brothers.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> <i>Annual Register</i>, XXV, 252–257.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> <i>Two Centuries of Irish History</i>, 91.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> <i>Treaties and Conventions</i>, 370, 375.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> <i>Journals of Congress</i>, January 13, 14, 1784.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> For the complete history of the American struggle for independence,
see Professor Van Tyne’s <i>The American Revolution</i>, IX,
in <i>The American Nation</i>. Harper &amp; Brothers.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> “The destruction of the British fleet gave the United States
supremacy on Lake Erie and compelled the abandonment of
Malden and Detroit; it recovered Michigan, and made a real invasion
of Canada once more a possibility, for by means of the
control of the lakes thus given Harrison was enabled to enter
at once upon an aggressive campaign on the Canadian side of
Lake Erie. His men were easily transported to the north side,
and his line of communication was no longer threatened by a
British fleet. Its effect, too, upon the American people was decidedly
important; for the first time an American fleet had met a
British fleet and defeated it. Nor was it fair to discount the
significance of the victory by saying that the vessels were small
and of hasty construction. The charm of British invincibility
had been broken in the great ship duels which made the names of
Decatur, Bainbridge, and Hull household words. To this list
was now added the name of Perry, who was looked upon by the
Americans as a hero of the same class as Nelson.”—Prof. Kendric
Charles Babcock in <i>The Rise of American Nationality</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> “The decisiveness of this battle was evident at once to the
British. Hardly was the result known, when measures were
taken for the retreat of Prevost’s army into Canada. At best,
Prevost’s assault upon the land forces had been so poor as to
give little aid to the fleet; and for this failure and his prompt
retreat Prevost was ordered to trial by court-martial, but died
before the trial could take place. The war was practically
ended by this retreat of the British army from Plattsburg into
Canada. It would seem as though the persistent mismanagement
of the American forces in northern New York, the incompetency
of Dearborn and Wilkinson, the strange interference
of Secretary Armstrong, the diversion of the forces of Izard from
the front of Prevost’s army, were all atoned for by the brilliancy
of the accomplishment of Commodore Macdonough and his
handful of sailors and soldiers on Lake Champlain.”—Prof.
Kendric Charles Babcock in <i>The Rise of American Nationality</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> For the whole correspondence beginning with this letter, see
<i>Senate Docs.</i>, 28 Cong., 1 Sess., I, No. 1, pp. 25–48.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> <i>Senate Docs.</i>, 28 Cong., 1 Sess., I, No. 1, p. 28.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> <i>Senate Docs.</i>, 28 Cong., 1 Sess., I, No. 1, pp. 38, 41.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 42–48.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> <i>Niles’ Register</i>, LXVIII, 84.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 135; Von Holst, <i>United States</i>, III, 80, <i>nn.</i> 3, 4.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> Dublán y Lozano, <i>Legislatión Mexicana</i>, V, 19–22.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> Taylor’s successive orders, in <i>House Exec. Docs.</i>, 30 Cong.,
1 Sess., VII, No. 60, pp. 7, 79–82.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> <i>House Exec. Docs.</i>, 30 Cong., 1 Sess., VII, No. 60, p. 99.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 102–109.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> <i>House Exec. Docs.</i>, 30 Cong., 1 Sess., VII, No. 60, p. 90.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> <i>House Exec. Docs.</i>, 30 Cong., 1 Sess., VII, No. 60, p. 140.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 141.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> See Polk, <i>MS. Diary</i>, entry for May 9, 1846.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> Richardson, <i>Messages and Papers</i>, IV, 442.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> <i>Cong. Globe</i>, 29 Cong., 1 Sess., 795.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> [John Slidell, of New Orleans, appointed a commissioner to
Mexico in 1845 to endeavor to adjust the boundary and re-establish
relations.]</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> Polk, <i>MS. Diary</i>, February 17, 1846.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> <i>Senate Docs.</i>, 30 Cong., 1 Sess., I, No. 1, p. 39.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> Ripley, <i>War with Mexico</i>, I, 149; Polk, <i>MS. Diary</i>, May 14,
16, 1846.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> Hittell, <i>California</i>, II, bk. vi., chaps. ii–v, passim.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> <i>Niles’ Register</i>, LXX, 310; <i>Cong. Globe</i>, 29 Cong., 2 Sess.,
298; Polk, <i>MS. Diary</i>, August 18, 19, 1847.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> <i>House Exec. Docs.</i>, 30 Cong., 1 Sess., VII, No. 60, pp. 324,
353, especially Taylor to Adjutant-General, July 2, 1846, <i>ibid.</i>,
pp. 329–332; cf. Polk, <i>MS. Diary</i>, September 15, 1846.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> Taylor to Adjutant-General, October 15, 1846, in <i>House Exec.
Docs.</i>, 30 Cong., 1 Sess., VII, No. 60, pp. 351–354.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> Polk, <i>MS. Diary</i>, November 14, 1846.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> Taylor to Adjutant-General, January 27, 1847, in <i>House Exec.
Docs.</i>, 30 Cong., 1 Sess., VII, No. 60, pp. 1100–1102.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="fnanchor">127</a> Taylor to Adjutant-General, March 6, 1847, in <i>Senate Docs.</i>,
30 Cong., 1 Sess., I, No. 1, pp. 132–141.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="fnanchor">128</a> Scott to Marcy, March 29, 1847, <i>ibid.</i>, 229.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> Ripley, <i>War with Mexico</i>, II, 153–155; Polk, <i>MS. Diary</i>,
December 28, 1847.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> <i>Senate Docs.</i>, 30 Cong., 1 Sess., VII, No. 52, p. 345.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> Buchanan to Trist, October 6, 1847, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 91–93; Polk,
<i>MS. Diary</i>, October 5, 1847.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> See official reports of these operations, in <i>Senate Docs.</i>, 30
Cong., 1 Sess., I, No. 1, pp. 354–471.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> <i>U. S. Treaties and Conventions</i>, 683.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> Gen. Lew Wallace, who reached Buena Vista two days after
the battle, furnishes a vigorous defence of the Indiana volunteers
in his <i>Autobiography</i>, vol. I, chaps. xviii and xix.—[<span class="smcap">Editor.</span>]</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> Cf. <i>Am. Nation</i>, XIV; XVI-XVIII, passim.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> Stephens, <i>War between the States</i>, II, 32.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> Davis, <i>Confederate Government</i>, I, 80.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> Adams, <i>New England Federalism</i>, 144–146.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> Buchanan, <i>Administration on Eve of Rebellion</i>, chap. v; <i>National
Intelligencer</i>, January 18, 1861.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> Secretary of War, <i>Report</i>, 1860, <i>Senate Exec. Docs.</i>, 36 Cong., 2
Sess., No. 1, pp. 214, 216.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> Secretary of Navy, <i>Report</i>, 1860, <i>ibid.</i>, 383.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="fnanchor">142</a> Secretary of War, <i>Report</i>, 1860, <i>ibid.</i>, 209, 213.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> Buchanan, <i>Administration on Eve of Rebellion</i>, 104.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> <i>National Intelligencer</i>, January 11, 1861.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 68.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 69; Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 57, 58.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> Trescot MS., quoted by Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 58, 59.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 70.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, pp. 74, 75.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 76.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 80.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 64.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, pp. 79–82.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 82.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 67.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 89.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 103.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, pp. 96–100; Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>,
77.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> <i>Trescot MS.</i>, quoted by Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 78.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="fnanchor">160</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 101.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 81–83.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 85, 86.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> Curtis, <i>Buchanan</i>, II, 385. The emphasis is Buchanan’s.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="fnanchor">164</a> Governor’s message to legislature, quoted by Crawford, <i>Fort
Sumter</i>, 87.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 111.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="fnanchor">166</a> Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 91.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="fnanchor">167</a> Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, chap. x.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 2.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 112.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 110, 111.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 3.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> Ward H. Lamon, a former law partner of President Lincoln,
who visited Charleston at this time and assumed to be a representative
