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    <h1>
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    <h1 style="font-weight: normal;">
      CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM
    </h1>
    <h1 style="font-weight: normal;">
      IN SPAIN
    </h1>
    <br />
    <br />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      A.D. 756-1031
    </h2>
    <br />
    <br />
    <br />
    <br />
    <div style="text-align: center;">
      BY
      <br />
    </div>
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      C.R. HAINES, M.A.
    </h2>
    <p style="text-align: center;">
      <font size="-1">AUTHOR OF "ENGLAND AND THE OPIUM TRADE";
      "EDUCATION AND MISSIONS";</font>
    </p>
    <div style="text-align: center;"></div>
    <p style="text-align: center;">
      <font size="-1">&nbsp;"VERSIONS IN VERSE."</font>
    </p>
    <p style="text-align: center;">
      <font size="-1"><br />
      <br /></font>
    </p>
    <hr style="height: 2px; width: 50%;" />
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      LONDON
    </h3>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH &amp;CO., PATERNOSTER SQUARE
    </h3>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      1889
    </h3>
     <p>[Note: While there is only one Chapter IX in the Table of Contents,
     there are two in text. I believe the first was meant to be part of
     Chapter VIII.]</p>

    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Invasion of Spain by the barbarians—Its easy conquest—Quarrels
      among the conquerors—Departure of the Vandals—Visigoths gain the
      supremacy—Conflict with Eastern Empire—Reduction of the Suevi—All
      Spain becomes Gothic—Approach of Saracens—Planting of
      Christianity in Spain—St James—Gospel first preached at
      Elvira—Irenaeus—Persecutions—Martyrs —Council of Elvira—Council
      of Nice—Number of Christians—Paganism
      proscribed—Julian—Arianism—Ulphilas—Conversion of
      barbarians—Degeneracy of religion—Priscillian—His heresy
      condemned—Priscillian burnt—Paganism, in Spain—The Gothic
      Government—Church and State —Power of king—Election of
      bishops—Arianism of Goths—Ermenegild—Bigotry in
      Spain—Jews—Influence of clergy—Of the pope ......1-11
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Period of Gothic rule—Degeneracy of Goths—Causes of their
      fall—Battle of Guadalete—Resistance of towns—Theodomir—Remnant in
      the North—Mohammedanism—Its rise and progress—Reduction of
      Africa—Siege of Constantinople—Attacks on Spain—Tarif—Arabs in
      Gaul—Anarchy in Spain—Christians in the North—Clemency of the
      Arabs—Treaties—Conquest easy—Rhapsodies of
      Isidore—Slaves—Jews—Impartiality of Arab governors—Khalifate
      established—Feuds of Arabs and Berbers—Revolt of Berbers—Syrian
      Arabs—Settlement of Arabs—Effect of Berber wars ......11-25
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Landing of Abdurrahman—Khalifate of Cordova—Condition of
      Christians —Proselytism—Apostates—Arabs and Spaniards—Evidence of
      Christian writers—Condition of the people—Serfs—No revolts—No
      solidarity with the Christians in the North—Relations wkh Arabs
      at first friendly—The jehad in Spain—Martyrs in battle—Fabulous
      martyr—Anambad, first martyr—Peter of Najuma—No other till
      824—John and Adulphus —Causes of Martyrdoms—Amalgamation of the
      two peoples—Intermarriage —Children of mixed parents—Nunilo and
      Alodia—Mania for martyrdom—Voluntary martyrdoms—The Spanish
      confessors—Threatened deterioration in the Church—Christianity
      infected with Moslem customs —Religious fervour in
      convents—Fanaticism, of monks—Fresh martyrs —Perfectus, John,
      Isaac—Arab inability to understand the motives of these
      martyrs—Causes of fanaticism—Sanctus—Peter—Walabonsus, etc
      ......25-40
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Flora and Maria—Their adventures—Trial—Meet Eulogius in
      prison—Their execution—Other martyrs—Hidden Christians—Aurelius,
      Sabigotha, etc —Plan for procuring martyrdom—Miracle in
      prison—Execution—Other martyrs—Death of Abdurrahman II.—Mohammed
      I.—Martyrs—Prodigy upon their execution—Outrage in a
      mosque—Punishment of offenders—Apprehension of king—Meditates a
      persecution—Even a massacre—Series of martyrdoms—Cloister of
      Tabanos suppressed—Columba, Pomposa—Abundius a true martyr—Others
      martyred—Censor of Cordova—Persecution and death of
      Ruderic—Eulogius—Parentage and antecedents—Opposes amalgamation
      of Arabs and Christians—Encourages learning of
      Latin—Imprisonment—Elected Bishop of Toledo—Again
      imprisoned—Trial—Execution—His relics ......40-54
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Doubtful martyrs—No persecution raging—The Muzarabes—Churches in
      Cordova—Arab description of a church—Monasteries outside the
      city—Voluntary martyrs, chiefly from Cordova—No ferment at
      Elvira—Enthusiasts not a large body—Their leaders—The moderate
      party—Objections against the martyrs—Voluntary martyrdoms
      forbidden by the Church—Answer of apologists—Evidence as to
      persecution—Apologists inconsistent—Eulogius and Alvar—Reviling
      of Mohammed—Martyrs worked no miracles—Defence of apologists
      illogical—Martyrs put to death not by idolaters—Death without
      torture—Their bodies corrupted—Moslem taunts—Effect of martyrdoms
      on the Moslems—Prohibition of relics—Traffic in relics—They work
      miracles—Relics taken from Spain to France —Expedition of monks
      for that purpose—St Vincent's body—Relics of George, Aurelius,
      etc., carried off—Return to France—Measures of the moderate
      party—Of the Moslems—Reccafredus—supported by the majority of
      Christians—Fanatics coerced—Anathematized—Action of king—Suspects
      political movement—Revolt at Toledo—Grand Council—Measures
      against zealots—Meditated persecution—The extreme party broken
      up—Apostasies—Reason of these—The exceptor Gomez—The decision of
      the Council—Cessation of martyrdoms ......54-73
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      National party—Revolt of Spaniards against Arabs—Martyrs in
      battle— Martyrdoms under Abdurrahman III.—Pelagius—Argentea—The
      monks of Cardena—Eugenia—No real persecution under the Great
      Khalif— General view of Christian Church in Spain under
      Abdurrahman II.— Civil position of Christians—Councils—Neglect of
      Latin—Arabic compulsory —Protests of Alvar, etc.—Latin
      forgotten—Cultivation of Moslem learning—Moslem theology—Church
      abuses—Simony—Breach of canons —Unworthy priests—Rival
      pastors—Heresy in the Church—Depravity of clergy—Their
      apostasy—Their deposition—Muzarabes—Free Christians in the
      North—The Church in the North—Its dangerous position—Cut short by
      Almanzor—Clergy oppress Christians—Count of Cordova—Ill-treats
      the Christians—Councils—Held by Elipandus—By Reccafredus—By
      Hostegesis—Jews and Moslems summoned—Council held by Basilius
      ...... 73-86
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Khalifate saved by Abdurrahman III.—Commander of the Faithful—His
      character—Embassy to the Emperor of the West—Return embassy—John
      of Gorz—Detained in Cordova—Messengers from the king—Cause of
      detention—John of Gorz and John of Cordova—The king's
      threats—Dead-lock —Fresh embassy to Otho—A second embassy from
      Otho—First embassy received—Condescension of Sultan—Tolerance of
      Moslems— Mohammed's injunctions—Tolerant Mohammedan rulers
      elsewhere— Alcuin—Arnold of Citeaux—Bernard, Archbishop of
      Toledo—Christians tolerated, even encouraged—"Officer of
      protection"—Christian courts— Censors—Sclavonian bodyguard—Arab
      pride of race—Partial Amalgamation of races—Alliances between
      Arabs and Christians—Intermarriages— Offspring of these—The
      maiden tribute—Evidence in its favour—No
      myth—Conversions—Mohammedan view of apostasy ...... 86-98
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Arab factions—Berbers—Spaniards—Muwallads—Despised by
      Arabs—Revolts at Cordova, &amp;c.—Intrigues with the
      Franks—Letter of Louis—Revolt of Toledo—Christians and Muwallads
      make common cause—Omar —Begins life as a
      bandit—Captured—Escapes—Heads the national party— Becomes a
      Christian—Utterly defeated—Muwallads desert him—Death of
      Omar—Stronghold of Bobastro captured—End of rebellion—Christians
      under Abdurrahman III.—Almanzor—Anarchy—End of
      Khalifate—<a href="#CHAPTER_VIIIa">Knowledge of Christianity</a> and Mohammedanism slight
      among those of the opposite creed—Christian writers on
      Islam—Eulogius—Mohammed's relation to Christianity—Alvar—Unfair
      to Mohammed—His ignorance of the Koran —Prophecy of
      Daniel.—Moslem knowledge of Christianity—Mistaken idea of the
      Trinity—Ibn Hazm—St James of Compostella ...... 98-114
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Traces of amalgamation of religions—Instances elsewhere—Essential
      differences of Islam and Christianity—Compromise
      attempted—Influence of Islam, over Christianity—Innovating spirit
      in Spain—Heresy in Septimania—Its possible connection with
      Mohammedanism—Migetian heresy as to the Trinity—Its approach to
      the Mohammedan doctrine—Other similar heresies—Adoptionism—Our
      knowledge of it—Whence derived—Connection with Islam—Its author
      or authors—Probably Elipandus—His opponents—His
      character—Independence—Jealousy of the Free Church in the
      North—Nature of Adoptionism—Not a revival of Nestorianism—Origin
      of the name—Arose from inadvertence—Felix—His arguments—Alcuin's
      answers—Christ, the Son of God by adoption—Unity of Persons
      acknowledged—First mention of theory—Adrian—-Extension of
      heresy—Its opponents—Felix amenable to Church
      discipline—Elipandus under Arab rule—Councils—Of
      Narbonne—Friuli—Ratisbon—Felix abjures his heresy—Alcuin—Council
      of Frankfort—Heresy anathematized —Councils of Rome and Aix—Felix
      again recants—Alcuin's book—Elipandus and Felix die in their
      error—Summary of evidence connecting adoptionism with
      Mohammedanism—Heresy of Claudius—-Iconoclasm Libri
      Carolini—Claudius, bishop of Turin—Crusade against
      image-worship—His opponents—Arguments—Independence—Summoned
      before a Council—Refuses to attend—Albigensian heresy ......
      114-136
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Mutual influences of the two creeds—Socially and
      intellectually—"No monks in Islam"—Faquirs—The conventual system
      adopted by the Arabs—Arab account of a convent—Moslem nuns—Islam
      Christianised—-Christian spirit in Mohammedanism—Arab
      magnanimity—Moslem miracles—-like Christian ones—Enlightened
      Moslems—Philosophy—Freethinkers—Theologians—Almanzor—Moslem
      sceptics—Averroes—The faquis or theologians—Sect of Malik ibn
      Ans—Power of theologians—-Decay of Moslem customs—Wine
      drunk—Music cultivated—Silk worn—Statues set up—Turning towards
      Mecca—Eating of sow's flesh—Enfranchisement of Moslem
      women—Love—Distinguished women—-Women in mosques—At
      tournaments—Arab love-poem—Treatise on love ...... 136-148
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Influence of Mohammedanism—Circumcision of Christians—-Even of a
      bishop —Customs retained for contrast—Cleanliness rejected as
      peculiar to Moslems— Celibacy of clergy—Chivalry—Origin—Derived
      from Arabs— Favoured by state of Spain—Spain the cradle of
      chivalry—Arab chivalry —Qualifications for a knight—Rules of
      knighthood—The Cid—Almanzor—His generosity—Justice—Moslem
      military orders—Holy wars—Christianity Mohammedanized—The
      "Apotheosis of chivalry"—Chivalry a sort of religion—Social
      compromise—Culminates in the Crusades ..... 149-156
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      APPENDICES.
    </h3>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX A.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Jews persecuted by Goths—Help the Saracens—Numbers—Jews in
      France—Illtreated—Accusations against—Eleazar, an
      apostate—Incites the Spanish Moslems against the
      Christians—Intellectual development of Jews in Spain—Come to be
      disliked by Arabs—Jews and the Messiah—Judaism
      deteriorated—Contact with Islam—Civil position—Jews at
      Toledo—Christian persecution of
      Jews—Massacre—Expulsion—Conversion—The "Mala Sangre"—The
      Inquisition ...... 156-161
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a href="#APPENDIX_B">APPENDIX B.</a>
    </h3>
    <p>
      Spain and the papal power—Early independence—Early importance of
      Spanish Church—Arian Spain—Orthodox Spain—Increase of papal
      influence—Independent spirit of king and clergy—Quarrel with the
      pope—Arab invasion—Papal authority in the North—Crusade
      preached—Intervention of the pope—St James' relics—Claudius of
      Turin—Rejection of pope's claims—Increase of pope's power in
      Spain—Appealed to against Muzarabes—Errors of Migetius—Keeping of
      Easter—Eating of pork—Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems—Fasting
      on Sundays—Elipandus withstands the papal claims—Upholds
      intercourse with Arabs—Rejects papal supremacy—Advance of
      Christians in the North—Extension of power of the pope—Gothic
      liturgy suspected—Suppressed—Authority of pope over king—Appeals
      from the king to the pope—Rupture with the Roman See—Resistance
      of sovereign and barons to the pope—Inquisition
      established—Victims—Moriscoes persecuted—Reformation stamped
      out—Subjection of Spanish Church ...... 161-173
    </p>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      LIST OF AUTHORITIES
    </h3>
    <p style="margin-right: 40px;">
      ...... 175-182
    </p>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      THE GOTHS IN SPAIN.
    </h3>
    <p>
      Just about the time when the Romans withdrew from Britain,
      leaving so many of their possessions behind them, the Suevi,
      Alani, and Vandals, at the invitation of Gerontius, the Roman
      governor of Spain, burst into that province over the unguarded
      passes of the Pyrenees.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id=
      "FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> Close on their steps followed the Visigoths;
      whose king, taking in marriage Placidia, the sister of Honorius,
      was acknowledged by the helpless emperor independent ruler of
      such parts of Southern Gaul and Spain as he could conquer and
      keep for himself. The effeminate and luxurious provincials
      offered practically no resistance to the fierce Teutons. No
      Arthur arose among them, as among the warlike Britons of our own
      island; no Viriathus even, as in the struggle for independence
      against the Roman Commonwealth. Mariana, the Spanish historian,
      asserts that they preferred the rule of the barbarians. However
      this may be, the various tribes that invaded the country found no
      serious opposition among the Spaniards: the only fighting was
      between themselves—for the spoil. Many years of warfare were
      necessary to decide this important question of supremacy.
      Fortunately for Spain, the Vandals, who seem to have been the
      fiercest horde and under the ablest leader, rapidly forced their
      way southward, and, passing on to fresh conquests, crossed the
      Straits of Gibraltar in 429: not, however, before they had
      utterly overthrown their rivals, the Suevi, on the river Baetis,
      and had left an abiding record of their brief stay in the name
      Andalusia.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Inter
        barbaros pauperem libertatem quam inter Romanos tributariam
        sollicitudinem sustinere."—Mariana, apud Dunham, vol i.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      For a time it seemed likely that the Suevi, in spite of their
      late crushing defeat, would subject to themselves the whole of
      Spain, but under Theodoric II. and Euric, the Visigoths
      definitely asserted their superiority. Under the latter king the
      Gothic domination in Spain may be said to have begun about ten
      years before the fall of the Western Empire. But the Goths were
      as yet by no means in possession of the whole of Spain. A large
      part of the south was held by imperialist troops; for, though the
      Western Empire had been extinguished in 476, the Eastern emperor
      had succeeded by inheritance to all the outlying provinces, which
      had even nominally belonged to his rival in the West. Among these
      was some portion of Spain.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not till 570, the year in which Mohammed was born, that a
      king came to the Gothic throne strong enough to crush the Suevi
      and to reduce the imperialist garrisons in the South; and it was
      not till 622, the very year of the Flight from Mecca, that a
      Gothic king, Swintila, finally drove out all the Emperor's
      troops, and became king in reality of all Spain.
    </p>
    <p>
      Scarcely had this been well done, when we perceive the first
      indications of the advent of a far more terrible foe, the rumours
      of whose irresistible prowess had marched before them. The dread,
      which the Arabs aroused even in distant Spain as early as a
      century after the birth of Mohammed, may be appreciated from the
      despairing lines of Julian,<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id=
      "FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> bishop of Toledo:—
    </p>
    <p>
      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"Hei mihi! quam timeo, ne nos
      malus implicet error,</span>
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 4em;">Demur et infandis gentibus
      opprobrio!</span>
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Africa plena viris bellacibus
      arma minatur,</span>
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 4em;">Inque dies victrix gens Agarena
      furit."</span>
      <br />
    </p>
    <p>
      Before giving an account of the Saracen invasion and its results,
      it will be well to take a brief retrospect of the condition of
      Christianity in Spain under the Gothic domination, and previous
      to the advent of the Moslems.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Migne's
        "Patrologie," vol. xcvi. p. 814.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      There can be no doubt that Christianity was brought very early
      into Spain by the preaching, as is supposed, of St Paul himself,
      who is said to have made a missionary journey through Andalusia,
      Valencia, and Aragon. On the other hand, there are no grounds
      whatever for supposing that James, the brother of John, ever set
      foot in Spain. The "invention" of his remains at Ira Flavia in
      the 9th century, together with the story framed to account for
      their presence in a remote corner of Spain so far from the scene
      of the Apostle's martyrdom, is a fable too childish to need
      refutation.