of the President.—[<span class="smcap">Editor.</span>]</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 222.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 230.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 228.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 284, 285.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 285.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 377.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 283.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 241.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> Doubleday, <i>Sumter and Moultrie</i>, 98.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 235.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>Abraham Lincoln</i>, IV, 31, 32.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 294.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 249–251.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> Talbot’s report, in <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 251.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> Roman, <i>Beauregard</i>, I, 33.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, pp. 12–25, 213–216.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, pp. 25–58.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> Statement of Ex-Confederate Secretary of War to writer;
Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 421.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 297.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 297.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 422.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 13.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 59; Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 424.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 301.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> Crawford, <i>Fort Sumter</i>, 425, 426.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> <i>Naval War Records</i>, IV, 248.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> Fox’s report, in <i>Naval War Records</i>, IV, 245–251.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> Doubleday, <i>Sumter and Moultrie</i>, 142.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> Doubleday, <i>Sumter and Moultrie</i>, 147.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="fnanchor">202</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> Foster’s report, in <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, pp. 20, 21.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 293.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 22.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="fnanchor">206</a> Doubleday, <i>Sumter and Moultrie</i>, 158.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> Foster’s report, in <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, p. 24.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> Foster’s report, in <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 1, pp. 23, 24.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> Doubleday, <i>Sumter and Moultrie</i>, App., where the names
appear.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> <i>Naval War Records</i>, IV, 251.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> J. E. Johnston, <i>Narrative</i>, 84.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> Commander J. M. Brooke, in <i>Battles and Leaders</i>, I, 715;
Scharf, <i>Navy of the Confederate States</i>, 145 et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> <i>Battles and Leaders</i>, I, 692 et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>Abraham Lincoln</i>, V, 226.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="fnanchor">215</a> Soley, <i>Blockade and Cruisers</i>, 54.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> See <i>The Appeal to Arms</i>, by Dr. J. K. Hosmer, p. 74.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> Poore, <i>Burnside</i>, 132.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="fnanchor">218</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 6, pp. 133–167.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> Soley, <i>Blockade and Cruisers</i>, 82 et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> Farragut, <i>Farragut</i>, chaps. i, ii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> <i>Naval War Records</i>, XVIII, pp. xv, xvi.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="fnanchor">222</a> Farragut, <i>Farragut</i>, 207.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="fnanchor">223</a> <i>Naval War Records</i>, XVIII (West Gulf Blockading Squadron);
Mahan, <i>Gulf and Inland Waters</i>, 52.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="fnanchor">224</a> Beverly Kennon, a Southern officer, in <i>Battles and Leaders</i>, II,
76, criticises severely the management of the Confederate ships.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="fnanchor">225</a> <i>Naval War Records</i>, XVIII, 134 et seq.; Mahan, <i>Gulf and Inland
Waters</i>, 52 et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> Parton, <i>Butler in New Orleans</i>, chap. xii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 24, p. 511.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> Grant, <i>Personal Memoirs</i>, I, 411.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="fnanchor">229</a> Sherman, <i>Memoirs</i>, I, 319.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>Abraham Lincoln</i>, VII, 135.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> Sherman, <i>Memoirs</i>, I, 324.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> Cullum, <i>Register of Mil. Acad.</i>, art., “McPherson.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="fnanchor">233</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 36, pp. 371–467.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> Mahan, <i>Gulf and Inland Waters</i>, 110 et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> Johnston, <i>Narrative</i>, 152.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 36, pp. 565 et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="fnanchor">237</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 36, p. 32.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> Johnston, <i>Narrative</i>, 153.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> Admiral Porter’s fleet kept up a continuous bombardment for
forty days. Seven thousand mortar shells and forty-five hundred
shells from the gunboats were discharged at the city. As Grant
drew his lines closer, his cannonade was kept up day and night.
The people of Vicksburg had taken shelter in caves dug in the
clay hills on which the city stands. In these caves families lived
day and night, and children were born. Famine attacked the
city, and mule-meat made a savory dish. Grant mined under
some of the Confederate works, and one of them, Fort Hill Bastion,
was blown up on June 25th with terrible effect.—<i>Harper’s Encyclopædia
of United States History</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="fnanchor">240</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 37, pp. 146–424.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 41, pp. 41–181 (Port Hudson).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="fnanchor">242</a> Greene, <i>The Mississippi</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial Nos. 43 and 44, pp. 1–775 (all on Gettysburg
campaign).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> Longstreet, <i>Manassas to Appomattox</i>, 331.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 45, p. 31.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="fnanchor">246</a> F. H. Lee, <i>Robert E. Lee</i>, 265. For R. E. Lee’s report of
Gettysburg, see <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 44, pp. 293 et seq.; Long,
<i>Lee</i>, 280.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> But see controversy between Mosby and Robertson as to
management of the Confederate cavalry, <i>Battles and Leaders</i>, III,
251.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> Cullum, <i>Register of Mil. Acad.</i>, art. “Meade.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="fnanchor">249</a> Hunt, in <i>Battles and Leaders</i>, III, 258.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> Livermore, <i>Numbers and Losses</i>, 102.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> <i>War Records</i>, Serial No. 43, pp. 104–119 (Report of Meade).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="fnanchor">252</a> F. H. Lee, <i>Robert E. Lee</i>, 270.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="fnanchor">253</a> Doubleday, <i>Chancellorsville and Gettysburg</i>, 132.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> Cullum, <i>Register of Mil. Acad.</i>, art. “Hancock.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="fnanchor">255</a> Walker, <i>Hancock</i>, in <i>Mass. Mil. Hist. Soc. Papers</i>, “Some
Federal and Confederate Commanders,” 49.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> Doubleday, <i>Chancellorsville and Gettysburg</i>, 156.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> A tradition at Gettysburg.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> Mrs. Longstreet, <i>Lee and Longstreet at High Tide</i>, 83, 84.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> For criticisms by the friends of Lee, see Davis, <i>Rise and Fall
of the Confederate Government</i>, II, 447; F. H. Lee, <i>Robert E. Lee</i>,
299; William Allan, in <i>Battles and Leaders</i>, III, 355. Able and
impartial is G. F. R. Henderson, <i>Science of War</i>, 280 et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="fnanchor">260</a> Hood, <i>Advance and Retreat</i>, 57 et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="fnanchor">261</a> For Meade’s good judgment and activity, see Walker, in
<i>Battles and Leaders</i>, III, 406.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="fnanchor">262</a> Gibbon, in <i>Battles and Leaders</i>, III, 313.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="fnanchor">263</a> Mrs. Longstreet, <i>Lee and Longstreet at High Tide</i>, 48.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="fnanchor">264</a> Pennypacker, <i>Meade</i>, 194.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> Longstreet, <i>Manassas to Appomattox</i>, 385 et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="fnanchor">266</a> Fremantle, <i>Three Months in the Southern States</i>, 274 et seq.
Confirmed to the writer by General E. P. Alexander, who heard
the rebuke.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> <i>Battles and Leaders</i>, III, 349.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="fnanchor">268</a> Committee on Conduct of the War, <i>Report</i>, pt. i (1864–1865),
408 et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="fnanchor">269</a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>Abraham Lincoln</i>, VII, 278.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> For a minute discussion of Meade’s management, and much
testimony, see Committee on Conduct of the War, <i>Report</i>, pt. i
(1864–1865), 295–524.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> Livermore, <i>Numbers and Losses</i>, 102.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> See the chapter on the Monroe Doctrine in <i>The Rise of the
New West</i>, by Prof. F. J. Turner, and also chaps. i and xi of
<i>America as a World Power</i>, by Prof. G. H. Latané. (<i>The American
Nation</i>, Harper &amp; Brothers.)—[<span class="smcap">Editor.</span>]</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> <i>The War with Spain</i>, by Henry Cabot Lodge, and <i>The Spanish
War</i>, by General Russell A. Alger, may be consulted with advantage.
Both are published by Harper &amp; Brothers. Harper’s
<i>Encyclopædia of United States History</i>, VI, affords a picturesque
account of the battle of Manila Bay, by Ramon Reyes Lala,
a Filipino author and lecturer. Professor Latané’s account of
the war, in his <i>America as a World Power</i> (Harper &amp; Brothers),
offers an excellent example of judicial historical treatment.—<span class="smcap">Editor.</span></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="fnanchor">274</a> Long, <i>New American Navy</i>, I, 209.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> <i>Messages and Docs.</i>, Abridgment, 1898–1899, II, 921.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> Sec. of the Navy, <i>Annual Report</i>, 1898, App., pp. 465, 466.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="fnanchor">277</a> It was on this date, May 24th, that the <i>Oregon</i>, Captain Clark,
appeared off Jupiter Inlet, Florida, ready for action, after a voyage
of fourteen thousand miles from San Francisco.—[<span class="smcap">Editor.</span>]</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> Schley, <i>Forty-five Years Under the Flag</i>, 276.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> Sec. of the Navy, <i>Annual Report</i>, 1898, App., p. 402; Long,
<i>New Am. Navy</i>, I, 258–287.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="fnanchor">280</a> Sec. of the Navy, <i>Annual Report</i>, 1898, App., p. 437.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="fnanchor">281</a> Sec. of the Navy, <i>Annual Report</i>, 1898, App., p. 667.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> Major-General commanding the army, <i>Report</i>, 1898, p. 149.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="fnanchor">283</a> Major-General commanding the army, <i>Report</i>, 1898, p. 162.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> Major-General commanding the army, <i>Report</i>, 1898, pp. 152,
169, 171, 319, 366, 381. [General Vara el Rey, one of the bravest
of the Spanish officers, was the leader in this desperate resistance,
and was killed while rallying his men in the village.—<span class="smcap">Editor.</span>]</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> Major-General commanding the army, <i>Report</i>, pp. 167, 173.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> <i>Messages and Docs.</i>, Abridgment, 1898–1899, I, 270.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="fnanchor">287</a> Sec. of the Navy, <i>Annual Report</i>, 1898, App., pp. 505–602;
Long, <i>New Am. Navy</i>, II, 28–42.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="fnanchor">288</a> Major-General commanding the army, <i>Report</i>, 1898, pp. 138–147,
226–243, 246–266.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="fnanchor">289</a> <i>Senate Docs.</i>, 56 Cong., I Sess., No. 221, 8 vols.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> <i>Nation</i>, LXIX, 61.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="fnanchor">291</a> Proceedings of the Schley Court of Inquiry, <i>House Docs.</i>, 57
Cong., I Sess., No. 485.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="fnanchor">292</a> Act of February 14, 1903, <i>U. S. Statutes at Large</i>, XXXII, pt. i,
p. 830.</p></div>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_379">379</span></p>

<div class="chapter"><div class="index">
<h2 id="INDEX" class="nobreak">INDEX</h2>

<ul class="index">
<li class="ifrst">Abercrombie, James, killed at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Adams, John, elected President, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Adams, John Quincy, interested in western exploration, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">elected President, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Texas, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Adams, Samuel, circular letter, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">“committees of correspondence,” <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">on independence, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">outlawed, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Aguinaldo, Emilio, insurrection, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alabama, admitted into the Union, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">secession, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Alabama</i> and the <i>Kearsarge</i>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Claims, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alaska, purchase, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alger, R. A., Spanish War, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">resignation, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alien acts, passage, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Alliance</i> fired upon, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Almonte, J. N., annexation of Texas, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">demands his passports, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alston, Charles, at surrender of Sumter, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amendment, Thirteenth, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Fourteenth, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Fifteenth, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">America, territorial history, <a href="#Page_1">1–12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">American, flag adopted, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">victory at Cowpens, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Embargo Act, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Anti-Slavery Society, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Americans, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_102">102–108</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at battle of Long Island, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at White Plains, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Bennington, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Saratoga, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Valley Forge, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">storm Stony Point, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Yorktown, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invade Canada, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Chippewa, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupy California, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">New Mexico, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amherst, Jeffrey, commander-in-chief in America, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advance down Lake Champlain, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ampudia, Pedro de, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Anderson, Robert, commands Charleston forts, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fitness, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">urges reinforcements and occupation of Pinckney and Sumter, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">state enrollment of fort laborers, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">instructions, <a href="#Page_246">246–247</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">removal to Sumter, <a href="#Page_251">251–253</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">refuses to return, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lamon’s statements, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Beauregard, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defensive instructions repeated, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">scarcity of provisions, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fears he has been abandoned, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">informed of Fox expedition, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">isolated, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">refuses to evacuate, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">offer on evacuation refused, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bombardment, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrenders, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">André, John, capture and execution, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Andros, Sir Edward, Governor of New England, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Anne, Fort, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Anti-Slavery Society, formation, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_380">380</span></li>

<li class="indx"><i>Ariel</i> at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Arizona, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Arkansas, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">secession, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Arnold, Benedict, to the relief of Fort Schuyler, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Behmus’ Heights, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">deprived of command, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">wounded, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treason, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Arthur, C. A., succeeds to the Presidency, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Appleton, Major, in King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Appomattox campaign, <a href="#Page_329">329–342</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">map, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meeting between Grant and Lee, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lee’s surrender, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lincoln, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Appomattox Court-House, Lee’s surrender, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ashburton treaty, on northeastern boundary, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Babcock, Colonel, at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Babcock, Prof. Kendric Charles quoted, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Badeau, Adam, at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Baltimore</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, discovers Pacific Ocean, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Banks, N. P., expedition against Port Hudson, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Barclay, Commodore, at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Baum, Colonel, at Bennington, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Beauregard, P. G. T., pledge from Anderson, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reports readiness to attack Fort Sumter, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">order to attack, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">demands evacuation, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Anderson’s offer, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bombardment, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">terms of surrender, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Behmus’ Heights, battle, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">map, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Behring’s Strait, discovery, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bennington, battle, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bissell, Colonel, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Blue, Victor, at Santiago, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Black Hawk War, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Blanco, Ramon, and Cervera’s fleet, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bocanegra, J. M. de, on United States and Texas, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bonaparte, Napoleon, recaptures Toulon, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Emperor of France, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Boone, Daniel, settlement of Kentucky, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Boston</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Boston, founded, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><i>Liberty</i> riots, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">arrival of troops, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">massacre, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">tea-party, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">port closed, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">aid for, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">military possession, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">siege, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">British forces in, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bougainville, at Quebec, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bowers, T. S., at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Boxer</i> taken by the <i>Enterprise</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bradford, Major, in King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Breed’s Hill, height, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fortified, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">redoubt on, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">anxious moments, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle, <a href="#Page_112">112–116</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Brener, Colonel, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Breyman, Colonel, at Bennington, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bridge, Colonel, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">British, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_102">102–118</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">evacuate Boston, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">repulsed at Charleston, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at the battle of Long Island, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupy New York, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">enter Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Behmus’ Heights, <a href="#Page_133">133–137</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">burn Esopus, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">evacuate New York, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupy Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">enter Savannah, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeated at King’s Mountain, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">evacuate Savannah and Charleston, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">evacuate New York, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_381">381</span></li>
<li class="isub1">“Order in Council,” <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Frenchtown, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Sackett’s Harbor, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fleet at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrender, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">losses, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bragg, Braxton, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Brooke, J. R., in Porto Rico, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Brooke, John M., and the <i>Virginia</i>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Brooklyn</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369–372</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Brooks, John, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Behmus’ Heights, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Brown, Colonel, at Ticonderoga, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Brown, John, execution, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Buchanan, James, elected President, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reinforcement of Charleston forts, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">instructions to Anderson, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Picken’s demand for Sumter, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">policy of delay, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Buckminster, Colonel, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Buell, D. C., instructions to Anderson, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Buena Vista, battle, <a href="#Page_198">198–207</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Buford, John, cavalry in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bunker Hill, battle, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102–118</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">topography, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">intrenchments, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">deserters, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">losses, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">forces engaged, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">no victory, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">monument, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Burgoyne, John, arrival at Boston, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in Canada, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Ticonderoga, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">proclamation, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">route (map), <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Skenesborough, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Bennington, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Indian allies, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">St. Leder’s failure, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">crosses the Hudson, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">difficulties, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">news from Clinton, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">perplexity at Fort Edward, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrender, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Clinton’s advance, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">effects, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Burnside, Ambrose E., Roanoke Island, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">commands Army of the Potomac, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Burr, Aaron, arrest, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Butler, Benjamin F., New Orleans expedition, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Cabot, John, reaches North America, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cadwalader, George, at Contreras, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Caledonian</i> at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">California, coast explored, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">annexation, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">discovery of gold, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupation (1847), <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Callender, Captain, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">cowardice, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Campbell, Major, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Canada restored to France, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Canonchet, death, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Carolina, purchased, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cartier, Jacques, voyage to the St. Lawrence, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cass, Lewis, resigns, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cassin, Lieutenant-Commandant, at the battle of Lake Champlain, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Castilla</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Castro, José, faction in California, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cervera, Pasquale, squadron, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Santiago, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle, <a href="#Page_369">369–372</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Champlain, Samuel, defeats Mohawks, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attacks Iroquois, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">founds Quebec, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chapin, Cyrenus, at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chapultepec, storming of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Charles I. executed, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Charleston Harbor forts, Scott advises reinforcement, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">available force, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Buchanan’s passive attitude, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">condition, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Moultrie repaired, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Gardner asks for reinforcements, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attempted removal of ammunition, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Porter’s report, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_382">382</span></li>