    </p>
    <p>
      The honour of first hearing the Gospel message has been claimed
      (but, it seems, against probability) for Illiberis.<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_3" id="FNanchor_1_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_3"
      class="fnanchor">[1]</a> However that may be, the early
      establishment of Christianity in Spain is attested by Irenæus,
      who appeals to the Spanish Church as retaining the primitive
      doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_2_4" id="FNanchor_2_4"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_4" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The long roll of Spanish
      martyrs begins in the persecution of Domitian (95 A.D.) with the
      name of Eugenius, bishop of Toledo. In most of the succeeding
      persecutions Spain furnished her full quota of martyrs, but she
      suffered most under Diocletian (303). It was in this emperor's
      reign that nearly all the inhabitants of Cæsar Augusta were
      treacherously slaughtered on the sole ground of their being
      Christians; thus earning for their native city from the Christian
      poet Prudentius,<a name="FNanchor_3_5" id=
      "FNanchor_3_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_5" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> the proud title of "patria sanctorum
      martyrum."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_3" id="Footnote_1_3"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_3"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Florez,
        "España Sagrada," vol. iii. pp. 361 ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_4" id="Footnote_2_4"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_4"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Irenæus, Bk.
        I. ch. x. 2 (A.D. 186).
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_5" id="Footnote_3_5"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_5"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> 348-402 A.D.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The persecution of Diocletian, though the fiercest, was at the
      same time the last, which afflicted the Church under the Roman
      Empire. Diocletian indeed proclaimed that he had blotted out the
      very name of Christian and abolished their hateful superstition.
      This even to the Romans must have seemed an empty boast, and the
      result of Diocletian's efforts only proved the truth of the old
      maxim—"the blood of martyrs is the seed of the Church."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Spanish Christians about this time<a name="FNanchor_1_6" id=
      "FNanchor_1_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_6" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> held the first ecclesiastical council whose
      acts have come down to us. This Council of Illiberis, or Elvira,
      was composed of nineteen bishops and thirty-six presbyters, who
      passed eighty canons.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_6" id="Footnote_1_6"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_6"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The date is
        doubtful. Blunt, "Early Christianity," p. 209, places it
        between 314 and 325, though in a hesitating manner. Other dates
        given are 300 and 305.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The imperial edict of toleration was issued in 313, and in 325
      was held the first General Council of the Church under the
      presidency of the emperor, Constantine, himself an avowed
      Christian. Within a quarter of a century of the time when
      Diocletian had boasted that he had extirpated the Christian name,
      it has been computed that nearly one half of the inhabitants of
      his empire were Christians.
    </p>
    <p>
      The toleration, so long clamoured for, so lately conceded, was in
      341 put an end to by the Christians themselves, and Pagan
      sacrifices were prohibited. So inconsistent is the conduct of a
      church militant and a church triumphant! In 388, after a brief
      eclipse under Julian, Christianity was formally declared by the
      Senate to be the established religion of the Roman Empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      But the security, or rather predominance, thus suddenly acquired
      by the church, resting as it did in part upon royal favour and
      court intrigue, did not tend to the spiritual advancement of
      Christianity. Almost coincident with the Edict of Milan was the
      appearance of Arianism, which, after dividing the Church against
      itself for upwards of half-a-century, and almost succeeding at
      one time in imposing itself on the whole Church,<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_7" id="FNanchor_1_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_7"
      class="fnanchor">[1]</a> finally under the missionary zeal of
      Ulphilas found a new life among the barbarian nations that were
      pressing in upon all the northern boundaries of the Empire,
      ready, like eagles, to swoop down and feast upon her mighty
      carcase.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_7" id="Footnote_1_7"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_7"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> At the
        Council of Rimini in 360. "Ingemuit totus orbis," says Jerome,
        "et Arianum se esse miratus est."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Most of these barbaric hordes, like the Goths and the Vandals,
      adopted the semi-Arian Christianity first preached to them by
      Ulphilas towards the close of the fourth century. Consequently
      the nations that forced their way into Southern Gaul, and over
      the Pyrenees into Spain, were, nominally at least, Christians of
      the Arian persuasion. The extreme importance to Spain of the fact
      of their being Christians at all will be readily apprehended by
      contrasting the fate of the Spanish provincials with that which
      befell the Christian and Romanized Britons at the hands of our
      own Saxon forefathers only half-a-century later.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the Church in Spain, like the Church elsewhere, freed
      from the quickening and purifying influences of persecution, had
      lost much of its ancient fervour. Gladiatorial shows and
      lascivious dances on the stage began to be tolerated even by
      Christians, though they were denounced by the more devout as
      incompatible with the profession of the Christian faith.
    </p>
    <p>
      Spain also furnishes us with the first melancholy spectacle of
      Christian blood shed by Christian hands. Priscillian, bishop of
      Avila, was led into error by his intercourse with an Egyptian
      gnostic. What his error exactly was is not very clear, but it
      seems to have comprised some of the erroneous doctrines
      attributed to Manes and Sabellius. In 380, the new heresy, with
      which two other bishops besides Priscillian became infected, was
      condemned at a council held at Saragoza, and by another held five
      years later at Bordeaux. Priscillian himself and six other
      persons were executed with tortures at the instigation of
      Ithacius,<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> bishop of Sossuba, and
      Idacius, bishop of Merida, in spite of the protests of Martin of
      Tours and others. The heresy itself, however, was not thus
      stamped out, and continued in Spain until long after the Gothic
      conquest.
    </p>
    <p>
      There is some reason for supposing that at the time of the Gothic
      invasion Spain was still in great part Pagan, and that it
      continued to be so during the whole period of Gothic
      domination.<a name="FNanchor_2_9" id="FNanchor_2_9"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_9" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Some Pagans undoubtedly
      lingered on even as late as the end of the sixth century,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_10" id="FNanchor_3_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_10"
      class="fnanchor">[3]</a> but that there were any large numbers of
      them as late as the eighth century is improbable.
    </p>
    <p>
      Dr Dunham, who has given a clear and concise account of the
      Gothic government in Spain, calls it the "most accursed that ever
      existed in Europe."<a name="FNanchor_4_11" id=
      "FNanchor_4_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_11" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> This is too sweeping a statement, though it
      must be allowed that the haughty exclusiveness of the Gothic
      nobles rendered their yoke peculiarly galling, while the position
      of their slaves was wretched beyond all example. However, it is
      not to their civil administration that we wish now to draw
      attention, but rather to the relations of Church and State under
      a Gothic administration which was at first Arian and subsequently
      orthodox.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Milman,
        "Latin Christianity," vol. iii. p. 60.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_9" id="Footnote_2_9"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_9"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        44, quotes in support of this the second canon of the Sixteenth
        Council of Toledo.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_10" id="Footnote_3_10"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_10"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Mason, a
        bishop of Merida, was said to have baptized a Pagan as late as
        this.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_11" id="Footnote_4_11"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_11"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dunham's
        "Hist. of Spain," vol. i. p. 210.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The Government, which began with being of a thoroughly military
      character, gradually tended to become a theocracy—a result due in
      great measure to the institution of national councils, which were
      called by the king, and attended by all the chief ecclesiastics
      of the realm. Many of the nobles and high dignitaries of the
      State also took part in these assemblies, though they might not
      vote on purely ecclesiastical matters. These councils, of which
      there were nineteen in all (seventeen held at Toledo, the Gothic
      capital, and two elsewhere), gradually assumed the power of
      ratifying the election of the king, and of dictating his
      religious policy. Thus by the Sixth Council of Toledo (canon
      three) it was enacted that all kings should swear "not to suffer
      the exercise of any other religion than the Catholic, and to
      vigorously enforce the law against all dissentients, especially
      against that accursed people the Jews." The fact of the monarchy
      becoming elective<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id=
      "FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> no doubt contributed a good deal to throwing
      the power into the hands of the clergy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Dr Dunham remarks that these councils tended to make the bishops
      subservient to the court, but surely the evidence points the
      other way. On the whole it was the king that lost power, though
      no doubt as a compensation he gained somewhat more authority over
      Church matters. He could, for instance, issue temporary
      regulations with regard to Church discipline. Witiza, one of the
      last of the Gothic kings, seems even to have authorized, or at
      least encouraged, the marriage of his clergy.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_13" id="FNanchor_2_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_13"
      class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The king could preside in cases of
      appeal in purely ecclesiastical affairs; and we know that Recared
      I. (587-601) and Sisebert (612-621) did in fact exercise this
      right. He also gained the power of nominating and translating
      bishops; but it is not clear when this privilege was first
      conceded to the king.<a name="FNanchor_3_14" id=
      "FNanchor_3_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_14" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> The Fourth Council of Toledo (633) enacted
      that a bishop should be elected by the clergy and people of his
      city, and that his election should be approved by the
      metropolitan and synod of his province: while the Twelfth
      Council, held forty-eight years later, evidently recognizes the
      validity of their appointment by royal warrant alone. Some have
      referred this innovation back to the despotic rule of Theodoric
      the Ostrogoth, at the beginning of the sixth century; others to
      the sudden accumulation of vacant sees on the fall of Arianism in
      Spain. Another important power possessed by the kings was that of
      convoking these national councils, and confirming their acts.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> In 531 A.D.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_13" id="Footnote_2_13"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_13"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Monk of
        Silo, sec. 14, who follows Sebastian of Salamanca; Robertson,
        iii. 6. We learn from the "Chron. Sil," sec. 27, that Fruela
        (757-768) forbade the marriage of clergy. But these accounts of
        Witiza's reign are all open to suspicion.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_14" id="Footnote_3_14"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_14"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Robertson,
        "Hist. of Christian Church," vol. iii. p. 183.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The sudden surrender of their Arianism by the Gothic king and
      nobles is a noticeable phenomenon. All the barbarian races that
      invaded Spain at the beginning of the fifth century were
      inoculated with the Arian heresy. Of these the Vandals carried
      their Arianism, which proved to be of a very persecuting type,
      into Africa. The Suevi, into which nation the Alani, under the
      pressure of a common enemy, had soon been absorbed, gave up their
      Arianism for the orthodox faith about 560. The Visigoths,
      however, remained Arians until a somewhat later period—until 589
      namely, when Recared I., the son of Leovigild, held a national
      council and solemnly abjured the creed of his forefathers, his
      example being followed by many of his nobles and bishops.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Visigoths, while they remained Arian, were on the whole
      remarkably tolerant<a name="FNanchor_1_15" id=
      "FNanchor_1_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_15" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> towards both Jews and Catholics, though we
      have instances to the contrary in the cases of Euric and
      Leovigild, who are said to have persecuted the orthodox party.
      The latter king, indeed, who was naturally of a mild and
      forgiving temper, was forced into harsh measures by the unfilial
      and traitorous conduct of his son Ermenegild. If the latter had
      been content to avow his conversion to orthodoxy without entering
      into a treasonable rebellion in concert with the Suevi and
      Imperialists against his too indulgent father, there is every
      reason to think that Leovigild would have taken no measures
      against him. Even after a second rebellion the king offered to
      spare his son's life—which was forfeit to the State—on condition
      that he renounced his newly-adopted creed, and returned to the
      Arian fold. His reason—a very intelligible one—no doubt was that
      he might put an end to the risk of a third rebellion by
      separating his son effectually from the intriguing party of
      Catholics. To call Ermenegild a martyr because he was put to
      death under such circumstances is surely an abuse of words.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_15" id="Footnote_1_15"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_15"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Lecky,
        "Rise of Rationalism," vol. i. p. 14, note, says that the Arian
        Goths were intolerant; but there seem to be insufficient
        grounds for the assertion.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      With the fall of Arianism came a large accession of bigotry to
      the Spanish Church, as is sufficiently shewn by the canon above
      quoted from the Sixth Council of Toledo. A subsequent law was
      even passed forbidding anyone under pain of confiscation of his
      property and perpetual imprisonment, to call in question the Holy
      Catholic and Apostolic Church; the Evangelical Institutions; the
      definitions of the Fathers; the decrees of the Church; and the
      Sacraments. In the spirit of these enactments, severe measures
      were taken against the Jews, of whom there were great numbers in
      Spain. Sisebert (612-621) seems to have been the first systematic
      persecutor, whose zeal, as even Isidore confesses, was "not
      according to knowledge."<a name="FNanchor_1_16" id=
      "FNanchor_1_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_16" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> A cruel choice was given the Jews between
      baptism on the one hand, and scourging and destitution on the
      other. When this proved unavailing, more stringent edicts were
      enforced against them. Those who under the pressure of
      persecution consented to be baptised, were forced to swear by the
      most solemn of oaths that they had in very truth renounced their
      Jewish faith and abhorred its rites. Those who still refused to
      conform were subjected to every indignity and outrage. They were
      obliged to have Christian servants, and to observe Sunday and
      Easter. They were denied the <i>ius connubii</i> and the <i>ius
      honorum</i>. Their testimony was invalid in law courts, unless a
      Christian vouched for their character. Some who still held out
      were even driven into exile. But this punishment could not have
      been systematically carried out, for the Saracen invasion found
      great numbers of Jews still in Spain. As Dozy<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_17" id="FNanchor_2_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_17"
      class="fnanchor">[2]</a> well says of the persecutors—"On le
      voulut bien, mais on ne le pouvait pas."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_16" id="Footnote_1_16"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_16"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Apud
        Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," vol. vi. p. 502, quoted by Southey,
        Roderic, p. 255, n. "Sisebertus, qui in initio regni Judaeos ad
        fidem Christianam permovens, aemulationem quidem habuit, sed
        non secundum scientiam: potestate enim compulit, quos provocare
        fidei ratione oportuit. Sed, sicut est scriptum, sive per
        occasionem sive per veritatem Christus annunciatur, in hoc
        gaudeo et gaudebo."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_17" id="Footnote_2_17"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_17"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "History of
        Mussulmans in Spain," vol. ii. p. 26.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Naturally enough, under these circumstances the Jews of Spain
      turned their eyes to their co-religionists in Africa; but, the
      secret negotiations between them being discovered, the
      persecution blazed out afresh, and the Seventeenth Council of
      Toledo<a name="FNanchor_1_18" id="FNanchor_1_18"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_18" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> decreed that relapsed
      Jews should be sold as slaves; that their children should be
      forcibly taken from them; and that they should not be allowed to
      marry among themselves.<a name="FNanchor_2_19" id=
      "FNanchor_2_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_19" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_18" id="Footnote_1_18"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_18"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Canon 8, de
        damnatione Judaeorum.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_19" id="Footnote_2_19"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_19"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> For the
        further history of the Jews in Spain, see Appendix A.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      These odious decrees against the Jews must be attributed to the
      dominant influence of the clergy, who requited the help they thus
      received from the secular arm by wielding the powers of anathema
      and excommunication against the political enemies of the
      king.<a name="FNanchor_1_20" id="FNanchor_1_20"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_20" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover the cordial
      relations which subsisted between the Church and the State,
      animated as they were by a strong spirit of independence, enabled
      the Spanish kings to resist the dangerous encroachments of the
      Papal power, a subject which has been more fully treated in an
      Appendix.<a name="FNanchor_2_21" id="FNanchor_2_21"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_21" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_20" id="Footnote_1_20"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_20"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
        councils are full of denunciations aimed at the rebels against
        the king's authority. By the Fourth Council (633) the deposed
        Swintila was excommunicated.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_21" id="Footnote_2_21"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_21"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Appendix B.
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      THE SARACENS IN SPAIN.
    </h3>
    <p>
      The Gothic domination lasted 300 years, and in that comparatively
      short period we are asked by some writers to believe that the
      invaders quite lost their national characteristics, and became,
      like the Spaniards, luxurious and effeminate.<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_22" id="FNanchor_1_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_22"
      class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Their haughty exclusiveness, and the
      fact of their being Arians, may no doubt have tended to keep them
      for a time separate from, and superior to, the subject
      population, whom they despised as slaves, and hated as heretics.