<li class="isub1">Anderson advises reinforcement and occupation of Pinckney and Sumter, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">state enrollment of fort laborers, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Buell’s instructions to Anderson, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Pinckney occupied, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">state demands Sumter, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">demand withdrawn, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">state patrol, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">removal to Sumter, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">consequent excitement, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Anderson refuses to return, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">state occupies other forts, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><i>Star of the West</i>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Anderson promised support, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">food problem at Sumter, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">map of, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">demand for surrender of Sumter, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Fox’s expedition to relieve, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Scott ridiculed plan of relief, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bombardment of Sumter, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrender, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">effect of relief expedition, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chauncey, Isaac, command, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Lake Ontario, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Chesapeake</i> captured by the <i>Shannon</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chestnut, James, at Fort Sumter, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chicago fire, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Childs, Colonel, at Puebla, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Chippeway</i> at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Choiseul, French premier, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Chubb</i> at Lake George, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Churubusco, battle, <a href="#Page_215">215–220</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Civil Rights Bill passed, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Clark, Charles Edgar, in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Clark, George Rogers, conquest of Northwest, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Clay Compromise adopted, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Clayton-Bulwer Treaty concluded, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cleveland, Grover, annexation of Hawaii, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">elected President, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Venezuela boundary dispute, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Cuban Filibusters, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Clinton, Fort, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Clinton, James, at New York, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attacks Forts Clinton and Montgomery, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Clinton, Sir Henry, arrival at Boston, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Putnam, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attacks Forts Clinton and Montgomery, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captures Charleston, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Colorado, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Columbia River, mouth discovered, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lewis and Clark expedition, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Columbus discovers Western World, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Committee of Correspondence in Boston, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Committee of Safety in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Concord</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Confederate States, congress assembles, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Confiance</i> at Lake George, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Connecticut, settlement, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">constitution adopted, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conscription, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Conner, David, before Vera Cruz, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Conscription riots, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Constellation</i> captures <i>L’Insurgente</i>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Constitution, Fort, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Constitution</i> captures the <i>Guerrière</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><i>Java</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Contreras, battle, <a href="#Page_211">211–214</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Continental Congress, adopts Declaration of Independence, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Continental Village, burned, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cook, James, pathfinder, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cornwallis, Lord Charles, defeats Gates at Camden, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeats Greene at Guilford Court-house, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Yorktown, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">situation, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrender, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Correo</i>, in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cortez enters city of Mexico, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Cristobal Colon</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370–372</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_383">383</span></li>

<li class="indx">Cuba, insurrection, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">desires annexation, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">southern desire for, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Polk’s attempted purchase, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">“Ostend Manifesto,” <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Marcy’s attitude, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><i>Virginius</i> affair, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Grant and, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">McKinley’s protest, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Spain’s reply, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">blowing up of the <i>Maine</i>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Proctor’s speech, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Spain declared, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">blockade, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Santiago campaign, <a href="#Page_362">362–368</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">naval battle off Santiago, <a href="#Page_369">369–372</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Spanish surrender, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cubans proclaim independence, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Culp’s Hill, battle, <a href="#Page_320">320–322</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cushing, Caleb, visit to Pickens, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Custer, G. A., in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Custer massacre by Sioux, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Davis, Jefferson, elected President of the Confederate States, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">capture, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Davis, Jefferson C., occupies Castle Pinckney, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Decatur, Stephen, destroys the <i>Philadelphia</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">imposes terms upon the Dey of Algiers, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Declaration of Independence adopted by Continental Congress, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Deerfield Massacre, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Delaware River occupied by Swedes, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">De Ramezay at Quebec, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">De Riedesel, Baroness, at Behmus’ Heights, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">De Soto, Fernando, reaches the Mississippi River, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Detroit</i> at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Deuxponts, William, Count de, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Devin, T. C, in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dewey, George, preparations for Spanish War, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">forces, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle in Manila Bay, <a href="#Page_352">352–354</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">German fleet, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">capture of Manila, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sampson-Schley controversy, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dickinson, John, on taxation, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Diederich, Admiral von, in Manila Bay, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dix, Major, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Don Antonio de Ulloa</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Don Juan de Austria</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Donelson, Fort, surrender, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Doniphan, A. W., expedition against Mexico, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Doubleday, Abner, and removal to Sumter, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dred Scott decision, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dundas, Lieutenant-Colonel, Commissioner at the surrender of Cornwallis, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Duquesne, Fort, captured, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dutch, founded New Amsterdam, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Indians, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">West India Company, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Eagan, C. P., court-martial, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Eagle</i> at Lake George, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">East Florida, Spain cedes claim, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Edward, Fort, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">El Caney, battle, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Elliott, Lieutenant, at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">prize-money, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Endicott, John, avenges Oldham, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">England, expansion in America, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">and France in America, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">and Spain in America, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">declares war against Spain, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Enterprise</i> captures the <i>Boxer</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_384">384</span></li>

<li class="indx">Erie, Fort, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ericsson, John, designs <i>Monitor</i>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Essex</i> surrenders to the <i>Phoebe</i> and <i>Cherub</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ewell, R. S., at Gettysburg, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Farragut, David Glasgow, on the <i>Essex</i> at Valparaiso, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">commands New Orleans expedition, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">passing of the forts, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">on to Vicksburg, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Farnsworth, E. J., in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Faunce, John, Sumter relief expedition, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Febiger, Christian, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Fillmore, Millard, succeeds to Presidency, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Finch</i> at Lake George, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Fisher, Fort, captured, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Fish, Major, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Flag, American, adopted, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Fletcher, Captain, Sumter relief expedition, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Florida, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Florida ceded to England, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">secession, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Floyd, J. B., and transfer of ammunition, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">removes Gardner, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">on removal to Sumter, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Forrest, Dulaney, at the battle of Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Forrest, N. B., raids on federal communications, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Foster, J. G., reports progress on Sumter, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">forty-muskets episode, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">exposes “excitement” fake, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Fox, G. V., expedition to relieve Fort Sumter, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">France, settlements in America, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">and England in America, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">driven from Guinea coast, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">progress of discoveries (map), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">lack of sea power, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Quebec campaign, <a href="#Page_68">68–76</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">independence of United States, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">declares war against England, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Francis, Colonel, at Ticonderoga, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Franklin, Benjamin, Stamp Act, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">on colonial jealousy, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Fraser, General, at Ticonderoga, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attacks St. Clair, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Behmus’s Heights, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Freedmen’s Bureau, organization, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">French, begin settlement of Louisiana, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Yorktown, <a href="#Page_145">145–150</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Quebec, <a href="#Page_68">68–70</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">declare war against Mexico, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Frolic</i> captured by the <i>Wasp</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Frontenac, Fort, captured, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Frye, Colonel, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Gage, Thomas, governor of Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">seizes munitions of war, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reinforced, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">council of war, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gamble, Peter, at the battle of Lake Champlain, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gamble, William, in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gardner, Colonel, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">mortally wounded, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gardner, J. L., commands Charleston forts, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attempts to secure ammunition, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">removed, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Garfield, J. A., elected President, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">assassinated, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Garretson, G. A., in Porto Rico, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Garrison, William Lloyd, and the <i>Liberator</i>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Gaspee</i> commission, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gates, Horatio, supersedes Schuyler, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Behmus’s Heights, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_385">385</span></li>
<li class="isub1">increase of army, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">deprives Arnold of command, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">terms proposed to Burgoyne, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reputation, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeated at Camden, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>General Lezo</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">George I., King of England, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">George II., accession, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">George III., accession, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Georgia, charter, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">secession, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Germaine, Lord George, and loyalists, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Germany, result of Thirty Years’ War, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gerrish, Colonel, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gettysburg campaign, Lee’s northward march, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Federal movements, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Federal cavalry, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">misuse of Confederate cavalry, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Meade displaces Hooker, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">forces, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">map, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle first day, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">topography of field, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">second day, position of forces, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Longstreet and Lee, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Round Top and Valley, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Culp’s Hill, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Federal council, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">third day, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Pickett’s attack, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lee confesses error, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">question of counter-charge, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">losses, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lincoln’s disappointment, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gibbon, John, in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, takes possession of Newfoundland, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gillis, J. P., Sumter relief expedition, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gimat, Colonel, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Gloucester</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gosnold, Bartholomew, attempts settlement on Massachusetts coast, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Grant, U. S., proposed annexation of Santo Domingo, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Fort Donelson, Lincoln’s faith in, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">destruction of Holly Springs depot, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in command before Vicksburg, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">opposing force, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">naval auxiliary, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">futile operations, <a href="#Page_300">300–301</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">crosses river below Vicksburg, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Port Gibson, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">abandons his base, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">victories in rear of Vicksburg, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">siege of Vicksburg, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">receives surrender of Vicksburg, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">commander-in-chief, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_335">335–342</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meeting with Lee, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">appearance, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">elected President, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Cuba, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Grasse, François Joseph Paul, Count de, visited by Washington, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">blockades mouth of York River, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Graves, Admiral, in command of British fleet at the Battle of Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Greene, Christopher, at the battle of Guilford, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Greene, Lieutenant, account of fight with the <i>Virginia</i>, <a href="#Page_284">284–287</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Greene, Lieutenant-Colonel, at Fort Monroe, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Greene, Nathaniel, joins army, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Jamaica Plains, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gregg, D. M., cavalry in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Grenville, George, premier, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">colonial policy, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Stamp Act, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fall, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gridley, Charles Vernon, Manila Bay battle, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gridley, Richard, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gridley, Samuel, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Grierson, B. H., raid, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Guadalupe-Hidalgo, treaty of ratified, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Guadeloupe captured, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Guerrière</i> captured by the <i>Constitution</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Halleck, H. W., commander-in-chief, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_386">386</span></li>
<li class="isub1">Grant, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Hooker, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hamilton, Alexander, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hancock, John, sloop <i>Liberty</i> seized, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">riots, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">outlawed, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hancock, W. S., in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hardin, Colonel, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Harmar, Josiah, expedition, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Harrison, Benjamin, elected President, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Harrison, W. H., and Tecumseh, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">elected President, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Harvard College, foundation, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Harvey, John, governor of Virginia, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hawaii, annexation, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">republic, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">annexed to the United States, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hawke, Sir Edward, sea-fight off Quiberon Bay, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hayes, Rutherford B., awarded Presidency, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Henry, Fort, surrender, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Henry, Patrick, Stamp Act, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Herkimer, General, at the siege of Fort Schuyler, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Herrera, J. J. de, against annexation of Texas, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Higginson, Captain, Porto Rico campaign, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, quoted, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Highlands of the Hudson, defences, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hill, A. P., in northern invasion, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Beaver Dam Creek, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Gettysburg, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hill, Fort, bastion blown up, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hobson, R. P., sinking of <i>Merrimac</i>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Holdup, Thomas, at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Holly Springs, destruction of federal depot, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Honduras, English settlement, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hooker, Joseph, commands Army of the Potomac, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">after Chancellorsville, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lee’s invasion, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">pursuit of Lee, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">use of cavalry, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relieved of command, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Hornet</i> captures the <i>Peacock</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">House of Commons, membership, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Howard, O. O., in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Howell, J. A., in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Howe, Sir William, arrival at Boston, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in command at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Moulton’s Point, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">moves on Breed’s Hill, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">repulsed, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bravery, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">wounded, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Philadelphia campaign, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hubberton, battle at, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hudson Bay Company, incorporated, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hudson, Henry, ascends the Hudson River, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Hunter</i> at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Illinois, admitted to the Union, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Independence, Fort, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">India, British possession, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Indiana, admitted into the Union, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Indiana</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369–372</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Indians, American, treatment of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">distribution of (map), <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">land purchases from, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">early warfare with, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">price on heads, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">massacre in Virginia, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">period of peace, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treatment of prisoners, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with the Dutch, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with the English, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with the French, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">praying, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Infanta Maria Teresa</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_387">387</span></li>

<li class="indx">Inflation Bill vetoed, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ingalls, Rufus, at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Iowa, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Iowa</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369–372</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Iroquois (Five Nations), tribes, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">friendship for Dutch, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">origin of hostilities to French, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">French expedition against, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">raids in Canada, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">weakened, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Isla de Cuba</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Isla de Luzon</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Isla de Mandanao</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Jackson, Andrew, and Creek Indians, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">seizes Pensacola, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captures Spanish fort, St. Mark’s, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">elected President, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jackson, Fort, Farragut passes, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrenders, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jackson, Major, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">James I. grants patent to London and Plymouth companies, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">James II., King of England, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jamestown, settlement, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jefferson, Thomas, and Louisiana purchase, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lewis and Clark Expedition, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">interest in western exploration, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">elected President, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jeffries, Doctor, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Johnson, Andrew, succeeds to the Presidency, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Johnson, Colonel, at Ticonderoga, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Johnson, President, impeachment, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Johnson, Sir William, captures Fort Niagara, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Johnston, western command, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Vicksburg campaign, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Johnstown flood, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jones, D. R., and surrender of Sumter, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Kansas, civil war, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kearny, S. W., occupies New Mexico, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Kearsarge</i> and the <i>Alabama</i>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">lost, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kentucky, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kilpatrick, H. J., cavalry in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">King George’s War, beginning, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="King_Philip"></a>King Philip (Pometacom), chief of the Wampanoags, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attack on Swanzey, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Pocasset, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returned to Mount Hope, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44–58</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">King William’s War, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kossuth, Louis, arrival in United States, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Knowlton, Thomas, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">killed at Battle of Harlem Heights, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Knox, Henry, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Yorktown, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst"><i>Lady Prevost</i> at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">La Fayette, Marquis de, at Yorktown, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lake Champlain, battle, <a href="#Page_173">173–179</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">losses, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lake Erie, battle, <a href="#Page_158">158–172</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Perry victorious, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">losses, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">prize money, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lamon, W. H., visit to Charleston, 256<i>n</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">unauthorized statements, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lane, Henry S., at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Langdon, Samuel, President of Harvard College, at Cambridge, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Las Guasimas, battle, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_388">388</span></li>