      But when the religious barrier was removed, the social one soon
      followed, and so completely did the conquerors lose their
      ascendency, that they even surrendered their own Teutonic tongue
      for the corrupt Latin of their subjects.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_22" id="Footnote_1_22"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_22"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cardonne's
        "History of Spain," vol. i. p. 62. "Bien différens des leurs
        ancêtres étoient alors énervés par les plaisirs, la douceur du
        climat; le luxe et les richesses avoient amolli leur courage et
        corrompu les moeurs." Cp. Dunham, vol. i. 157.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But the Goths had certainly not become so degenerate as is
      generally supposed. Their Saracen foes did not thus undervalue
      them. Musa ibn Nosseyr, the organiser of the expedition into
      Spain, and the first governor of that country under Arab rule,
      when asked by the Khalif Suleiman for his opinion of the Goths,
      answered that "they were lords living in luxury and abundance,
      but champions who did not turn their backs to the enemy."<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_23" id="FNanchor_1_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_23"
      class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There can be no doubt that this praise
      was well deserved. Nor is the comparative ease with which the
      country was overrun, any proof to the contrary. For that must be
      attributed to wholesale treachery from one end of the country to
      the other. But for this the Gothic rulers had only themselves to
      blame. Their treatment of the Jews and of their slaves made the
      defection of these two classes of their subjects inevitable.
    </p>
    <p>
      The old Spanish chroniclers represent the fall of the Gothic
      kingdom as the direct vengeance of Heaven for the sins of
      successive kings;<a name="FNanchor_2_24" id=
      "FNanchor_2_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_24" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> but on the heads of the clergy, even more than
      of the king, rests the guilt of their iniquitous and suicidal
      policy towards the Arians<a name="FNanchor_3_25" id=
      "FNanchor_3_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_25" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Jews. The treachery of Julian,<a
      name="FNanchor_4_26" id= "FNanchor_4_26"></a><a
      href="#Footnote_4_26" class= "fnanchor">[4]</a> whatever its
      cause, opened a way for the Arabs into the country by betraying
      into their hands Ceuta, the key of the Straits. Success in their
      first serious battle was secured to them by the opportune
      desertion from the enemy's ranks of the disaffected political
      party under the sons of the late king Witiza,<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_27" id="FNanchor_5_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_27"
      class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and an archbishop Oppas, who afterwards
      apostatized; while the rapid subjugation of the whole country was
      aided and assured by the hosts of ill-used slaves who flocked to
      the Saracen standards, and by the Jews<a name="FNanchor_6_28" id=
      "FNanchor_6_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_28" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> who hailed the Arabs as fellow-Shemites and
      deliverers from the hated yoke of the uncircumcised Goths.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_23" id="Footnote_1_23"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_23"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari,
        vol. i. p. 297. (De Gayangos' translation).
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_24" id="Footnote_2_24"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_24"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Chron.
        Sil.," sec. 17, "recesserat ab Hispania manus Domini ob
        inveteratam regum malitiam." See above, p. 7, note 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_25" id="Footnote_3_25"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_25"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Arianism
        lingered on till the middle of the eighth century at least,
        since Rodrigo of Toledo, iii., sec. 3, says of Alfonso I., that
        he "extirpavit haeresin Arianam."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_26" id="Footnote_4_26"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_26"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> For Julian,
        or, more correctly, Ilyan, see De Gayangos' note to Al Makkari,
        i. p. 537, etc.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_27" id="Footnote_5_27"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_27"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Called
        Ghittishah by the Arabs. For the Witizan party see "Sebast.
        Salan," sec. 7; "Chron. Sil.," sec. 15. The daughter of Witiza
        married a noble Arab. The descendants of the King, under the
        name Witizani, were known in Spain till the end of the eighth
        century at least. See Letter of Beatus and Etherius to
        Elipandus, sec. 61; "Multi hodie ab ipso rege sumunt nomen
        <i>Witizani</i>, etiam pauperes." See also Al Makkari, ii. 14.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_28" id="Footnote_6_28"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_28"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The Jews
        garrisoned the taken towns (Al Makkari, i. pp. 280, 282, and De
        Gayangos' note, p. 531). Even as late as 852 we find the Jews
        betraying Barcelona to the Moors, who slew nearly all the
        Christians.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Yet in spite of all these disadvantages the Goths made a brave
      stand—as brave, indeed, as our Saxon forefathers against the
      Normans. The first decisive battle in the South<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_29" id="FNanchor_1_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_29"
      class="fnanchor">[1]</a> lasted, as some writers have declared,
      six whole days, and the Arabs were at one time on the point of
      being driven into the sea. This is apparent from Tarik's address
      to his soldiers in the heat of battle: "Moslems, conquerors of
      Africa, whither would you fly? The sea is behind you, and the foe
      in front. There is no help for you save in your own right
      hands<a name="FNanchor_2_30" id="FNanchor_2_30"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_30" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and the favour of God."
      Nor must we lay any stress on the disparity of forces on either
      side, amounting to five to one, for a large proportion of
      Roderic's army was disaffected. It is probable that only the
      Goths made a determined stand; and even after such a crushing
      defeat as they received at Guadalete, and after the loss of their
      king, the Gothic nobles still offered a stubborn resistance in
      Merida, Cordova, and elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_3_31" id=
      "FNanchor_3_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_31" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> One of them, Theodomir, after defending
      himself manfully in Murcia for some time, at last by his valour
      and address contrived to secure for himself, and even to hand
      down to his successor Athanagild, a semi-independent rule over
      that part of Spain.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_29" id="Footnote_1_29"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_29"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Generally
        called the battle of Guadalete (Wada Lek, see De Gayangos on Al
        Makk. i. pp. 524, 527), fought either near Xeres or Medina
        Sidonia.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_30" id="Footnote_2_30"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_30"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Una salus
        victis nullam sperare salutem." See Al Makk. i. p. 271; Conde
        i. p. 57 (Bohn's Translation).
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_31" id="Footnote_3_31"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_31"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> We must not
        forget also that the mild and politic conduct of the Saracens
        towards the towns that surrendered, even after resistance,
        marvellously facilitated their conquest.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But the great proof that the Goths had not lost all their ancient
      hardihood and nobleness, is afforded by the fact that, when they
      had been driven into the mountains of the North and West, they
      seem to have begun at once to organize a fresh resistance against
      the invaders. The thirty<a name="FNanchor_1_32" id=
      "FNanchor_1_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_32" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> wretched barbarians, whom the Arabs thought it
      unnecessary to pursue into their native fastnesses, soon showed
      that they had power to sting; and the handful of patriots, who in
      the cave of Covadonga gathered round Pelayo, a scion of the old
      Gothic line, soon swelled into an army, and the army into a
      nation. Within six years of the death of Roderic had begun that
      onward march of the new Spanish monarchy, which, with the
      exception of a disastrous twenty-five years at the close of the
      tenth century, was not destined to retrograde, scarcely even to
      halt, until it had regained every foot of ground that had once
      belonged to the Gothic kings.
    </p>
    <p>
      Let us turn for a moment to the antecedents of the Arab invaders.
      History affords no parallel, whether from a religious or
      political point of view, to the sudden rise of Mohammedanism and
      the wonderful conquests which it made. "The electric
      spark<a name="FNanchor_2_33" id="FNanchor_2_33"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_33" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> had indeed fallen on
      what seemed black unnoticeable sand, and lo the sand proved
      explosive powder and blazed heaven-high from Delhi to Granada!"
      Mohammed began his preaching in 609, and confined himself to
      persuasion till 622, the year of the Flight from Mecca. After
      this a change seems to have come over his conduct, if not over
      his character, and the Prophet, foregoing the peaceful and more
      glorious mission of a Heaven-sent messenger, appealed to the
      human arbitrament of the sword: not with any very marked success,
      however, the victory of Bedr in 624 being counterbalanced by the
      defeat of Ohud in in the following year. In 631, Arabia being
      mostly pacified, the first expedition beyond its boundaries was
      undertaken under Mohammed's own leadership, but this abortive
      attempt gave no indications of the astonishing successes to be
      achieved in the near future. Mohammed himself died in the
      following year, yet, in spite of this and the consequent revolt
      of almost all Arabia, within two years Syria was overrun and
      Damascus taken. Persia, which had contended for centuries on
      equal terms with Rome, was overthrown in a single campaign. In
      637 Jerusalem fell, and the sacred soil of Palestine passed under
      the yoke of the Saracens. Within three years Alexandria and the
      rich valley of the Nile were the prize of Amru and his army. The
      conquest of Egypt only formed the stepping-stone to the reduction
      of Africa, and the victorious Moslems did not pause in their
      career until they reached the Atlantic Ocean, and Akbah,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_34" id="FNanchor_3_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_34"
      class="fnanchor">[3]</a> riding his horse into the sea, sighed
      for more worlds to conquer. We may be excused perhaps for
      thinking that it had been well for the inhabitants of the New
      World, if Fortune had delivered them into the hands of the
      generous Arabs rather than to the cruel soldiery of Cortes and
      Pizarro.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_32" id="Footnote_1_32"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_32"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        ii. 34. "What are thirty barbarians perched upon a rock? They
        must inevitably die."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_33" id="Footnote_2_33"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_33"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Carlyle's
        "Hero Worship" ad finem.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_34" id="Footnote_3_34"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_34"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cardonne,
        i. p. 37; Gibbon, vi. 348, note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      In 688, that is, in a little more than a generation from the
      death of Mohammed, the Moslems undertook the siege of
      Constantinople. Fortunately for the cause of civilisation and of
      Christendom, this long siege of several years proved
      unsuccessful, as well as a second attack in 717. But by the
      latter date the footing in Europe, which the valour of the
      Byzantines denied them, had already been gained by the expedition
      into Spain under Tarik in 711. The same year that witnessed the
      crossing of the Straits of Gibraltar in the West saw also in the
      East the passage of the Oxus by the eager warriors of Islam.
    </p>
    <p>
      There seems to be some ground for supposing that the Saracens had
      attacked Spain even before the time of Tarik. As early as 648, or
      only one year after the invasion of Africa, an expedition is said
      to have been made into that country under Abdullah ibn
      Sa'd,<a name="FNanchor_1_35" id="FNanchor_1_35"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_35" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which resulted in the
      temporary subjugation of the southern provinces. A second inroad
      is mentioned by Abulfeda<a name="FNanchor_2_36" id=
      "FNanchor_2_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_36" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> as having taken place in Othman's reign
      (644-656); while for an incursion in the reign of Wamba (671-680)
      we have the authority of the Spanish historians, Isidore of Beja
      and Sebastian of Salamanca, the former of whom adds the fact that
      the Saracens were invited in by Erviga, who afterwards succeeded
      Wamba on the throne—a story which seems likely enough when read
      in the light of the subsequent treason of Julian. These earlier
      attacks, however, seem to have been mere raids, undertaken
      without an immediate view to permanent conquest.
    </p>
    <p>
      By way of retaliation, or with a commendable foresight, the Goths
      sent help to Carthage when besieged by the Arabs in 695; and,
      while Julian their general still remained true to his allegiance,
      they beat off the Saracens from Ceuta. But on the surrender of
      that fortress the Arabs were enabled to send across the Straits a
      small reconnoitring detachment of five hundred men under Tarif
      abu Zarah,<a name="FNanchor_3_37" id="FNanchor_3_37"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_37" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> a Berber. This took
      place in October 710; but the actual invasion did not occur till
      April 30, 711, when 12,000 men landed under Tarik ibn Zeyad.
      There seems to have been a preliminary engagement before the
      decisive one of Gaudalete (July 19th-26th)—the Gothic general in
      the former being stated variously to have been Theodomir,<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_38" id="FNanchor_4_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_38"
      class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Sancho,<a name="FNanchor_5_39" id=
      "FNanchor_5_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_39" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> or Edeco.<a name="FNanchor_6_40" id=
      "FNanchor_6_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_40" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_35" id="Footnote_1_35"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_35"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See De
        Gayangos' note on Al Makkari, i. p. 382.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_36" id="Footnote_2_36"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_36"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Annales
        Moslemici," i. p. 262.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_37" id="Footnote_3_37"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_37"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The names
        of Tarif ibn Malik abu Zarah and Tarik ibn Zeyad have been
        confused by all the careless writers on Spanish
        history—<i>e.g.</i>, Conde, Dunham, Yonge, Southey, etc.; but
        Gibbon, Freeman, etc., of course do not fall into this error.
        For Tarif's names see De Gayangos, Al Makk., i. pp. 517, 519;
        and for Tarik's see "Ibn Abd el Hakem," Jones' translation,
        note 10.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_38" id="Footnote_4_38"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_38"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        i. 268; Isidore: Conde, i. 55.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_39" id="Footnote_5_39"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_39"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cardonne,
        i. 75.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_40" id="Footnote_6_40"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_40"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dr Dunham.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      It will not be necessary to pursue the history of the conquest in
      detail. It is enough to say that in three years almost all Spain
      and part of Southern Gaul were added to the Saracen empire. But
      the Arabs made the fatal mistake<a name="FNanchor_1_41" id=
      "FNanchor_1_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_41" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> of leaving a remnant of their enemies
      unconquered in the mountains of Asturia, and hardly had the wave
      of conquest swept over the country, than it began slowly but
      surely to recede. The year 733 witnessed the high-water mark of
      Arab extension in the West, and Christian Gaul was never
      afterwards seriously threatened with the calamity of a Mohammedan
      domination.
    </p>
    <p>
      The period of forty-five years which elapsed between the conquest
      and the establishment of the Khalifate of Cordova was a period of
      disorder, almost amounting to anarchy, throughout Spain. This
      state of things was one eminently favourable to the growth and
      consolidation of the infant state which was arising among the
      mountains of the Northwest. In that corner of the land, which
      alone<a name="FNanchor_2_42" id="FNanchor_2_42"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_42" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> was not polluted by the
      presence of Moslem masters, were gathered all those proud spirits
      who could not brook subjection and valued freedom above all
      earthly possessions.<a name="FNanchor_3_43" id=
      "FNanchor_3_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_43" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> Here all the various nationalities that had
      from time to time borne rule in Spain,
    </p>
    <div class="blockquot">
      <p>
        "Punic and Roman Kelt and Goth and Greek," <a name=
        "FNanchor_4_44" id="FNanchor_4_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_44"
        class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      all the various classes, nobles, freemen, and slaves, were
      gradually welded by the strong pressure of a common calamity into
      one compact and homogeneous whole.<a name="FNanchor_5_45" id=
      "FNanchor_5_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_45" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> Meanwhile what was the condition of those
      Christians who preferred to live in their own homes, but under
      the Moslem yoke? It must be confessed that they might have fared
      much worse; and the conciliatory policy pursued by the Arabs no
      doubt contributed largely to the facility of the conquest. The
      first conqueror, Tarik ibn Zeyad, was a man of remarkable
      generosity and clemency, and his conduct fully justified the
      proud boast which he uttered when arraigned on false charges
      before the Sultan Suleiman.<a name="FNanchor_6_46" id=
      "FNanchor_6_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_46" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> "Ask the true believers," he said, "ask also
      the Christians, what the conduct of Tarik has been in Africa and
      in Spain. Let them say if they have ever found him cowardly,
      covetous, or cruel."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_41" id="Footnote_1_41"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_41"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari,
        ii. 34.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_42" id="Footnote_2_42"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_42"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> According
        to Sebastian of Salamanca, the Moors had never been admitted
        into any town of Biscay before 870.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_43" id="Footnote_3_43"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_43"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Prescott,
        "Ferdinand and Isabella," seems to think that only the lower
        orders remained under the Moors. Yet in a note he mentions a
        remark of Zurita's to the contrary (page 3).
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_44" id="Footnote_4_44"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_44"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Southey,
        "Roderick," Canto IV.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_45" id="Footnote_5_45"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_45"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Thierry,
        "Dix Ans d'Études Historiques," p. 346. "Reserrés dans ce coin
        de terre, devenu pour eux toute la patrie, Goths et Romains,
        vainqueurs et vaincus, étrangers et indigènes, maîtres et
        esclaves, tous unis dans le même malheur ... furent égaux dans
        cet exil." Yet there were revolts in every reign. Fruela I.
        (757-768), revolt of Biscay and Galicia: Aurelio (768-774),
        revolt of slaves and freedmen, see "Chron. Albeld.," vi. sec.
        4, and Rodrigo, iii. c. 5, in pristinam servitutem redacti
        sunt: Silo (774-783), Galician revolt: also revolts in reigns
        of Alfonso I., Ramiro I. See Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 4.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_46" id="Footnote_6_46"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_46"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Or his
        predecessor, Welid, for the point is not determined.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The terms granted to such towns as surrendered generally
      contained the following provisions: that the citizens should give
      up all their horses and arms; that they might, if they chose,
      depart, leaving their property; that those who remained should,
      on payment of a small tribute, be permitted to follow their own
      religion, for which purposes certain churches were to be left
      standing; that they should have their own judges, and enjoy
      (within limits) their own laws. In some cases the riches of the
      churches were also surrendered, as at Merida,<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_47" id="FNanchor_1_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_47"
      class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and hostages given. But conditions even
      better than these were obtained from Abdulaziz, son of Musa, by
      Theodomir in Murcia. The original document has been preserved by
      the Arab historians, and is well worthy of transcription:
    </p>
    <p>
      "In the name of God the Clement and Merciful! Abdulaziz and
      Tadmir make this treaty of peace—may God confirm and protect it!
      Tadmir shall retain the command over his own people, but over no
      other people among those of his faith. There shall be no wars
      between his subjects and those of the Arabs, nor shall the
      children or women of his people be led captive. They shall not be
      disturbed in the exercise of their religion: their churches shall
      not be burnt, nor shall any services be demanded from them, or
      obligations be laid upon them—those expressed in this treaty
      alone excepted.... Tadmir shall not receive our enemies, nor fail
      in fidelity to us, and he shall not conceal whatever hostile
      purposes he may know to exist against us. His nobles and himself
      shall pay a tribute of a dinar<a name="FNanchor_2_48" id=
      "FNanchor_2_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_48" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> each year, with four measures of wheat and
      four of barley; of mead, vinegar, honey, and oil each four
      measures. All the vassals of Tadmir, and every man subject to
      tax, shall pay the half of these imposts."<a name="FNanchor_3_49"
      id="FNanchor_3_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_49" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      These favourable terms were due in part to the address of
      Theodomir,<a name="FNanchor_4_50" id="FNanchor_4_50"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_50" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and partly perhaps to
      Abdulaziz's own partiality for the Christians, which was also
      manifested in his marriage with Egilona, the widow of King
      Roderic, and the deference which he paid to her. This
      predilection for the Christians brought the son of Musa into ill
      favour with the Arabs, and he was assassinated in 716.<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_51" id="FNanchor_5_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_51"
      class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_47" id="Footnote_1_47"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_47"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde i. p.
        69. This was perhaps due to Musa's notorious avarice.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_48" id="Footnote_2_48"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_48"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Somewhat
        less than ten shillings.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_49" id="Footnote_3_49"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_49"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makkari,
        i. 281: Conde, i. p. 76.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_50" id="Footnote_4_50"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_50"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Isidore,
        sec, 38, says of him: "Fuit scripturarum amator, eloquentia
        mirificus, in proeliis expeditus, qui et apud Amir Almumenin
        prudentior inter ceteros inventus, utiliter est honoratus."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_51" id="Footnote_5_51"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_51"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al Makkari,
        ii. p. 30. He was even accused of entering into treasonable
        correspondence with the Christians of Galicia; of forming a
        project for the massacre of Moslems; of being himself a
        Christian, etc.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      On the whole it may be said that the Saracen conquest was
      accomplished with wonderfully little bloodshed, and with few or
      none of those atrocities which generally characterize the
      subjugation of a whole people by men of an alien race and an
      alien creed. It cannot, however, be denied that the only
      contemporary Christian chronicler is at variance on this point
      with all the Arab accounts.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Who," says Isidore of Beja, "can describe such horrors! If every
      limb in my body became a tongue, even then would human nature
      fail in depicting this wholesale ruin of Spain, all its countless
      and immeasurable woes. But that the reader may hear in brief the
      whole story of sorrow—not to speak of all the disastrous ills
      which in innumerable ages past from Adam even till now in various
      states and regions of the earth a cruel and foul foe has caused
      to a fair world—whatever Troy in Homer's tale endured, whatever
      Jerusalem suffered that the prophets' words might come to pass,
      whatever Babylon underwent that the Scripture might be
      fulfilled—all this, and more, has Spain experienced—Spain once
      full of delights, but now of misery, once so exalted in glory,
      but now brought low in shame and dishonour."<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_52" id="FNanchor_1_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_52"
      class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_52" id="Footnote_1_52"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_52"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cp. also
        Isidore, sec 36. Dunham, ii. p. 121, note, curiously remarks:
        "Both Isidore and Roderic may exaggerate, but the exaggeration
        proves the fact."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      This is evidently mere rhapsody, of the same character as the
      ravings of the British monk Gildas, though far less justified as
      it seems by the actual facts. Rodrigo of Toledo, following
      Isidore after an interval of 500 years, improves upon him by
      entering into details, which being in many particulars
      demonstrably false, may in others be reasonably looked upon with
      suspicion as exaggerated, if not entirely imaginary. His words
      are: Children are dashed on the ground, young men beheaded, their
      fathers fall in battle, the old men are massacred, the women
      reserved for greater misfortune; every cathedral burnt or
      destroyed, the national substance plundered, oaths and treaties
      uniformly broken.<a name="FNanchor_1_53" id=
      "FNanchor_1_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_53" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      To appreciate the mildness and generosity of the Arabs, we need
      only compare their conquest of Spain with the conquest of England
      by the Saxons, the Danes, and even by the Christian Normans. The
      comparison will be all in favour of the Arabs. It is not
      impossible that, if the invaders had been Franks instead of
      Moors, the country would have suffered even more, as we can see
      from the actual results effected by the invasion of Charles the
      Great in 777. Placed as they were between the devil and the deep
      sea, the Spaniards would perhaps have preferred (had the choice
      been theirs) to be subject to the Saracens rather than to the
      Franks.<a name="FNanchor_2_54" id="FNanchor_2_54"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_54" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_53" id="Footnote_1_53"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_53"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dunham, ii.
        p. 121, note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_54" id="Footnote_2_54"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_54"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        p. 41, note, quotes Ermold Nigel on Barcelona:
      </p>
      <p>
        &nbsp;
      </p>
      <div class="blockquot">
        <p>
          "Urbs erat interea Francorum inhospita turnis, Maurorum votis
          adsociata magis."
        </p>
      </div>
    </div>
    <p>
      To the down-trodden slaves, who were very numerous all through
      Spain, the Moslems came in the character of deliverers. A slave
      had only to pronounce the simple formula: "There is no God but
      God, and Mohammed is his Prophet": and he was immediately free.
      To the Jews the Moslems brought toleration, nay, even influence
      and power. In fact, since the fall of Jerusalem in 588 B.C. the
      Jews had never enjoyed such independence and influence as in
      Spain during the domination of the Arabs. Their genius being thus
      allowed free scope, they disputed the supremacy in literature and
      the arts with the Arabs themselves.
    </p>
    <p>
      Many of the earlier governors of Spain were harsh and even cruel
      in their administration, but it was to Moslems and Christians
      alike.<a name="FNanchor_1_55" id="FNanchor_1_55"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_55" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Some indeed increased
      the tribute laid upon the Christians; but it must be remembered
      that this tribute<a name="FNanchor_2_56" id=
      "FNanchor_2_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_56" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> was in the first instance very light, and
      therefore an increase was not felt severely as an oppression.
      Moreover, there were not wanting some rulers who upheld the cause
      of the Christians against illegal exactions. Among these was
      Abdurrahman al Ghafeki (May-Aug. 721, and 731-732), of whom an
      Arab writer says:<a name="FNanchor_3_57" id=
      "FNanchor_3_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_57" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> "He did equal justice to Moslem and Christian
      ... he restored to the Christians such churches as had been taken
      from them in contravention of the stipulated treaties; but on the
      other hand he caused all those to be demolished, which had been
      erected by the connivance of interested governors." Similarly of
      his successor Anbasah ibn Sohaym Alkelbi (721-726), we find it
      recorded<a name="FNanchor_4_58" id="FNanchor_4_58"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_58" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> that "he rendered equal
      justice to every man, making no distinction between Mussulman and
      Christian, or between Christian and Jew." Anbasah was followed by
      Yahya ibn Salmah (March-Sept. 726), who is described as
      injudiciously severe, and dreaded for his extreme rigour by
      Moslems as well as Christians.<a name="FNanchor_5_59" id=
      "FNanchor_5_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_59" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> Isidore says that he made the Arabs give back
      to the Christians the property unlawfully taken from
      them.<a name="FNanchor_6_60" id="FNanchor_6_60"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_60" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Similar praise is
      awarded to Okbah ibn ulhejaj Asseluli (734-740).<a name=
      "FNanchor_7_61" id="FNanchor_7_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_61"
      class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Yet though many of the Ameers of Spain
      were just and upright men, no permanent policy could be carried
      out with regard to the relations between Moslems and Christians,
      while the Ameers were so constantly changing, being sometimes
      elected by the army, but oftener appointed by the Khalif, or by
      his lieutenant, the governor of Africa for the time being. This
      perpetual shifting of rulers would in itself have been fatal to
      the settlement of the country, had it not been brought to an end
      by the election of Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah as the Khalif of
      Spain, and the establishment of his dynasty on the throne, in May
      756. But even after this important step was taken, the causes
      which threatened to make anarchy perpetual, were still at work in
      Spain. Chief among these were the feuds of the Arab tribes, and
      the jealousy between Berbers and Arabs.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_55" id="Footnote_1_55"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_55"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
        <i>E.g.</i>, Alhorr ibn Abdurrahman (717-719); see Isidore,
        sec. 44, and Conde, i. 94: "He oppressed all alike, the
        Christians, those who had newly embraced Islam, and the oldest
        of the Moslemah families."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_56" id="Footnote_2_56"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_56"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Merely a
        small poll-tax (jizyah) at first.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_57" id="Footnote_3_57"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_57"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
        105.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_58" id="Footnote_4_58"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_58"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i.
        p. 99. Isidore, however, sec. 52, says: "Vectigalia Christianis
        duplicata exagitat."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_59" id="Footnote_5_59"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_59"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i.
        102.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_60" id="Footnote_6_60"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_60"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Isidore,
        sec. 54. Terribilis potestator fere triennio crudelis
        exaestuat, atque aeri ingenio Hispaniae Sarracenos et Mauros
        pro pacificis rebus olim ablatis exagitat, atque Christianis
        plura restaurat.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_61" id="Footnote_7_61"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_61"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Conde, i.
        114, 115.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Most of the first conquerors of the country were Berbers, while
      such Arabs as came in with them belonged mostly to the Maadite or
      Beladi faction.<a name="FNanchor_1_62" id=
      "FNanchor_1_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_62" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> The Berbers, besides being looked down upon as
      new converts, were also regarded as Nonconformists<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_63" id="FNanchor_2_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_63"
      class="fnanchor">[2]</a> by the pure Arabs, and consequently a
      quarrel was not long in breaking out between the two parties.
    </p>
    <p>
      As early as 718 the Berbers in Aragon and Catalonia rose against
      the Arabs under a Jew named Khaulan, who was put to death the
      following year. In 726 they revolted again, crying that they who
      had conquered the country alone had claims to the spoil.<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_64" id="FNanchor_3_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_64"
      class="fnanchor">[3]</a> This formidable rising was only put down
      by the Arabs making common cause against it. But the continual
      disturbances in Africa kept alive the flame of discontent in
      Spain, and the great Berber rebellion against the Arab yoke in
      Africa was a signal for a similar determined attempt in
      Spain.<a name="FNanchor_4_65" id="FNanchor_4_65"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_65" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The reinforcements
      which the Khalif, Yezid ibn Abdulmalik, sent to Africa under
      Kolthum ibn Iyadh were defeated by the Berbers under a chief
      named Meysarah, and shut up in Ceuta.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_62" id="Footnote_1_62"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_62"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The two
        chief branches of Arabs were (1) Descendants of Modhar, son of
        Negus, son of Maad, son of Adnan. To this clan belonged the
        Mecca and Medina Arabs, and the Umeyyade family. They were also
        called Kaysites, Febrites, and Beladi Arabs. (2) Descendants of
        Kahtan (Joktan), among whom were reckoned the Kelbites and the
        Yemenites. These were most numerous in Andalus; see Al Makkari,
        ii. 24.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_63" id="Footnote_2_63"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_63"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
        124. See Al Makk., ii. 409, De Gayangos' note. Though nominally
        Moslem, they still kept their Jewish or Pagan rites.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_64" id="Footnote_3_64"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_64"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See De
        Gayangos, Al Makk. ii. 410, note. He quotes Borbon's "Karta,"
        xiv. <i>sq.</i> Stanley Lane-Poole, "Moors in Spain," p. 55,
        says, Monousa, who married the daughter of Eudes, was a leader
        of the Berbers. Conde, i. 106, says, Othman abi Neza was the
        leader, but Othman an ibn abi Nesah was Ameer of Spain in 728.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_65" id="Footnote_4_65"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_65"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makkari,
        ii. 40.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Meanwhile in Spain, Abdalmalik ibn Kattan<a name="FNanchor_1_66"
      id="FNanchor_1_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_66" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> Alfehri taking up the cause of the Berbers,
      procured the deposition of Okbah ibn ulhejaj in his own favour,
      but, this done, broke with his new allies. He was then compelled
      to ask the help of the Syrian Arabs, who were cooped up in Ceuta,
      though previously he had turned a deaf ear to their entreaties
      that they might cross over into Spain.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Syrians gladly accepted this invitation, and under Balj ibn
      Besher, nephew of Kolthum, crossed the Straits, readily promising
      at the same time to return to Africa when the Spanish Berbers
      were overcome. This desirable end accomplished, however, they
      refused to keep to their agreement, and Abdalmalik soon found
      himself driven to seek anew the alliance of the Berbers and also
      of the Andalusian Arabs against his late allies.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_67" id="FNanchor_2_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_67"
      class="fnanchor">[2]</a> But the latter proved too strong for the
      Ameer, who was defeated and killed by the Yemenite followers of
      Balj.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_66" id="Footnote_1_66"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_66"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cardonne,
        i. p. 135.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_67" id="Footnote_2_67"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_67"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The Syrian
        Arabs seem to have borne a bad character away from home. The
        Sultan Muawiyah warned his son that they altered for the worse
        when abroad. See Ockley's "Saracens."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      These feuds of Yemenites against Modharites, complicated by the
      accession of Berbers now to one side, now to the other, continued
      without intermission till the first Khalif of Cordova,
      Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah, established his power all over Spain.
    </p>
    <p>
      The successor of Balj and Thaleba ibn Salamah did indeed try to
      break up the Syrian faction by separating them. He placed those
      of Damascus in Elvira; of Emesa in Seville; of Kenesrin in Jaen;
      of Alurdan<a name="FNanchor_1_68" id="FNanchor_1_68"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_68" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> in Malaga and Regio; of
      Palestine in Sidonia or Xeres; of Egypt in Murcia; of Wasit in
      Cabra; and they thus became merged into the body of Andalusian
      Arabs.
    </p>
    <p>
      These Berber wars had an important influence on the future of
      Spain; for, since the Berbers had settled on all the Northern and
      Western marches, when they were decimated by civil war, and many
      of the survivors compelled to return to Africa,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_69" id="FNanchor_2_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_69"
      class="fnanchor">[2]</a> owing to the famine which afflicted the
      country from 750 to 755, the frontiers of the Arab dominion were
      left practically denuded of defenders,<a name="FNanchor_3_70" id=
      "FNanchor_3_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_70" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Christians at once advanced their
      boundaries to the Douro, leaving however a strip of desert land
      as a barrier between them and the Moslems. This debateable land
      they did not occupy till fifty years later.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_71" id="FNanchor_4_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_71"
      class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_68" id="Footnote_1_68"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_68"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
        <i>I.e.</i>, Jordan. See Al Makkari, i. 356, De Gayangos' note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_69" id="Footnote_2_69"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_69"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
        24.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_70" id="Footnote_3_70"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_70"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makkari,
        ii. 69.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_71" id="Footnote_4_71"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_71"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> When they
        built a series of fortresses as Zarnora, Simancas, San Estevan.
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      THE MARTYRDOMS AT CORDOVA.
    </h3>
    <p>
      Abdurrahman Ibn Muawiyah landed in Spain with 750 Berber horsemen
      in May 756. The Khalifate of Cordova may be said to begin with
      this date, though it was many years before the new sultan had
      settled his power on a firm basis, or was recognised as ruler by
      the whole of Moslem Spain.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the forty-five years of civil warfare which intervened
      between the invasion of Tarik and the landing of Abdurrahman, we
      have very little knowledge of what the Christians were doing. The
      Arab historians are too busy recounting the feuds of their own
      tribes to pay any particular attention to the subject Christians.