<li class="indx">La Salle, explorations, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lathrop, Captain, in King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Laub, Henry, at the battle of Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Laurens, John, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Commissioner at the surrender of Cornwallis, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lauzun, Duke de, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Lawrence</i>, at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lawton, H. W., in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Learned, General, at Behmus’ Heights, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lee, Captain, and surrender of Sumter, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lee, R. E., occupies Winchester, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">enters Pennsylvania, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">considered unconquerable, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">army at its best, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">northern invasion, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">misuse of cavalry, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">force in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle, first day, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">second day, position, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rejects Longstreet’s advice, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">third day, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Pickett’s charge, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">confesses error, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">retreat, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Appomattox, surrender, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335–341</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lewis and Clark expedition, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lincoln, Abraham, elected President, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sumter, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">call for militia, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">protection of Washington, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><i>Virginia</i>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">faith in Grant, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lee’s invasion, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Hooker, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">failure to crush Lee, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lee’s surrender, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">re-elected President, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">assassinated, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lincoln, Benjamin, and Stark, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Behmus’ Heights, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">wounded, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrenders Charleston to Clinton, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Yorktown, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lincoln, Captain, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lincoln, Robert T., at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Linnet</i> at Lake George, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>L’Insurgente</i> captured by the <i>Constellation</i>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Little Belt</i> at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Locomotive, first, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lombardini, Manuel, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Long Island, battle, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Longstreet, James, rejoins Lee, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">disapproves of northern invasion, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dispute with Lee, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Gettysburg, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">expected counter-stroke, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Louis XIV. attempted consolidation of Spain and France, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Louis XVI. execution, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Louisiana, purchase, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">settlement, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">retrocession of, to France, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">secession, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Loyalists"></a>Loyalists, views, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">persecuted, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Boston, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in British army, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in Tryon County, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">McClellan, G. B., commander-in-chief, Federal armies, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">force, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his superiors, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">McClernand, John A. B., in command before Vicksburg, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">placed under Grant, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in Vicksburg campaign, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>McCulloch</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Macdonough, Thomas, Jr., at Lake Champlain, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">account of battle, <a href="#Page_176">176–178</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">testimonials, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Macedonian</i> captured by the <i>United States</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">McKee, Colonel, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">McKinley Tariff Bill, passed, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_389">389</span></li>

<li class="indx">McKinley, William, elected President, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Spain, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Cuba, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">declares war, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">McLaws, Lafayette, in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">McPherson, James B., Vicksburg campaign, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">McRea, Jenny, murdered, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Madison, James, elected President, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Maine admitted into the Union, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Maine</i> blown up, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Manhattan Island purchased, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Manila, naval battle, <a href="#Page_351">351–355</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Dewey’s command, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Montojo’s, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first shot, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">map, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Spanish surrender, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">capture of city, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Manning, J. L., and surrender of Sumter, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Marcy, W. L., plan of operations against Mexico, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Marie Antoinette, execution, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Marquette, Jacques, on Mississippi, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Marquis de Duero</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Maryland, settlement, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mason, John, in Pequot War, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mason, J. M., confederate commissioner, captured, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Massachusetts</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Massachusetts, war with Pequots, <a href="#Page_32">32–42</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_45">45–58</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">charter annulled, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">military government, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conscription, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Maximilian, Archduke, assumes crown of Mexico, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captured and shot, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Meade, George Gordon, commands Army of Potomac, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">character and appearance, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">forces under, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reliance in Reynolds, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Gettysburg, first day, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">second day, position of forces, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">midnight council, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">third day, Culp’s Hill, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Pickett’s attack, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">question of counter-charge, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lee’s retreat, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">losses, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Lincoln’s disappointment, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Meade, R. K., and removal to Sumter, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mercer, Samuel, on Sumter relief expedition, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i><a id="Merrimac"></a>Merrimac</i>, construction, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attack on Federal vessels, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fight with <i>Monitor</i>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Merrimac</i>, sinking of, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Merritt, Wesley, in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Manila, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mexican War, causes, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">popular movement, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Taylor in Texas, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advances to Rio Grande, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first skirmish, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Polk’s war message, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war legislation, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Polk’s sincerity, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Slidell’s mission, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">purchase of California, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">map (1846–1848), <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupation of New Mexico and California, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Wool’s expedition, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Doniphan’s expedition, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">friction, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Taylor’s campaign, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">plan against city of Mexico, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Vera Cruz, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advance on City of Mexico, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first mission, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bribe to Santa Anna, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">armistice, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">futile negotiations, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">recall of Trist, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">City of Mexico occupied, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">ratified, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_198">198–207</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Vera Cruz, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Cerro Gordo, <a href="#Page_209">209–211</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Contreras, <a href="#Page_211">211–214</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Churubusco, <a href="#Page_215">215–220</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Molino Del Rey, <a href="#Page_220">220–225</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Chapultepec, <a href="#Page_225">225–229</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_390">390</span></li>
<li class="isub1">City of Mexico occupied, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mexico, City of, occupied, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">campaign against, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captured, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Miami Indians, defeat St. Clair, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeated by General Anthony Wayne, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Michigan, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Miles, N. A., in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Porto Rico campaign, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">charges of maladministration of army, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Miles, N. P., and surrender of Sumter, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Minnesota, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Minuit, Governor, purchased the island of Manhattan, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mississippi, admitted into the Union, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">secession, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Missouri Compromise, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">repealed, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Molasses Act, in effect, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">aim, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Molino Del Rey, battle, <a href="#Page_220">220–225</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Monitor</i> fight with the <i>Virginia</i>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281–287</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Monmouth, battle, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">“Monroe Doctrine” announced, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Monroe, James, elected President, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Montana, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Montcalm, Marquis de, capture of Fort William Henry, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">stand at Quebec, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">forces, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">policy of defence, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Wolfe, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeat and death, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Monterey, capture, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Montgomery, Fort, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Montojo, Admiral, Manila Bay battle, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Montreal, captured, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Moore, Major, killed at the battle of Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Morgan, Daniel, at Behmus’ Heights, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Morgan, M. R., at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Moseley, Captain, in King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Moultrie, Fort, condition, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">guns spiked, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupied by state forces, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Napoleon I. sells Louisiana, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Narraganset Indians, and Pequot war, <a href="#Page_32">32–35</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51–54</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nebraska, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nevada, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">New Amsterdam founded, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Newhall, Colonel, at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">New Hampshire, settlement, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conscription, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">New Haven purchased, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">New Jersey established, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">New Orleans, settlement, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Farragut’s expedition against, <a href="#Page_290">290–294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>New York</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Niagara, Fort, captured, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Niagara</i> at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nixon, John, at the battle of Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Noailles, Viscount de, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">North Carolina, secession, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">North Dakota, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Norton, Doctor, discovery of anæsthetics, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">O’Brien, Lieutenant, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ohio, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Oklahoma opened, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Oldham, John, killed, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Olympia</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Oquendo</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370–371</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ord, E. O. C, at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Oregon, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_391">391</span></li>