      But we may gather that the latter were, on the whole, fairly
      content with their new servitude.<a name="FNanchor_1_72" id=
      "FNanchor_1_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_72" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> The Moslems were not very anxious to
      proselytize, as the conversion of the Spaniards meant a serious
      diminution of the tribute.<a name="FNanchor_2_73" id=
      "FNanchor_2_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_73" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> Those Christians who did apostatize—and we may
      believe that they were chiefly slaves—at once took up a position
      of legal, though not social, equality with the other Moslems. It
      is no wonder that the slaves became Mohammedans, for, apart from
      their hatred for their masters, and the obvious temporal
      advantage of embracing Islam, the majority of them knew nothing
      at all about Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_3_74" id=
      "FNanchor_3_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_74" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> The ranks of the converts were recruited from
      time to time by those who went over to Islam to avoid paying the
      poll-tax, or even to escape the payment of some penalty inflicted
      by the Christian courts.<a name="FNanchor_4_75" id=
      "FNanchor_4_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_75" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> One thing is noticeable. In the early years of
      the conquest there was none of that bitterness displayed between
      the adherents of the rival creeds, to which we are so accustomed
      in later times. Isidore of Beja, the only contemporary Christian
      authority, though he rhapsodizes about the devastations committed
      by the conquerors, and complains of enormous tributes exacted,
      yet speaks more fairly about the Moslems<a name="FNanchor_5_76"
      id="FNanchor_5_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_76" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> than any other Spanish writer before the
      fourteenth century. "If he hates the conquerors," says
      Dozy,<a name="FNanchor_6_77" id="FNanchor_6_77"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_77" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> "he hates them rather
      as men of another race than of another creed;" and the marriage
      of Abdulaziz and Egilona awakens in his mind no sentiment of
      horror.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_72" id="Footnote_1_72"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_72"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This was
        not so when the fierce Almoravides and fiercer Almohades
        overran Spain in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. See
        Freeman's "Saracens," p. 168.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_73" id="Footnote_2_73"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_73"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> As happened
        in Egypt under Amru. See Cardonne, i. p. 168, and Gibbon, vi.
        p. 370.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_74" id="Footnote_3_74"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_74"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        45, quotes a passage from Pedraca, "Histor. Eccles. of Granada"
        (1638), in which the author points out that even in his day the
        "old Christians" of Central Spain were so wholly ignorant of
        all Christian doctrines that they might be expected to renounce
        Christianity with the utmost ease if again subjected to the
        Moors.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_75" id="Footnote_4_75"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_75"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Samson,
        "Apolog.," ii. cc. 3, 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_76" id="Footnote_5_76"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_76"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Speaking of
        Omar, the second Khalif of that name, Isidore, sec. 46, says,
        "Tanta ei sanctimonia ascribitur quanta nulli unquam ex Arabum
        gente."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_77" id="Footnote_6_77"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_77"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        p. 42.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      On the whole the condition of the mass of the people, Christian
      or renegade, was certainly preferable to their state before the
      conquest.<a name="FNanchor_1_78" id="FNanchor_1_78"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_78" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Those serfs who
      remained Christian, if they worked on State lands, payed
      one-third of the produce to the State; if on private lands,
      four-fifths to their Arab owners.<a name="FNanchor_2_79" id=
      "FNanchor_2_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_79" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> The free Christians retained their goods, and
      could even alienate their lands. They paid a graduated tax
      varying from thirteen pounds to three guineas.<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_80" id="FNanchor_3_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_80"
      class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In all probability the Christians under
      Moslem rule were not worse off than their coreligionists in
      Galicia and Leon. A signal proof of this is afforded by the fact
      that, in spite of the distracted state of the country, which
      would seem to hold out a great hope of success, we hear of no
      attempts at revolt on the part of the subjected Christians in the
      eighth century, except at Beja, where the Christians seem to have
      been led away by the ambition of an Arab chief.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_81" id="FNanchor_4_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_81"
      class="fnanchor">[4]</a> They were even somewhat indifferent to
      the cause of their coreligionists in the North, and the attempts
      which Pelayo and his successors made to induce them to rise in
      concert with their brethren met with but scant success.<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_82" id="FNanchor_5_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_82"
      class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_78" id="Footnote_1_78"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_78"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See
        especially Conde, Pref. p. vi.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_79" id="Footnote_2_79"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_79"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        39.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_80" id="Footnote_3_80"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_80"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        40.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_81" id="Footnote_4_81"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_81"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        42.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_82" id="Footnote_5_82"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_82"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cardonne,
        i. 106.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      There can be no doubt, however, that the good understanding,
      which at first existed between the Moslems and their Christian
      subjects, gradually gave place to a very different state of
      things, owing in no small degree to the free Christians in the
      North, whose presence on their borders was a continual menace to
      the Moslem dominion, and a perpetual incentive to the subject
      Christians to rise and assert their freedom.
    </p>
    <p>
      Our purpose now is to trace out, so far as the scanty indications
      scattered in the writers of the time will allow, the relations
      that existed between the two religions during the 275 years of
      the Khalifate, and the influence which these relations had upon
      the development of the one and the other. It will be agreeable to
      the natural arrangement to take the former question first.
    </p>
    <p>
      With a view to the better understanding of the position of
      Christianity and Mohammedanism at the very beginning of our
      inquiry, we have thought it advisable to point out in a
      preliminary sketch the development of Christianity in Spain
      previous to the period when the Moslems, fresh from their native
      deserts of Arabia and Africa, bearing the sword in one hand and
      the Koran in the other, possessed themselves of one of the
      fairest provinces of Christendom. This having been already done,
      we can at once proceed to investigate the mutual relations of
      Christianity and Mohammedanism in Spain during the 300 years of
      the Khalifate of Cordova.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was in fulfilment of a supposed prophecy of Mohammed's, and in
      obedience to the precepts of the Koran itself, that the Arabs,
      having overrun Syria, Egypt, and Africa, passed over into Spain,
      and the war from the very first took the character of a jehad, or
      religious war—a character which it retained with the
      ever-increasing fanaticism of the combatants until every
      Mohammedan had been forced to abjure his creed, or been driven
      out of Spain. But, as we have seen, the conquest itself was
      singularly free from any outbursts of religious frenzy; though of
      course there must have been many Christians, who laid down their
      lives in defence of all that was near and dear to them, in
      defence of their wives and their children, their homes and their
      country, their religion and their honour. One such instance at
      least has been recorded by the Arab historians,<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_83" id="FNanchor_1_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_83"
      class="fnanchor">[1]</a> when the Governor, and 400 of the
      garrison, of Cordova, after three months' siege in the church of
      St George, chose rather to be burnt in their hold than surrender
      upon condition either of embracing Islam, or paying tribute.
    </p>
    <p>
      Omitting the story of the fabulous martyr Nicolaus, as being a
      tissue of errors and absurdities,<a name="FNanchor_2_84" id=
      "FNanchor_2_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_84" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> the first martyr properly so called was a
      certain bishop, named Anambad, who was put to death by Othman ibn
      abi Nesah (727-728)—a governor guilty of shedding much Christian
      blood, if Isidore is to be believed.<a name="FNanchor_3_85" id=
      "FNanchor_3_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_85" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_83" id="Footnote_1_83"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_83"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari,
        i. 279, says: "This was the cause of the spot being called ever
        since the Kenisatu-l-haraki (the church of the burnt), as
        likewise of the great veneration in which it has always been
        held by the Christians, on account of the courage and endurance
        displayed in the cause of their religion by those who died in
        it."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_84" id="Footnote_2_84"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_84"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Florez,
        "España Sagr," xiv. 392.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_85" id="Footnote_3_85"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_85"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Isidore,
        sec. 58, "Munuza quia a sanguine Christianorum, quen ibidem
        innocentem fuderat, nimium erat crapulatus, et Anabadi,
        illustris episcopi,.... quem ipse cremaverat, valde exhaustus,"
        etc. It is doubtful who this Munuza was, but probably Othman
        ibn abi Nesah, Governor of Spain.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Fifteen years later a Christian named Peter, pursuing very much
      the same tactics as the pseudo-martyrs in the next century,
      brought about his own condemnation and death. He held a
      responsible post under Government, that of receiver of public
      imposts, and seems to have stood on terms of friendship with many
      of the Arab nobles. Perhaps he had been rather lax in his
      religious observances, or even disguised his Christianity from
      motives of interest. However, he fell sick, and thinking that his
      life was near its end, he called together his Moslem friends, and
      thanking them for showing their concern for him by coming, he
      proceeded, "But I desire you to be witnesses of this my last
      will. Whosoever believeth not on the Father, the Son, and the
      Holy Ghost, the Consubstantial Trinity, is blind in heart, and
      deserveth eternal punishment, as also doth Mohammed, your false
      prophet, the forerunner of Antichrist. Renounce, therefore, these
      fables, I conjure you this day, and let heaven and earth witness
      between us." Though greatly incensed, as was natural, the hearers
      resolved to take no notice of these and other like words,
      charitably supposing the sick man to be light-headed; but Peter,
      having unexpectedly recovered, repeated his former condemnation
      of Mohammed, cursing him, his book, and his followers. Thereupon
      he was executed, and we cannot be altogether surprised at
      it.<a name="FNanchor_1_86" id="FNanchor_1_86"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_86" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Besides these two isolated cases of martyrdom, we do not find any
      more recorded until the reign of Abdurrahman II. (May 822-Aug.
      852). In the second year of this king's reign, two Christians,
      John and Adulphus, making public profession of their faith, and
      denouncing Mohammed, were put to death on Sept 17, 824.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_87" id="FNanchor_2_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_87"
      class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_86" id="Footnote_1_86"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_86"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> We give the
        account as Fleury, v. 88 (Bk. 42), gives it, but with great
        doubts as to its genuineness, no other writer that we have seen
        mentioning it.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_87" id="Footnote_2_87"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_87"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Florez, x.
        358: Fleury, v. 487. They were buried in St Cyprian's Church,
        Cordova. See "De translatione martyrum Georgii etc.," sec. 7.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      This is the first definite indication we have that the toleration
      shown by the Moslems was beginning to be abused by their
      Christian subjects; and there can be no reasonable doubt that
      this ill-advised conduct on the part of the latter was the main
      cause of the so-called persecution which followed. But besides
      this fanaticism on the part of a small section of the subject
      Christians, there were other causes at work calculated to produce
      friction between the two peoples. During the century which had
      elapsed since the conquest, the Christians and Mohammedans,
      living side by side under the same government, and one which,
      considering the times in which it arose, was remarkable no less
      for its equity and moderation than for its external splendour and
      magnificence, had gradually been drawn closer together.
      Intermarriages had become frequent among them;<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_88" id="FNanchor_1_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_88"
      class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and these proved the fruitful cause of
      religious dissensions. Accordingly we find that the religious
      troubles in the reigns of Abdurrahman II. (822-852) and Mohammed
      I. (852-886) began with the execution of two children of mixed
      parents. Nunilo and Alodia were the children of a Moslem father
      and a Christian mother. Their father was a tolerant man, and,
      apparently, while he lived, permitted his children to profess the
      faith of their mother. On his death, the mother married again,
      and the new husband, being a bigoted Mohammedan, and actuated, as
      we may suppose, by the <i>odio vitrici</i>, immediately set about
      reclaiming his step-children to the true faith of Islam, his
      efforts in this direction leading him to ill-treat, even to
      torture,<a name="FNanchor_2_89" id="FNanchor_2_89"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_89" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the young confessors.
      His utmost endeavour to effect their conversion failing, he
      delivered them over to the judge on the charge of apostasy, and
      the judge to the executioner, by whom they were beheaded on Oct.
      21, 840.<a name="FNanchor_3_90" id="FNanchor_3_90"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_90" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_88" id="Footnote_1_88"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_88"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Due in part
        no doubt to the marriage of captives. See also below for "the
        maiden tribute," pp. 96, 97.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_89" id="Footnote_2_89"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_89"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So Miss
        Yonge.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_90" id="Footnote_3_90"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_90"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This date
        is given by Morales, apud Migne, vol. cxv. p. 886, and by
        Fleury, v. 487, who accuse Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 10,
        of being in error when he assigns the date 851. The
        Pseudo-Luitprand gives 951, vouching for this date as an
        eye-witness: "Me vivente, in castro Wergeti, id est Castellon,
        etc."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Though there were some cases of martyrdom of this character,
      where the sufferers truly earned their title of martyrs,—and we
      may believe that all such cases have not been recorded—yet the
      vast majority of those which followed in the years 851-860 were
      of a different type. They were due to an outbreak of fanatical
      zeal on the part of a certain section of the Christians such as
      to overpower the spirit of toleration, which the Moslem
      authorities had so far shown in dealing with their Christian
      subjects, and to raise a corresponding tide of bigotry in the
      less enlightened, and therefore more intolerant, masses of the
      Mohammedans. The sudden mania for martyrdom which manifested
      itself at this time is certainly the most remarkable phenomenon
      of the kind that has been recorded in the annals of the Christian
      Church. There had been occasional instances before of Christians
      voluntarily offering themselves to undergo the penalty of the
      laws for the crime of being Christians. One such instance in the
      case of a Phrygian, named Quintus, had caused grave scandal to
      the Church of Smyrna; for, having gone before the proconsul and
      professed himself ready to die for the faith, when the reality of
      the death, which he courted, had been brought home to him by the
      sight of the wild beasts ready to rend him, the courage of the
      Phrygian had failed, and he had offered incense to the gods.
      Africa also had had her self-accused martyrs.
    </p>
    <p>
      But the Spanish confessors have an interest over and above these,
      both by reason of their number and the constancy which they
      displayed in their self-imposed task. Not a single instance is
      recorded, though there may have been some such, where the
      would-be martyr from fear or any other cause forwent his crown.
      Moreover these martyrdoms, by dividing the Church on the question
      of their merit, whether, that is, the victims were to be ranked
      as true martyrs or not, and, giving rise to a written controversy
      on the subject, has supplied us with ample, if rather one-sided,
      materials for estimating the provocation given, and received, on
      either side.
    </p>
    <p>
      As time went on, and the Christians and Moslems mingled more
      closely together in political and social life, the Church no
      doubt suffered some deterioration. Every interested motive was
      enlisted in favour of dropping as far as possible out of
      sight<a name="FNanchor_1_91" id="FNanchor_1_91"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_91" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> those distinctive
      features of Christianity which might be calculated to give
      offence to the Moslems; of conforming to all those Mohammedan
      customs, which are not in the Bible expressly forbidden to a
      Christian;<a name="FNanchor_2_92" id="FNanchor_2_92"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_92" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and, generally, of
      emphasizing the points on which Christianity agrees with
      Mohammedanism, and ignoring those (far more important ones) in
      which they differ. The Moslems had no such reason for dissembling
      their convictions, or modifying their tenets. Consequently a
      spiritual paralysis was creeping upon the Church, which
      threatened in the course of time, if not checked, to destroy the
      very life of Christianity throughout the peninsula. The case of
      Africa, from which Islam had extirpated Christianity, showed that
      this was no imaginary danger. But Spain had this advantage over
      Africa: it contained a free Christian community which had never
      passed under the Moslem yoke, where the fire of Christianity, in
      danger of being swept away by the devouring flames of
      Mohammedanism, might be nursed and cherished, till it could again
      blaze forth with its former brilliancy.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_91" id="Footnote_1_91"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_91"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See below,
        p. 72, note 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_92" id="Footnote_2_92"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_92"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>E.g.,</i> circumcision.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Yet in Mohammedan Spain religious fervour was not wholly
      vanished: it was still to be found among the clergy, and
      specially among the dwellers in convents. Monks and nuns, severed
      from all worldly influences, in the silence of their cloisters,
      would read the lives of the Saints<a name="FNanchor_1_93" id=
      "FNanchor_1_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_93" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> of old, and meditate upon their glorious
      deeds, and the miracles which their faith had wrought. They would
      brood over such texts as, "Ye shall be brought before rulers and
      kings for My sake;"<a name="FNanchor_2_94" id=
      "FNanchor_2_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_94" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> and, "Every one who shall confess Me before
      men, him will I also confess before My Father, which is in
      Heaven;"<a name="FNanchor_3_95" id="FNanchor_3_95"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_95" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> till they brought
      themselves to believe that it was their imperative duty to bring
      themselves before rulers and kings, and not only to confess
      Christ, but to revile Mohammed.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_93" id="Footnote_1_93"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_93"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Dozy,
        ii. 112.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_94" id="Footnote_2_94"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_94"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> St Mark
        xiii. 9.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_95" id="Footnote_3_95"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_95"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> St Matt. x.
        32.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      However, the reproach of fanatical self-destruction will not
      apply, as the apologists of their doings have not failed to point
      out, to the first two victims that suffered in this persecution.
    </p>
    <p>
      Perfectus,<a name="FNanchor_1_96" id="FNanchor_1_96"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_96" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> a priest of Cordova,
      who had been brought up in the school attached to the church of
      St Acislus, on going out one day to purchase some necessaries for
      domestic use, was stopped by some of the Moslems in the street,
      and asked to give his opinion of their Prophet. What led them to
      make this strange request, we are not told,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_97" id="FNanchor_2_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_97"
      class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but stated thus barely it certainly
      gives us the impression that it was intended to bring the priest
      into trouble. For it was a well-known law in Moslem countries
      that if any one cursed a Mohammedan, he was to be
      scourged,<a name="FNanchor_3_98" id="FNanchor_3_98"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_98" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> if he struck him,
      killed: the latter penalty also awaiting any one who spoke evil
      of Mohammed, and extending even to a Mussulman ruler, if he heard
      the blasphemy without taking notice of it.<a name="FNanchor_4_99"
      id="FNanchor_4_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_99" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> Perfectus, therefore, being aware of this law,
      gave a cautious<a name="FNanchor_5_100" id=
      "FNanchor_5_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_100" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> answer, declining to comply with their request
      until they swore that he should receive no hurt in consequence of
      what he might say. On their giving the required stipulation, he
      quoted the words, "For there shall arise false Christs and false
      prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders; insomuch that
      if it were possible they shall deceive the very elect,"<a name=
      "FNanchor_6_101" id="FNanchor_6_101"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_101" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and proceeded to speak
      of Mohammed in the usual fashion, as a lying impostor and a
      dissolute adulterer, concluding with the words, "Thus hath he,
      the encourager of all lewdness, and the wallower in his own
      filthy lusts, delivered you all over to the indulgence of an
      everlasting sensuality." This ill-advised abuse of one, whom the
      Moslems revere as we revere Christ, and the ungenerous advantage
      taken of the oath, which they had made, naturally incensed his
      hearers to an almost uncontrollable degree. They respected their
      promise, however, and refrained from laying hands on him at that
      time, with the intention, says Eulogius, of revenging themselves
      on a future occasion.<a name="FNanchor_7_102" id=
      "FNanchor_7_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_102" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_96" id="Footnote_1_96"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_96"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulogius,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii., ch. i. secs. 1-4: Alvar, "Indic. Lum.,"
        sec. 3.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_97" id="Footnote_2_97"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_97"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See,
        however, Appendix A, p. 158.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_98" id="Footnote_3_98"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_98"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6. "Ecce enim lex publica pendet, et legalis
        iussa per omnem regnum eorum discurrit, ut, qui blasphematur,
        flagellatur, et qui percusserit occidatur." Neander V., p. 464,
        note, points out that "blasphemaverit" refers to cursing
        Moslems, not Mohammed. Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5,
        "Irrefragibilis manet sententia, animadverti debere in eos qui
        talia de ipso non vcrentur profiteri." On hearing of Isaac's
        death the king published a reminder on this law.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_99" id="Footnote_4_99"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_99"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See p. 91.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_100" id="Footnote_5_100"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_100"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3, calls it a timid answer.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_101" id="Footnote_6_101"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_101"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Matt.
        xxiv. 24.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_102" id="Footnote_7_102"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_102"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Accensum
        ultionis furorem in corde ad perniciem eius reponunt."
        Eulogius, 1.1.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      If this was so, the opportunity soon presented itself, and
      Perfectus, being abroad on an errand similar to the previous one,
      was met<a name="FNanchor_1_103" id="FNanchor_1_103"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_103" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> by his former
      interrogators, who, on the charge of reviling Mohammed, and doing
      despite to their religion, dragged him before the Kadi. Being
      questioned, his courage at first failed him, and he withdrew his
      words. He was then imprisoned to await further examination at the
      end of the month, which happened to be the Ramadhan or fast
      month. In prison the priest repented his weakness, and when
      brought again before the judge on the Mohammedan Easter, he
      recanted his recantation, adding, "I have cursed and do curse
      your prophet, a messenger not of God, but of Satan, a dealer in
      witchcraft, an adulterer, and a liar." He was immediately led off
      for execution, but before his death prophesied that of the King's
      minister, Nazar, within a year of his own. He was beheaded on
      April 18, 850.<a name="FNanchor_2_104" id=
      "FNanchor_2_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_104" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> The apologists, on insufficient evidence,
      describe the death of two Moslems, who were drowned the same day
      in the river, as a manifest judgement of Heaven for the murder of
      Perfectus.<a name="FNanchor_3_105" id=
      "FNanchor_3_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_105" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_103" id="Footnote_1_103"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_103"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Dolo
        circumventum," says Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 4.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_104" id="Footnote_2_104"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_104"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Johannes
        Vasaeus places this persecution (by a manifest error) in 950,
        under Abdurrahman III., stating at the same time that some
        writers placed it in 850, but, as it appeared to him, wrongly:
        "Abdurrahman Halihatan rex Cordobae movit duodecimam
        persecutionem in Christianos."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_105" id="Footnote_3_105"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_105"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct." ii., ch. i. sec. 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The example set by Perfectus did not bear fruit at once, but no
      doubt the evidence which it gave of the ease and comparative
      painlessness, with which a martyr's crown could be obtained, was
      not lost upon the brooding and zealous spirits living in solitary
      retreats and trying by a life of religious devotion to cut
      themselves off from the seductive pleasures of an active life.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next victim, a little more than a year later, was a petty
      tradesman, named John,<a name="FNanchor_1_106" id=
      "FNanchor_1_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_106" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> who does not seem to have courted his own
      fate. He had aroused the animosity of his Moslem rivals by a
      habit which he had contracted of pronouncing the name of the
      Prophet in his market transactions, taking his name, as they
      thought, in vain, and with a view to attracting buyers.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_107" id="FNanchor_2_107"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_107" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> John, being taxed with
      this, with ill-timed pleasantry retorted, "Cursed be he who
      wishes to name your Prophet." He was haled before the Kadi, and,
      after receiving 400 stripes,<a name="FNanchor_3_108" id=
      "FNanchor_3_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_108" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> was thrown into prison. Subsequently he was
      taken thence and driven through the city riding backwards on an
      ass, while a crier was sent before him through the Christian
      quarters, proclaiming: "Such shall be the punishment of those,
      that speak evil of the Prophet of God."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_106" id="Footnote_1_106"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_106"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eugolius,
        "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 9; and Alvar, Ind. Lum. sec. 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_107" id="Footnote_2_107"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_107"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So
        Eulogius, 1. 1., and Dozy, ii., 129. Alvar's account (1. 1.) is
        not very intelligible: "Parvipendens nostrum prophetam, semper
        eius nomen in derisione frequentas, et mendacium tuum per
        iuramenta nostrae religionis, ut tibi videtur, falsa auribus te
        ignorantium Christianum esse semper confirmas."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_108" id="Footnote_3_108"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_108"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Or,
        according to Eulogius, 500.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      So far we have had cases, where the charge of persecution,
      brought by the apologists of the martyrs against the Moslems, can
      be more or less sustained, but the next instance is of a
      different character. Isaac,<a name="FNanchor_1_109" id=
      "FNanchor_1_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_109" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> a monk of Tabanos, and descended from noble
      and wealthy ancestors, was born in 824, and by his knowledge of
      Arabic, attained in early life to the position of an exceptor, or
      scribe,<a name="FNanchor_2_110" id="FNanchor_2_110"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_110" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but gave up his
      appointment at the age of twenty, in order to enter the monastery
      of Tabanos, which his uncle and aunt, Jeremiah and Elizabeth, had
      founded near Cordova.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_109" id="Footnote_1_109"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_109"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. ch. ii. sec. 1, also Pref., secs. 2 ff.
        After his death Isaac was credited with having performed
        miracles from his earliest years. He was said to have spoken
        three times in his mother's womb (cp. a similar fable about
        Jesus in the Koran, c. iii. verse 40), and when a child, to
        have embraced, unhurt, a globe of fire from Heaven.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_110" id="Footnote_2_110"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_110"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Not, as
        Florez, a tax-gatherer.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Roused by the tale of Perfectus' death and John's sufferings, he
      voluntarily went before the Kadi, and, pretending to be an
      "enquirer," begged him to expound to him the doctrines of Islam.
      The Kadi, congratulating himself on the prospect of such a
      promising convert, gravely complied; when Isaac, answering him in
      fluent Arabic, said: "He has lied unto you—may the curse of
      Heaven consume him!—who full of all wickedness has led astray so
      many men, and doomed them with himself to the lowest deep of
      hell. Filled with Satan, and practising Satanic arts, he hath
      given his followers a drink of deadly wine, and will without
      doubt expiate his guilt with everlasting damnation." Hearing
      these, and other like <i>chaste</i><a name="FNanchor_1_111" id=
      "FNanchor_1_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_111" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> utterances, the judge listened in a sort of
      stupor of rage and astonishment, feelings which even found vent
      in tears; till, his indignation passing all control, he struck
      the monk in the face, who then said, "Dost thou strike that which
      is made in the image of God?"<a name="FNanchor_2_112" id=
      "FNanchor_2_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_112" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> The assessors of the Kadi also reproached him
      for striking a prisoner, their law being that one who is worthy
      of death should not suffer other indignities. The Kadi, having
      now recovered his self-command, gave his decision, that Isaac,
      whether drunk or mad, had committed a crime which, by an express
      law of Mohammed's, merited condign punishment. He was accordingly
      beheaded, and, his body being burnt, his ashes were cast into the
      river (June 3, 851). This was done to prevent the Christians from
      carrying off his body, and preserving it for the purpose of
      working miracles.<a name="FNanchor_3_113" id=
      "FNanchor_3_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_113" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Isaac's conduct and fate, Eulogius tells us, electrified the
      people, who were amazed at the <i>newness</i> of the
      thing.<a name="FNanchor_4_114" id="FNanchor_4_114"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_114" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was at this point
      that Eulogius himself began to shew his sympathy with these
      fanatical doings by encouraging and helping others to follow
      Isaac's example.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_111" id="Footnote_1_111"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_111"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulogius,
        "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, "<i>Ore pudico</i> summisque
        reverentiae ausibus viribusque."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_112" id="Footnote_2_112"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_112"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. Acts
        xxiii. 3.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_113" id="Footnote_3_113"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_113"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Lib. Apolog.," sec. 35, mentions a proposed edict of the
        authorities, visiting the seeker of relics with severer
        penalties.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_114" id="Footnote_4_114"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_114"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
        Eulog., Letter to Alvar, apud Florez., xi. 290.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The number of misguided men and women that now came forward and
      threw their lives away is certainly remarkable, and seems to have
      struck the Moslems as perfectly unaccountable. The Arabs
      themselves were as brave men as the world has ever seen, and, by
      the very ordinances of their faith, were bound to adventure their
      lives for their religion in actual human conflict with infidel
      foes, yet they were unable to conceive how any man in his senses
      could willingly deprive himself of life in such a way as could do
      no service to the cause, religious or other, which he had at
      heart. They were quite unable to appreciate that intense
      antagonism towards the world and its perilous environment, which
      Christianity teaches; that spirit of renouncement of the
      vanities, nay, even of the duties of life, which prompted men and
      women to immure themselves in cloisters and retreats, far from
      all spheres of human usefulness. Life under these circumstances
      had naturally little to make it worth the living, and became all
      the more easy to relinquish, when death, in itself a thing to be
      desired, was further invested with the glories of martyrdom.
    </p>
    <p>
      The example of Isaac was therefore followed within two days by a
      monk named Sanctius<a name="FNanchor_1_115" id=
      "FNanchor_1_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_115" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> or Sancho, who was executed on June 5th. Three
      days later were beheaded Peter, a priest of Ecija; Walabonsus, a
      deacon of Ilipa; Sabinianus and Wistremundus, monks of St Zoilus;
      Habentius, a monk of St Christopher's Church at Cordova; while
      Jeremiah,<a name="FNanchor_2_116" id=
      "FNanchor_2_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_116" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> uncle of Isaac, was scourged to death. Their
      bodies were burned, and the ashes cast into the river.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sisenandus of Badajos<a name="FNanchor_3_117" id=
      "FNanchor_3_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_117" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> found a similar fate on July 16th: four days
      subsequently Paul, a deacon of St Zoilus, gave himself up; and
      the same number of days later, Theodomir, a monk of Carmona: all
      of whom were beheaded.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_115" id="Footnote_1_115"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_115"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 3.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_116" id="Footnote_2_116"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_116"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, c. iv.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_117" id="Footnote_3_117"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_117"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> After his
        martyrdom he procured the release from prison of Tiberias,
        priest of Beja! Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. vi.
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      FANATICISM OF THE MARTYRS.
    </h3>
    <p>
      The next candidates for martyrdom were two young and beautiful
      girls, whose history we learn from their patron, Eulogius, who
      seems to have regarded one of these maidens, Flora, with a
      Platonic love mingled with a sort of religious devotion.
    </p>
    <p>
      Flora,<a name="FNanchor_1_118" id="FNanchor_1_118"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_118" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the daughter of a
      Moslem father and a Christian mother, was born at Cordova. She is
      said to have practised abstinence even in her cradle. At first
      she was brought up as a Moslem, and lived in conformity with that
      faith, until, being converted to Christianity about eight years
      before this time, and finding the intolerance of her father and
      her brother unbearable, she deserted her home. But when her
      brother, in his efforts to discover and reclaim her, persecuted
      many Christian families, whom he suspected of conniving at her
      escape, she voluntarily surrendered herself to him, saying, "Here
      am I whom you seek, and for whose sake you persecute the people
      of God. I am a Christian. Do your best to annul that confession:
      none of your torments will be able to overcome my faith." Her
      brother, after trying in vain, by alternate threats and
      blandishments, to bring her back from her error, finally dragged
      her before the Kadi; and he, hearing her brother's accusation,
      and her own confession, ordered her to be barbarously beaten, and
      then given up nearly dead to her brother. She managed, however,
      to recover, and escaped under angelic guidance.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_119" id="FNanchor_2_119"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_119" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Shortly afterwards,
      while praying in a church, she was found by Maria, sister of
      Walabonsus above-mentioned,<a name="FNanchor_3_120" id=
      "FNanchor_3_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_120" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> who had been martyred a few months previously.
      Their father, being a Christian, converted his unbelieving wife.
      They came to live at Froniano, near Cordova, and their daughter
      was educated at the nunnery of Cuteclara, near the city, under
      the care of the abbess, Artemia. Brooding over her brother's
      martyrdom, and perhaps, as was so often the case, seeing his
      glorified spirit in a vision, she left the cloister, determining
      to follow in his saintly footsteps. While on her way to give
      herself up, she turned aside into a church to pray, and found
      Flora there.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_118" id="Footnote_1_118"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_118"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of
        Flora and Maria," by Eulogius, secs. 3 ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_119" id="Footnote_2_119"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_119"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 8. "Agelico comitante meatu."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_120" id="Footnote_3_120"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_120"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Life of
        Flora and Maria," sec. 11. Lane Poole, "Moors in Spain," says,
        "Sister of Isaac."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Together, then, did these devoted girls go forth<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_121" id="FNanchor_1_121"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_121" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> to curse Mohammed, of
      whom they probably knew next to nothing, and lose their own
      lives. The judge, however, pitying their youth and beauty, merely
      imprisoned them. News of his sister's imprisonment being brought
      to Flora's brother, he induced the judge to make a further
      examination of her, and she was brought out of prison before the
      Kadi, who, pointing to her brother, asked her if she knew him.
      Flora answered that she did—as her brother according to the
      flesh. "How is it, then," asked the judge, "that he remains a
      good Moslem, while you have apostatized?" She answered that God
      had enlightened her; and, on professing herself ready to repeat
      her former denunciations of the Prophet, she was again remanded
      to prison. Here she and Maria are threatened with being thrown
      upon the streets as prostitutes<a name="FNanchor_2_122" id=
      "FNanchor_2_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_122" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>—a punishment far worse than the easy death
      they had desired. This shakes their constancy; when they find an
      unexpected comforter in Eulogius himself, who is now imprisoned
      for being an encourager and inciter of defiance to the laws. It
      is strange that he should have been allowed to carry on in the
      prison itself the very work for which he had been imprisoned. The
      support of Eulogius enabled these tender maidens to stand firm
      through another examination, and the judge, proving too merciful,
      or too good a Moslem, to carry out the above-mentioned threat,
      they were led forth to die (November 24, 851). Before their death
      they had promised Eulogius to intercede before the throne of God
      for his release, which accordingly is brought to pass six days
      after their own execution.<a name="FNanchor_3_123" id=
      "FNanchor_3_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_123" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      An interval of only a little more than a month elapsed before
      Gumesindus, a priest of the district called Campania, near
      Cordova, and Servus Dei, a monk, suffered death in the same way
      (January 13, 852).<a name="FNanchor_4_124" id=
      "FNanchor_4_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_124" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_121" id="Footnote_1_121"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_121"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog. to
        Alvar, i. sec. 2; "Life of Flora and Maria," by Eulog., sec.
        12.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_122" id="Footnote_2_122"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_122"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 13, and Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 4.
        Eulogius tried to lessen the terror of this threat by pointing
        out that "non polluit mentem aliena corruptio, quam non foedat
        propria delectatis,"—a poor consolation, but the only one! He
        does not seem to have known—or surely he would have quoted
        it—the express injunction of the Koran (xxiv. verse
        35):—"Compel not your maidservants to prostitute themselves, if
        they be willing to live chastely ... but, if any shall compel
        them thereto, verily God will be gracious and merciful unto
        such women after their compulsion."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_123" id="Footnote_3_123"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_123"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
        letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. Fleury, v. 100.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_124" id="Footnote_4_124"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_124"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulogius,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ix.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      There was now a pause for six months in the race for martyrdom,
      and it seemed as if the Church had come to its right mind upon
      this subject. This, however, was far from being the case.