<li class="indx"><i>Oregon</i>, in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">voyage around the Horn, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in battle off Santiago, <a href="#Page_369">369–370</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Oregon, Spain cedes claim, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joint occupation, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">annexation, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ostend manifesto, draw up, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Otis, James, and “writs of assistance,” <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Palo Alto, battle of, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Panama Canal, construction, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Parker, Ely, at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Parsons, Usher, at the battle of Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Paterson, General, at Prospect Hill (1775), <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Peacock</i> captured by the <i>Hornet</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pemberton, J. C., Vicksburg campaign, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieged, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrenders, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Penn, William, purchases East Jersey, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pequots, war with Massachusetts colony, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">killing of Stone, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">murder of Oldham, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Narraganset alliance, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">settlements attacked, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">capture of forts, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">exterminated, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Perry, Oliver Hazard, battle of Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">boyhood, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">command, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">shifts flag, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">victory, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">message, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">losses, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treatment of prisoners, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">promotion, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">prize money, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Petersburg, siege of, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Petrel</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pettigrew, J. J., and Anderson, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Pickett’s charge, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Philadelphia, meeting of colonial delegates (1774), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Philippine Islands, United States’ possession, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pickens, F. W., request for Sumter, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">removal to Sumter, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pickett, G. E., charge at Gettysburg, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pico, Pio, faction in California, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pierce, Franklin, elected President, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pigot, Sir Robert, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pillow, Fort, storming, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pillow, Gideon J., at Vera Cruz, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Contreras, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Churubusco, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pinckney, Castle, condition, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupied by Anderson, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupied by state forces, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pitcairn, Major, shot at Breed’s Hill, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pitt, Fort, built, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pitt, William, in British cabinet, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">naval activity, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">demands enforcement of restrictive laws in the colonies, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pizarro, conquest of Peru, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Plains of Abraham, battle, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Plassey, battle of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pleasonton, Alfred, in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pocanokets. <i>See</i> <a href="#Wampanoags">Wampanoags</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Polk, James K., elected President, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war message, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Texas boundary, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Slidell’s mission, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">aggressiveness, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">policy of conquering a peace, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">plan of operations, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">friction, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Trist, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">accepts treaty, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Cuba, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ponce de Leon, Juan, voyage to Florida, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pomeroy, Seth, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pometacom. <i>See</i> <a href="#King_Philip">King Philip</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Poor, Enoch, at Behmus’ Heights, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Porter, David D., at the battle of New Orleans, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Vicksburg campaign, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, 304<i>n</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_392">392</span></li>

<li class="indx">Porter, Fitz-John, report on Charleston harbor forts, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Porter, Horace, at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Port Gibson, battle, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Port Hudson, Banks’ expedition against, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Port Royal, in Acadia, foundation, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Port Royal, Nova Scotia, captured, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Preble</i> at Lake George, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Prescott, Lieutenant, nephew of Colonel Prescott, killed at battle of Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Prescott, William, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fortifies Breed’s Hill, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bravery, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reinforced, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">offers command to Warren, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">repulses Howe, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">retreat, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>President</i>, fight with <i>Little Belt</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Prevost, Sir George, at Lake Champlain, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Prideaux, Brigadier, expedition to Niagara, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Proctor, Redfield, speech on Cuba, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pryor, R. A., and surrender of Sumter, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Putnam, Israel, joins army, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Cambridge, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at the Highlands, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Peekskill, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Quebec, settled, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">act, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taken by English, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Wolfe’s expedition against, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Montcalm at, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">stronghold, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">river protection, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defensive force, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">progress of siege, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">plains of Abraham, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">losses, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrender, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Queen Anne, accession, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Queen Anne’s War, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Queen Charlotte</i> at Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Quitman, John A., at Vera Cruz, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst"><i>Raleigh</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Raleigh, Sir Walter, expedition to North Carolina, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rawlins, General, at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Reconstruction Act, passage, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Reed, James, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Reina Cristina</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Resaca de la Palma, battle, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Revolution, American, primary causes, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Samuel Adams as factor, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">outbreak, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">military preparations, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Reynolds, John E., in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rey, Vara el, at El Caney, 366<i>n</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rhett, R. B., Jr., and Anderson’s removal to Sumter, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rhode Island, purchased, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">settlement, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Riedesel, General, at Ticonderoga, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Roanoke Island, English settlement, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captured, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rochambeau, Count de, at Williamsburg (1781), <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Roosevelt, Theodore, and the navy, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Rough Riders, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sampson-Schley controversy, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ross, Major, commissioner at the surrender of Cornwallis, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rowan, S. C., and Sumter relief expedition, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ruffin, Edmund, opens fire on Sumter, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">St. Augustine, founded, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">St. Clair, Arthur, at Ticonderoga, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeat, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">pursued by British, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeat by Miami Indians, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">St. Leger, Colonel, siege of Fort Schuyler, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_393">393</span></li>
<li class="isub1">retreat, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">St. Marks captured, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>St. Paul</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">St. Simon, Marquis de, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Salem, settlement, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sampson, W. T., command, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">search for Cervera’s squadron, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">blockade of coast of Cuba, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle off Santiago, <a href="#Page_369">369–371</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Schley controversy, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">San Juan d’Ulloa, Fort, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">San Juan Hill, battle, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Santa Anna, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198–207</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bribe, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">abdicates, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Cerro Gordo, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Contreras, <a href="#Page_211">211–214</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Churubusco, <a href="#Page_215">215–220</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Molino Del Rey, <a href="#Page_220">220–225</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Chapultepec, <a href="#Page_225">225–229</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Santiago de Cuba, Cervera’s squadron at, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">blockade, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sinking of <i>Merrimac</i>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">preparations of army against, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">voyage and landing of army, <a href="#Page_363">363–364</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Las Guasimas, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">El Caney, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">San Juan Hill, <a href="#Page_366">366–368</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">map, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">naval battle, <a href="#Page_369">369–372</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrender, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">condition of army <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">return of troops, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Santo Domingo, proposed annexation with United States, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Saratoga battle (1777), <a href="#Page_120">120–143</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Saratoga</i> at Lake George, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Saunders, Admiral, at siege of Quebec, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Savannah, founded, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Saybrook, Fort, beleaguered, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Schley, W. S., flying squadron, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">search for Cervera’s squadron, <a href="#Page_359">359–361</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle off Santiago, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sampson controversy, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Schuyler, Fort, relief, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Schuyler, Philip, command, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Fort Edward, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">prejudices against, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">proclamation, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">superseded by Gates, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Stillwater, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">and Arnold, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">exonerated, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Schwan, Theodore, in Porto Rico, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Scott, Winfield, plan of operations against Mexico, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">commands Mexican expedition, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bribe to Santa Anna, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">proposed armistice, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captures Vera Cruz, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Cerro Gordo, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Contreras, <a href="#Page_211">211–214</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Churubusco, <a href="#Page_215">215–220</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Molino del Rey, <a href="#Page_220">220–225</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Chapultepec, <a href="#Page_225">225–229</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupies the City of Mexico, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advises reinforcement of Charleston Harbor forts, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">inaccurate statement of forces <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Fox’s plan of relief, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">succeeded by McClellan, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sedgwick, John, in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sedition Act, passage, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Seminole War, beginning, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">termination, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Seven Years’ War, beginning, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Seward, W. H., purchase of Alaska, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Danish West India Islands, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shafter, W. R., Santiago campaign, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Shannon</i> captures the <i>Chesapeake</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shays’ Rebellion in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">suppression, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sheridan, P. H., at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sherman, William T., at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">and McClernand, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in Vicksburg campaign, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">march on Atlanta, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupies Charleston, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shields, James, at Vera Cruz, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Contreras, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_394">394</span></li>