      Hitherto the victims had been almost without exception priests,
      monks, and nuns; but the next martyrs afford us instances of
      married couples claiming a share in this doubtful honour. These
      were Aurelius, son of a Moslem father and a Christian mother, and
      his wife Sabigotha (or Nathalia), the daughter of Moslem parents,
      whose father dying, her mother married a Christian and was
      converted; and Felix and his wife Liliosa.<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_125" id="FNanchor_1_125"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_125" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It would seem that
      with all the harm that was done by this outbreak of fanaticism,
      some good was also effected in awaking the worldly-minded
      adherents of Christianity from the spiritual torpor into which
      they were sinking; for these new martyrs were of the class of
      hidden<a name="FNanchor_2_126" id="FNanchor_2_126"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_126" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Christians, who were
      now shamed into avowing their real creed.<a name="FNanchor_3_127"
      id="FNanchor_3_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_127" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> Yet surely it had been far better if they had
      been content to live like Christians instead of dying like
      suicides. In their case, indeed, we find no sudden irresistible
      impulse driving them to defy the laws, but a slowly-matured
      conviction that it was their duty, disregarding all human ties,
      to give themselves up to death. In this resolution they were
      fortified by the advice and encouragement of Eulogius and
      Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_4_128" id="FNanchor_4_128"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_128" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> the latter of whom
      prudently warns Aurelius to make sure that his courage is
      sufficient to stand the trial.<a name="FNanchor_5_129" id=
      "FNanchor_5_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_129" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> Sabigotha is persuaded to accompany her
      husband in his self-destruction, her natural reluctance to leave
      her children being overcome by Eulogius,<a name="FNanchor_6_130"
      id="FNanchor_6_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_130" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> who recommends that they should be given over
      to the care of a monastery. A seasonable vision, in which Flora
      and Maria appear to her, clenches her purpose.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_125" id="Footnote_1_125"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_125"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. ch. x., secs. 1, 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_126" id="Footnote_2_126"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_126"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See below,
        p. 72.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_127" id="Footnote_3_127"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_127"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Aurelius
        was roused from his religious dissimulation by seeing the
        sufferings of John. See Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. x. sec.
        5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_128" id="Footnote_4_128"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_128"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 18.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_129" id="Footnote_5_129"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_129"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This would
        lead us to suppose that the courage of some <i>had</i> failed.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_130" id="Footnote_6_130"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_130"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulogius
        comments:—"O admirabilis ardor divinus, quo filiorum affectus
        respuitur!" The parents not only desert their children, but
        give away most of their goods to the poor, thereby making their
        own children of the number.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Meanwhile a foreign monk from Bethlehem, who, being sent on
      business connected with his monastery to Africa, had crossed over
      in Spain, impelled by the wild enthusiasm there prevailing,
      determined to offer himself as a candidate for martyrdom with the
      four persons above mentioned.
    </p>
    <p>
      They then take counsel together how they may best effect their
      purpose, there being evidently enough difficulty in procuring
      martyrdom for themselves to shew the statements of the
      apologists, that there was a fierce persecution raging, to be at
      least much exaggerated, if not entirely without foundation. The
      plan decided upon, which the devisers audaciously attributed to
      the suggestion of God,<a name="FNanchor_1_131" id=
      "FNanchor_1_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_131" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> was that the women should go forth unveiled
      and with hurried steps to the church, in the hope that such an
      unwonted sight would direct attention to them, and occasion the
      arrest of the whole number. It fell out as desired, and they were
      all brought before the judge, and interrogated with the usual
      result, except that the judge on this occasion dismissed them
      with scornful anger.<a name="FNanchor_2_132" id=
      "FNanchor_2_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_132" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> But George, disappointed at his untoward
      clemency, as they were being led away broke out with,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_133" id="FNanchor_3_133"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_133" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "Can you not go down
      to hell without seeking to drag us also thither as your
      companions?"
    </p>
    <p>
      This incoherent abuse naturally incensed the soldiers, as it was
      no doubt intended that it should. Accordingly the prisoners were
      dragged again before the Kadi, who asked them in a mild tone of
      remonstrance, why they had abandoned the faith of Islam,<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_134" id="FNanchor_4_134"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_134" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and refused to live,
      promising them at the same time great rewards, if they would
      become Moslems again. On their refusal they were remanded for two
      days, which seemed a very long time, so eager were they to die.
      They pass the time with singing hymns, and are blessed with
      visits of angels and miraculous signs. Their chains drop off, and
      the gaolers dare not again bind those whom Christ Himself had
      loosed.<a name="FNanchor_5_135" id="FNanchor_5_135"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_135" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The authorities, now
      as ever, anxious if possible to avoid extreme penalties,
      determine to release George, because they had not
      themselves<a name="FNanchor_6_136" id=
      "FNanchor_6_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_136" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> heard his blasphemy. He baulks their merciful
      intention by repeating his words on the spot, and he is
      accordingly led forth and beheaded with the others (July 27,
      852).
    </p>
    <p>
      Within a month Christopher,<a name="FNanchor_7_137" id=
      "FNanchor_7_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_137" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> a monk of Rojana, and of Arab lineage, and
      Leovigild, a monk of Fraga, both being places near Cordova, are
      executed for the same offence and in the same manner, their dead
      bodies being nailed to stakes. While taking the air in his
      palace,<a name="FNanchor_8_138" id="FNanchor_8_138"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_138" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> the king saw these bodies, and ordered them to
      be burnt, and the ashes scattered in the river. The same night
      Abdurrahman II. was struck down with apoplexy, and the martyrs'
      friends hailed it as a manifest judgment from Heaven.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_131" id="Footnote_1_131"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_131"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 27. "Omnes in cornmuni coepimus
        <i>cogitare quomodo ad desideratum perveniremus coronam:</i> et
        ita <i>Domino disfiensante</i> visum est nobis ut fugerent
        sorores nostrae revelatis vultibus ad ecclesiam si forte nos
        alligandi daretur occasio, et ita factum est."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_132" id="Footnote_2_132"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_132"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 29. "Exite quibus vita praesens taedium est,
        et mors pro gloria computatur."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_133" id="Footnote_3_133"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_133"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 30. "An non poteritis vos infernalia
        claustra adire, nisi nos comites habeatis? Numquid sine nobis
        aeterna vos cruciamina non adurent?"
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_134" id="Footnote_4_134"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_134"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 31.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_135" id="Footnote_5_135"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_135"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," sec. 32.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_136" id="Footnote_6_136"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_136"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 33. "Ipsi optimates et priores palatii."
        George, being a foreigner, could not be charged with apostasy
        like the others.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_137" id="Footnote_7_137"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_137"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. c. xi. Alvar's Life of Eul., iv. 12.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_138" id="Footnote_8_138"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_138"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> On a
        "sublime solarium," Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," c. ii. sec. 2. See
        Ortiz, "Compendio," iii. 52 (apud Buckle, ii. 442, note.) "En
        lo mas cruel de los tormentos subió Abderramen un dia á las
        azutens ó galerias de su Palacio. Descubrió desde alli los
        cuerpos de los Santos marterizados en los patibulos y
        atravesados con los palos, mandó los quemasen todos paraque no
        quedase reliquia cumplióse luego la órdsa; pero aquel impio
        probó bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volviá
        por la sangre derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le
        pegó la lengua al paladar y fauces: cerróssle la boca, y no
        pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un gemido. Conduxeronle,
        sus criados á la cama, murio aguella misma noche, y antes de
        apagarse las hoqueras en que ardian los santos cuerpos, entró
        la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los etemos fuegos del
        infierno."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      He was succeeded by Mohammed I. (852-886), a less capable and
      more bigoted ruler than his father. No sooner was he on the
      throne than Emila, a deacon, and Jeremiah a priest of St
      Cyprian's church, near Cordova, following in the footsteps of so
      many predecessors, came before the Kadi, and reviled
      Mohammed,—the former being enabled to do this with the more point
      and effect, as he was to a remarkable degree master of the Arabic
      language.<a name="FNanchor_1_139" id=
      "FNanchor_1_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_139" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> Emila and Jeremiah won the prize they coveted,
      and were put to death (September 15, 852). The customary prodigy
      occurred after the execution, in describing which the pious
      Eulogius breaks into metre, saying, "Athletas cecidisse pios
      elementa fatentur."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the following day occurred an outrage which the most bigoted
      partizans of the martyrs must have blushed to record. Two
      eunuchs, Rogel, a monk of Parapanda, near Elvira, and Servio Deo,
      a eunuch of foreign extraction, forced their way into a mosque,
      and by way of preaching—as they said—to the assembled
      worshippers, they reviled their Prophet and their religion.
      <a name="FNanchor_2_140" id="FNanchor_2_140"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_140" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Being set upon and
      nearly torn in pieces by the infuriated congregation, they were
      rescued by the Kadi, who imprisoned them till such time as their
      sentence should be declared. They were condemned to have their
      hands and feet cut off, and be beheaded; which sentence was
      carried into effect.<a name="FNanchor_3_141" id=
      "FNanchor_3_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_141" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_139" id="Footnote_1_139"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_139"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. Arabic boasts a larger vocabulary of
        abuse than most languages: see the account of Prof. Palmer's
        death in his Life by Besant.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_140" id="Footnote_2_140"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_140"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, c. xiii. secs. 1, 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_141" id="Footnote_3_141"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_141"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.
        (1.1), adds: "Et ipsa gentilitas tali spectaculo stupefacta
        nescio quid de Christianismo indulgentius sentiebat."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Upon this fresh provocation the fury and apprehension of the king
      knew no bounds. He might well be pardoned for thinking that this
      defiance of the laws, and religious fanaticism, could only mean a
      widespread disaffection and conspiracy against the Moslem rule.
      In fact, as we shall see, the Christians of Toledo raised the
      banner of revolt in favour of their Cordovan brethren at this
      very time. Mohammed therefore seems to have meditated a real
      persecution, such as should extirpate Christianity in his
      dominions.<a name="FNanchor_1_142" id=
      "FNanchor_1_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_142" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> He is said even to have given orders for a
      general massacre of the males among the Christians, and for the
      slavery, or worse, of the women, if they did not
      apostatize.<a name="FNanchor_2_143" id=
      "FNanchor_2_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_143" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> But the dispassionate advice of his
      councillors saved the king from this crime. They pointed out that
      no men of any intelligence, education, or rank among the
      Christians had taken part in the doings of the zealots, and that
      the whole body of Christians ought not to be cut off, since their
      actions were not directed by any individual leader. Other
      advisers seem to have diverted the king from his project of a
      wholesale massacre by encouraging him to proceed legally against
      the Christians with the utmost rigour, and by this means to cow
      them into submission.<a name="FNanchor_3_144" id=
      "FNanchor_3_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_144" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      These strong measures apparently produced some effect, for no
      other executions are recorded for a period of nine months; when
      Fandila, a priest of Tabanos,<a name="FNanchor_4_145" id=
      "FNanchor_4_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_145" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> and chosen by the monks of St Salvator's
      monastery to be one of their spiritual overseers, came forward
      and reviled the Prophet: whereupon he was imprisoned and
      subsequently beheaded (June 13, 853). His fate awakened the
      dormant fanaticism of Anastasius,<a name="FNanchor_5_146" id=
      "FNanchor_5_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_146" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> a priest of St Acislus' church; of Felix, a
      Gaetulian monk of Alcala de Henares; and of Digna, a virgin of St
      Elizabeth's nunnery at Tabanos (the latter being strengthened in
      her resolve by a celestial vision), who, pursuing the usual plan,
      are beheaded the following day; their example being followed by
      Benildis, a matron (June 15).<a name="FNanchor_6_147" id=
      "FNanchor_6_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_147" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_142" id="Footnote_1_142"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_142"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. "Non iam solummodo de mortibus
        resistentium sibi excogitare coepenint, verum etiam totam
        extirpare ecclesiam ruminarunt. Quoniam nimio terrore tot
        hominim recurrentium ad martyrium concussa gentilitas regni sui
        arbitrabatur imminere excidium, cum tali etiam praecinctos
        virtute parvulos videret." A similar project is attributed
        (mistakenly, without doubt) to Abdurrahman.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_143" id="Footnote_2_143"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_143"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, iii. c. vii. sec. 4. "Iusserat enim omnes
        Christianos generali sententia perdere, feminasque publico
        distractu disperdere." Cp. also Alvar, Life of Eul., iv. 12.
        "Rex Mahomad incredibili rabie et effrenata sententia
        Christicolum genus del ere funditus cogitabat."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_144" id="Footnote_3_144"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_144"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i> "Multi insaniam modificare nitentes per trucem
        voluntatis iniquae officium diversis et exquisitis occasionibus
        gregem Christi impetere tentaverunt."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_145" id="Footnote_4_145"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_145"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i> iii. c. vii. secs. 1, 2. Fleury, v. 520, says he
        was a monk of Guadix.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_146" id="Footnote_5_146"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_146"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. viii. secs. 1, 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_147" id="Footnote_6_147"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_147"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," iii. ch. ix.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The cloisters of Tabanos had furnished so many fanatics that the
      Government now suppressed the place, removing the nuns and
      shutting them up to prevent others giving themselves up.<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_148" id="FNanchor_1_148"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_148" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> One of these however,
      Columba,<a name="FNanchor_2_149" id="FNanchor_2_149"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_149" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> sister of Elizabeth
      and of the abbot Martin, contrived to escape. This Columba had
      persisted in remaining a virgin, in spite of her mother's efforts
      to make her marry, which only ceased when the mother died. She
      now gave herself up and was beheaded (September 17).
    </p>
    <p>
      Just one month later Pomposa,<a name="FNanchor_3_150" id=
      "FNanchor_3_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_150" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> from the monastery of St Salvator,
      Pegnamellar, suffered the same fate. Then there was a pause in
      these executions, which was not broken till July 11th of the
      following year, when Abundius, a priest, was martyred. He seems
      to have really deserved the name of martyr, for he was given up
      to the authorities by the treachery of others,<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_151" id="FNanchor_4_151"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_151" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and did not seek
      martyrdom.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another similar period elapsed before Amator, a priest of Tucci
      (Tejada); Peter, a monk of Cordova; and Ludovic, a brother of
      Paul, the deacon, beheaded four years before, shared the same
      fate (April 30, 855).<a name="FNanchor_5_152" id=
      "FNanchor_5_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_152" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      After nearly a year Witesindus, a repentant renegade; Elias, an
      old priest of Lusitania; and Paul and Isidore, young monks, gave
      themselves up to execution<a name="FNanchor_6_153" id=
      "FNanchor_6_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_153" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> (April 17, 856.) In June of that
      year a more venerable victim was, like Abundius, betrayed to his
      destruction. This was Argimirus, an old monk, once Censor of
      Cordova (June 28).<a name="FNanchor_7_154" id=
      "FNanchor_7_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_154" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> Exactly one month later Aurea, a virgin and
      sister of the brothers John and Adulphus, whose martyrdom has
      been already mentioned, was brought before the magistrate.
      Descended from one of the noblest Arab families,<a name=
      "FNanchor_8_155" id="FNanchor_8_155"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_155" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> she had long been left
      unmolested, though her apostasy to Christianity was well known.
      She was now frightened into temporary submission; but soon
      repenting of her compliance, and avowing herself truly a
      Christian, she gained a martyr's crown (July 29).
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_148" id="Footnote_1_148"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_148"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> So Miss
        Yonge.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_149" id="Footnote_2_149"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_149"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. x. secs. I, 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_150" id="Footnote_3_150"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_150"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, c. xi.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_151" id="Footnote_4_151"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_151"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. xii. "Quorundam commento vel fraude gentilium
        ad martyrium furore pertractum."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_152" id="Footnote_5_152"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_152"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. xiii.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_153" id="Footnote_6_153"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_153"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, cc. xiv. xv.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_154" id="Footnote_7_154"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_154"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. xv., "Quorundam ethnicorum dolo vel odio
        circumventus."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_155" id="Footnote_8_155"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_155"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. sec. I, "Grandi fastu Arabicae traducis
        exornabatur."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The next example affords a similar instance of real persecution.
      Ruderic,<a name="FNanchor_1_156" id="FNanchor_1_156"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_156" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> a priest, whose
      brother was a Moslem, unadvisedly intervened as a peacemaker, in
      a quarrel, in which his brother was engaged. With the usual fate
      of peacemakers, he was set upon by both parties, and nearly
      killed. In fact his brother supposed him to be quite dead, and
      had the body carried through the town, proclaiming that his
      brother had become a Mussulman before his death.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_157" id="FNanchor_2_157"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_157" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> However, Ruderic
      recovered, and made his escape, but being obliged to return to
      Cordova, met his brother, who immediately brought him before the
      Kadi on a charge of apostasy. His life and liberty were promised
      to him if he would only acknowledge that Christ was merely man,
      and that Mohammed was the messenger of God. On refusing, he is
      imprisoned, and finds in prison a certain Salomon, also charged
      with apostasy from Islam. The two fellow-prisoners contract a
      great friendship and are consequently separated. After a third
      exhortation, they are condemned to death, but not before the
      judge had done his best to bribe them to forego their purpose by
      offers of honour and rewards.<a name="FNanchor_3_158" id=
      "FNanchor_3_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_158" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> They were executed March 13, 857, and their
      bodies thrown into the river—even the stones sprinkled with their
      blood being taken up and cast into the water, lest the Christians
      should preserve them as relics. Ruderic's body was washed on
      shore, fresh as when killed; while Salomon, not being equally
      fortunate, informed a devout Christian in a vision, where his
      body lay in a tamarisk thicket near the town of Nymphianum.