<li class="isub1">at Churubusco, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sickles, D. E., in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sigsbee, C. D., in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Simmons, Colonel, at Bennington, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Six Nations (Indians), in council, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Skene, Philip K., Council at Castleton, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Slavery, introduced into Virginia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">enlistment, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">importation prohibited, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Slidell, John, mission to Mexico, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captured, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Slocum, H. W., in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Small, Major, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Smith, C. H., at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Smith, General, at Contreras, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Smith, Persifer, at Contreras, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Smith, John, on American Indians, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Smith, Kirby, at Molino del Rey, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Vicksburg, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">South Carolina, secession, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">South Dakota, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Spain, territorial growth in America, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">loss of territory, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">and England in America, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">colonial revolution, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">cedes claim to Oregon, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in Cuba, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Spanish War, causes, <a href="#Page_347">347–349</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war declared, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Dewey at Manila, <a href="#Page_351">351–356</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">naval preparation, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">comparative naval forces, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">blockade of Cuba, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Santiago campaign, <a href="#Page_360">360–369</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">maps, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">naval battle, <a href="#Page_369">369–372</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrender, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Porto Rico campaign, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">capture of Manila, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">army investigation, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sampson-Schley controversy, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Specie Payment, resumption, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Speedlove, Major, killed at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Spottsylvania Court-house, battle, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stamp Act, proposed, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first reception of proposal, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">resistance, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">repeal urged, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">repealed, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stanwix, Fort, siege, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stanwix, John, sent to succor Pittsburg, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">built Fort Pitt, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stark, John, joins army, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Medford, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">insubordination, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Bennington, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">censured by Congress, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">promoted, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Star of the West</i> expedition, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stillwater, battle of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stockton, R. F., in California, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stuart, J. E. B., and Lee’s northward march, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">raid during Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Gettysburg, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stuyvesant, Peter, and Swedish settlers, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sumter, Fort, condition, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">state demands, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Anderson removes to, <a href="#Page_251">251–253</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">flag-raising, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><i>Star of the West</i> expedition, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">armament, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bombardment, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrenders, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">“Swamp Fight,” King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Swedes occupy the Delaware River, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sykes, George, in Gettysburg campaign, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Tarenteens (Eastern Indians), and King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tarleton, Banastre, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Taylor, Dick, at Vicksburg, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Taylor, H. C., in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_395">395</span></li>

<li class="indx">Taylor, Zachary, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in Texas, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advances to Rio Grande, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first skirmish, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captures Monterey, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">plans against City of Mexico, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198–207</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">elected President, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Telephone, invention, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tennessee, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">secession, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Territory, European claims in America, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">map of growth, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">of the United States, <a href="#Page_7">7–12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Texas</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Texas, rival claims, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">annexation, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">republic proclaimed, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolution, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">annexation, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">cause of Mexican War, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">secession, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Thirty Years’ War, result, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Thomas, John, at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Thompson, Waddy, and annexation of Texas, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Thomson, Charles, and Washington’s letter on the capitulation of Cornwallis, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ticonderoga, battle of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ticonderoga, Fort, defence, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Ticonderoga</i> at Lake George, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tilghman, Lieutenant-Colonel, bearer of despatches to Congress on surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Toral, José, surrenders Santiago, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tories. <i>See</i> <a href="#Loyalists">Loyalists</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Townshend, Charles, revenue scheme, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">tax measures repealed, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Treat, Major, and King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Treaty of Ghent, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Treaty of Paris, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Treaty of Utrecht, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Treaty of Washington, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Trescot, W. H., on Floyd and reinforcement of forts, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">demand for Sumter, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">removal to Sumter, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Trist, N. P., mission, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Scott, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first negotiations, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">recalled, but negotiates a treaty, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tryon, William, burns Continental Village, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Twiggs, David Emanuel, at Cerro Gordo, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Churubusco, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tyler, John, succeeds to the Presidency, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">United States, territorial power, <a href="#Page_7">7–9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">buys Louisiana, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupies West Florida, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">territorial rivalry with Great Britain, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">acquires Spanish possession, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">independence recognized, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dispute with Spain (1785), <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">declares war with Great Britain, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Tripoli, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">supremacy on Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty with Spain, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Mexico, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty with Great Britain, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Spain (1898), <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>United States</i> captures the <i>Macedonian</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Upham, A. P., and Mexico, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Utah, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Van Buren, Martin, elected President, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Van Dorn, Earl, destruction of Holly Springs depot, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vane, Sir Henry, Governor of Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Velasco</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Venezuela boundary dispute, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vera Cruz captured, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Versailles, Peace of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vicksburg, and destruction of Holly Springs depot, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sherman’s failure, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_396">396</span></li>
<li class="isub1">McClernand’s command, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Grant’s command, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">topography, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Confederate force, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Federal force, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">tentative operations, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">running the batteries, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Grant crosses river below, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Federal victories in rear, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">siege, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrender, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">losses, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bombardment, 304<i>n</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Villamil, Ignacio de Mora y, at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Ville de Paris</i>, De Grasse’s flag-ship, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Virginia admitted (by proclamation) into the Union, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Virginia</i> affair, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Virginia.</i> See <i><a href="#Merrimac">Merrimac</a></i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Virginia, slavery introduced, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">crown colony, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">secession, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Virginius</i> captured, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Vixen</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Vizcaya</i> in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Wadsworth, Captain, ambushed, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Walker, Captain, at the battle of Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Wampanoags"></a>Wampanoags (Pocanokets) and King Philip’s War, <a href="#Page_44">44–58</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ward, Artemas, in command, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Warner, Colonel, at Ticonderoga, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Warren, Gouverneur K., at Gettysburg, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Warren, James, joins army, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">President of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">a volunteer at the battle of Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">killed, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Washington, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Washington, George, siege of Boston, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Trenton, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Princeton, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at battle of the Brandywine, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Germantown, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Morristown, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Philadelphia campaign, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">confers with Congress, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">confidence in Schuyler, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">loss of Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Williamsburg, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Yorktown, <a href="#Page_147">147–149</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">elected President, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Washington, D. C., seat of government, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Wasp</i> captures the <i>Frolic</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wayne, Anthony, defeats Miami Indians, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Weedon, George, at the siege of Yorktown, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Welles, Gideon, Secretary of the Navy, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">West, Captain, bought the site of Richmond, Va., <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">West Indies, France, Spain, and England, in, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Weyler y Nicolau, Valeriano, in Cuba, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wheeler, Joseph, in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Whiskey Insurrection in Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wigfall, L. T., at the surrender of Sumter, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wilcox, C. M., and Pickett’s charge, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wilderness, battle of the, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wilkinson, James, commissioner <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Willett, Marinus, at the siege of Fort Schuyler, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">William Henry, Fort, captured, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">William III., death, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Williams, Major, killed at Bunker Hill, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Williams, Gen. Seth, at Appomattox, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Williams, Roger, purchase of Rhode Island, obtains patent from Parliament, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Winslow, Josiah, Governor of Plymouth, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wisconsin, admitted into the Union, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_397">397</span></li>

<li class="indx">Wolfe, James, expedition against Quebec, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">career and character, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">forces, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advance, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">progress of siege, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">illness, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">on Plains of Abraham, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wood, Leonard, and Rough Riders, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wool, J. E., expedition against Mexico, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Buena Vista, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Worden, J. L., <i>Monitor-Virginia</i> fight, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">story of the fight, <a href="#Page_281">281–284</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">“Writs of assistance,” right of search, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">legalized, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wyoming, admission into the Union, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wyoming Valley massacre, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Yarnell, Lieutenant, courage of, at the battle of Lake Erie, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yorktown, siege of, <a href="#Page_145">145–150</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">British forces, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">allied forces, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Cornwallis’s surrender, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">results, <a href="#Page_150">150–153</a>.</li>
</ul>
</div></div>

<p class="p2 center smaller wspace">THE END</p>

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