    </p>
    <p>
      Hitherto the aider and abettor of these martyrdoms had himself
      contrived to escape the penalty, which he had urged others to
      brave. Whether this was due to any unworthy fear of death on his
      part is not clear, but it may have been owing to the respect in
      which he was held by the Moslem authorities. To these he was well
      known as a man of irreproachable character and unaffected piety,
      and several Arabs of high rank, who were his personal friends,
      shewed themselves anxious to screen him from the effects of his
      folly. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_4_159" id=
      "FNanchor_4_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_159" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> was descended from a Senatorial family of
      Cordova, and was educated at the Church of St Zoilus, where he
      devoted himself to ecclesiastical studies, and soon surpassed his
      contemporaries in learning. With his friend Alvar he sat at the
      feet of Speraindeo, an eminent abbot in the province of Baetica.
      Besides a sister Anulo, Eulogius had two brothers engaged in
      trade, and another brother, Joseph, who seems to have been in
      government employ.<a name="FNanchor_5_160" id=
      "FNanchor_5_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_160" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_156" id="Footnote_1_156"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_156"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Lib. Apol.," sec. 21 ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_157" id="Footnote_2_157"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_157"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So the
        Inquisitors in Spain used to pretend that their victims had
        abjured their errors before being burnt.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_158" id="Footnote_3_158"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_158"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
        "Lib. Apol.," sec. 27.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_159" id="Footnote_4_159"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_159"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Life by
        Alvar, c. i. sec. 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_160" id="Footnote_5_160"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_160"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eul. ad
        Wiliesindum, sec. 8, "Joseph, quem saeva tyranni indignatio eo
        tempore a principatu dejecerat:" unless this is a metaphorical
        allusion to Joseph in Egypt.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Eulogius became early noted for his practice of asceticism, and
      his desire for the life of a monk,<a name="FNanchor_1_161" id=
      "FNanchor_1_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_161" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> and for the glory of martyrdom. When strong
      measures were taken by the authorities, in concert with
      Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, to stamp out the mania for
      martyrdom by threats, stripes, and imprisonment, though many were
      frightened into submission, Eulogius, Alvar tells us,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_162" id="FNanchor_2_162"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_162" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> remained firm, in
      spite of his being singled out as an "incentor martyrum" by a
      certain Gomez, who was a temporising Christian in the king's
      service.<a name="FNanchor_3_163" id="FNanchor_3_163"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_163" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_161" id="Footnote_1_161"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_161"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Life by
        Alvar, sec. 3, "Ne virtus animi curis Saecularibus enervaretur,
        quotidie ad caelestia cupiens volare corporea sarcina
        gravabatur."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_162" id="Footnote_2_162"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_162"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Hic
        inadibilis (=firm) nunquam vacillare vel tenui est visus
        susurro."—Life by Alvar, sec. 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_163" id="Footnote_3_163"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_163"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This man,
        says Alvar, sec. 6, by a divine judgment, lost his hold on the
        Christian faith, which he thus scrupled not to attack. See
        below, p. 72.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      There is no doubt that Eulogius did all he could to interfere
      with and check that amalgamation of the Christians and Arabs
      which he saw going on round him. Believing that such close
      relations between the peoples tended to the spiritual degradation
      of Christianity, he set himself deliberately to embitter those
      relations, and, as far as he could, to make a good understanding
      impossible. To discourage the learning of Arabic by the
      Christians, he brought back with him from a journey to Pampluna
      the classical writings of Virgil, Horace (Satires), Juvenal, and
      Augustine's "De Civitate Dei."
    </p>
    <p>
      At the time when these martyrdoms took place, Eulogius was a
      priest, but for some reason he tried to abstain from officiating
      at the mass on the ground that he was himself a great
      sinner.<a name="FNanchor_1_164" id="FNanchor_1_164"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_164" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> However, his
      ecclesiastical superior<a name="FNanchor_2_165" id=
      "FNanchor_2_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_165" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> (? Saul, Bishop of Cordova), soon made him
      take a different view of the question by threatening him with
      anathema if he neglected his duty any longer. Coming forward as a
      prominent champion of the extreme party in the Church, he was
      imprisoned in 851, where he wrote treatises in favour of the
      martyrs, and was released, as we have seen, by the intercession
      of Flora and Maria on November 29th of that year.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_164" id="Footnote_1_164"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_164"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> He pleads
        his "delicti onera," ch. i. sec. 7. Perhaps he was infected
        with one of the "Migetian errors" of the previous century,
        which was that "priests must be saints." Saul, Bishop of
        Cordova (850-861), in a letter to another bishop (Florez, xi.
        156-163), refers with disapproval to those (? Eulogius) who
        held that "sacramenta tunc esse solum modo sancta, cum
        sanctorum fuerint manibus praelibata;" and he quotes Augustine
        and Isidore against the error.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_165" id="Footnote_2_165"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_165"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Pontifex
        proprius.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      In 858,<a name="FNanchor_1_166" id="FNanchor_1_166"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_166" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> on the death of
      Wistremirus, he was chosen by the votes of the people<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_167" id="FNanchor_2_167"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_167" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> to succeed him as
      Bishop of Toledo; but from some cause, perhaps by the
      intervention of the Moslems, he was prevented from occupying his
      see. The people then determined to have no bishop, if they might
      not have him.<a name="FNanchor_3_168" id=
      "FNanchor_3_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_168" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> Yet, adds the pious Alvar, he got his
      bishopric after all, for "all holy men are bishops, though not
      all bishops holy men."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_166" id="Footnote_1_166"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_166"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of
        Eul.," Alvar, ii. sec. 10.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_167" id="Footnote_2_167"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_167"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Communis
        electio."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_168" id="Footnote_3_168"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_168"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Fleury, v.
        547, says another bishop was elected in Eulogius' lifetime; but
        Alvar's words are "Alium sibi eo vivente interdixerunt
        eligere."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      In the following year he was again imprisoned as being a
      disturber of the public peace, but as on a former occasion he had
      been allowed to support and encourage Flora and Maria, so now was
      he permitted to finish in prison a book in defence of the
      martyrs,<a name="FNanchor_1_169" id="FNanchor_1_169"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_169" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which had the direct
      tendency of inciting others to go and do likewise. The occasion
      of Eulogius' second imprisonment was as follows:—Leocritia, a
      maiden of Arab extraction and of noble birth,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_170" id="FNanchor_2_170"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_170" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> had been secretly
      baptised by Liliosa, the wife of Felix. Her parents, learning her
      apostasy, cruelly ill-treated, and even beat her, in order to
      make her renounce Christ. She naturally turned to Eulogius and
      his sister Anulo for advice in her afflictions, expressing a wish
      to escape to a part of Spain where the Christian worship was
      free. As a first step to this, she leaves her parents under
      pretence of going to a wedding, and takes refuge with Eulogius.
      Her parents, furious at her escape, get all sorts of people
      imprisoned on the charge of aiding her; and she is at last
      betrayed and surprised at the house of her protector. They are
      both dragged before the Kadi, who asks Eulogius angrily why he
      persists in defying the laws in this way.<a name="FNanchor_3_171"
      id="FNanchor_3_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_171" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> The bishop defends himself by pleading that
      Christian clergy are bound to impart a knowledge of their
      religion, if asked, as he had been by Leocritia.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_172" id="FNanchor_4_172"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_172" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The judge then
      threatens to have him scourged, but Eulogius, preferring death to
      so painful and degrading a punishment, repeats the lesson which
      he had taught to so many others, and reviles Mohammed. Even so
      the judge shows a disposition to treat him with leniency, and he
      is remanded to prison with Leocritia.
    </p>
    <p>
      When brought up again before the royal Council,<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_173" id="FNanchor_5_173"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_173" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> an influential friend
      makes a last effort to save him, saying: "Fools and idiots rush
      on their own destruction, but what induces you, a man of approved
      wisdom and blameless character, in defiance of all natural
      instincts, to throw away your life in this manner?" He urges
      Eulogius to say but one word of concession in the hour of peril,
      promising that he should afterwards be free to exercise his
      religion as he pleased, without let or hindrance. But the bishop
      could hardly turn back now, and he rejected all such offers with
      the ejaculation, "If they only knew the joy that awaits us on
      high!"
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_169" id="Footnote_1_169"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_169"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See
        Eulog., Letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_170" id="Footnote_2_170"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_170"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
        Life of Eulog., i. sec. 13.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_171" id="Footnote_3_171"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_171"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Life of Eulog.," i. secs. 14, 15.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_172" id="Footnote_4_172"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_172"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> This kind
        of proselytism was not held to be a capital crime by the
        Moslems. See Dozy, ii. 171.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_173" id="Footnote_5_173"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_173"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Life of Eul.," v. sec. 15. Fleury v. 548.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      On his way to execution, when struck by one of the bystanders on
      one cheek, he turned the other meekly to the striker. He was
      beheaded on March 11, 859, and Leocritia four days later.
      Miraculous appearances honoured the body of the martyred bishop,
      which was buried in the Church of St Genesius, whence it was
      translated in the next year to his own church of St Zoilus, and
      in 883 was given up, together with that of Leocritia, to Alphonso
      III. (866-910) by express stipulation.
    </p>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE MARTYRS.
    </h3>
    <p>
      With the death of Eulogius the series of voluntary martyrdoms
      comes to an end, and it will be convenient at this point to
      consider the whole question of the relation of the Church to the
      civil power, and how far those "confessors," who were put to
      death under the circumstances already related, were entitled to
      the name of martyrs. Unfortunately the evidence we have on the
      subject is drawn almost entirely from the apologists of their
      doings, and therefore may fairly be suspected of some bias. Yet
      even from them can be shown conclusively enough that no real
      persecution was raging in Mohammedan Spain at this time, such as
      to justify the extreme measures adopted by the party of zealots.
    </p>
    <p>
      If we except the cases of John and Adulphus, and of Nunilo and
      Alodia, the date of which is doubtful, there is not a single
      recorded instance of a Christian being put to death for his
      religion by the Arabs in Spain before the middle of the ninth
      century. The Muzarabes,<a name="FNanchor_1_174" id=
      "FNanchor_1_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_174" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> as the Christians living under the Arabs were
      called, enjoyed a remarkable degree of freedom in the exercise of
      their religion—the services and rites of the Church being
      conducted as heretofore.<a name="FNanchor_2_175" id=
      "FNanchor_2_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_175" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> In Cordova alone we find mention of the
      following churches:<a name="FNanchor_3_176" id=
      "FNanchor_3_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_176" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> the Church of St Acislus, a former martyr of
      Cordova; of St Zoilus; of the Three Martyrs—Faustus, Januarius,
      Martialis; of St Cyprian; of SS. Genesius and Eulalia; and of the
      Virgin Mary.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_174" id="Footnote_1_174"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_174"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De
        Gayangos on Al Makk., i. p. 420, says the word means "those who
        try to imitate the Arabs in manners and language."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_175" id="Footnote_2_175"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_175"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.
        Letter to Alvar. After the death of Flora he says he spent the
        ninth hour in prayer, then "auctis tripucliis, vespertinum,
        matutinum, missale sacrificium consequenter ad honorem (Dei) et
        gloriam nostrarum virginum celebravimus."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_176" id="Footnote_3_176"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_176"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, x.
        245.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Of the last of these there is an interesting account in an Arab
      writer, who died in 1034.<a name="FNanchor_1_177" id=
      "FNanchor_1_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_177" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> "I once entered at night," he says, "into the
      principal Christian Church. I found it all strewed with green
      branches of myrtle, and planted with cypress trees. The noise of
      the thundering bells resounded in my ears; the glare of the
      innumerable lamps dazzled my eyes; the priests, decked in rich
      silken robes of gay and fanciful colours, and girt with girdle
      cords, advanced to adore Jesus. Everyone of those present had
      banished mirth from his countenance, and expelled from his mind
      all agreeable ideas; and if they directed their steps towards the
      marble font it was merely to take sips of water with the hollow
      of their hands. The priest then rose and stood among them, and
      taking the wine cup in his hands prepared to consecrate it: he
      applied to the liquor his parched lips, lips as dark as the dusky
      lips of a beautiful maid; the fragrancy of its contents
      captivated his senses, but when he had tasted the delicious
      liquor, the sweetness and flavour seemed to overpower him." On
      leaving the church, the Arab, with true Arabian facility,
      extemporized some verses to the following effect: "By the Lord of
      mercy! this mansion of God is pervaded with the smell of
      unfermented red liquor, so pleasant to the youth. It was to a
      girl that their prayers were addressed, it was for her that they
      put on their gay tunics, instead of humiliating themselves before
      the Almighty." Ahmed also says: "the priests, wishing us to stay
      long among them, began to sing round us with their books in their
      hands; every wretch presented us the palm of his withered hand
      (with the holy water), but they were even like the bat, whose
      safety consists in his hatred for light; offering us every
      attraction that their drinking of new wine, or their eating of
      swine's flesh, could afford." This narrative is in many respects
      very characteristic of an Arab writer, who would not feel the
      incongruity of an illustration on such a theme drawn from "the
      lips of a maid," or the irrelevancy of a reference to swine's
      flesh. But the account merits attention on other grounds, for it
      shews how little even the more intelligent Moslems understood the
      ceremonies of the religion which they had conquered, though they
      might be pardoned for thinking that the Christians worshipped the
      Virgin Mary, both because Mohammed himself fell into the same
      error, and because probably the Roman Church and its adherents
      had already begun to pay her idolatrous worship.
    </p>
    <p>
      The chief church in Cordova at the conquest seems to have been
      the church of St Vincent. On the taking of the town,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_178" id="FNanchor_2_178"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_178" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the Christians had to
      give up half of it to the Arabs, a curious arrangement, but one
      enforced elsewhere by the Saracens. In 784 the Christians were
      induced, or compelled, to sell their half for 100,000 dinars, and
      it was pulled down to make room for the Great Mosque.<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_179" id="FNanchor_3_179"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_179" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In 894 we find that
      the Cordovans were allowed to build a new church.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_177" id="Footnote_1_177"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_177"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ahmed ibn
        Abdilmalik ibn Shoheyd, Al Makk., i. 246. I quote De Gayangos'
        translation.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_178" id="Footnote_2_178"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_178"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> De
        Gayangos on Al Makk., i. 368, says the cathedral was at first
        guaranteed to the Christians. Some time later than 750 they had
        to surrender half of it; in 784 they were obliged to sell the
        other half, and in return were allowed to rebuild the destroyed
        churches. For the "church of the burnt" see above, p. 29, note
        1.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_179" id="Footnote_3_179"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_179"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This was
        not finished till 793. The original structure cost 80,000
        dinars. Several Khalifs added to it, and Hakem II. (961-976)
        alone spent on it 160,000 dinars.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Besides these within the walls, there were ten or twelve
      monasteries and churches in the immediate neighbourhood of
      Cordova: among them the monastery of St Christopher, the famous
      one of Tabanos, suppressed as above mentioned, in 854;<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_180" id="FNanchor_1_180"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_180" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> those of St Felix at
      Froniano, of St Martin at Royana, of the Virgin Mary at
      Cuteclara, of St Salvator at Pegnamellar; and the churches of SS.
      Justus and Pastor, and of St Sebastian.
    </p>
    <p>
      We have given the names of these churches and monasteries<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_181" id="FNanchor_2_181"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_181" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> at or near Cordova,
      both to shew how numerous they were, and also because from one or
      other of them came nearly all the self-devoted martyrs, of whom
      we are about to consider the claims. Except in cases like that
      above-mentioned, the Christians were not allowed to build new
      churches,<a name="FNanchor_3_182" id=
      "FNanchor_3_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_182" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> but considering the diminution in the numbers
      of the Christians owing to the conquest, and the apostasy of a
      great many, this could not be reckoned a great hardship. Moreover
      the Christian churches, it was ordained, should be open to
      Moslems as well as Christians, though during the performance of
      mass it seems that they had to be kept closed. The Mosques were
      never to be polluted by the step of an infidel.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_183" id="FNanchor_4_183"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_183" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_180" id="Footnote_1_180"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_180"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        162.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_181" id="Footnote_2_181"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_181"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        Monasteries were established in Spain 150 years before the
        Saracen conquest. They mostly fared badly at the hands of the
        Arabs, in spite of the injunctions of the Khalif Abubeker (see
        Conde, i. 37, and Gibbon), but that of Lorban at Coimbra
        received a favourable charter in 734 (Fleury, v. 89; but
        Dunham, ii. 154, doubts the authenticity of the charter).
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_182" id="Footnote_3_182"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_182"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cp. the
        stipulation of Omar at the fall of Jerusalem.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_183" id="Footnote_4_183"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_183"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
        Charter of Coimbra, apud Fleury, v. 89.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The religious ferment, which manifested itself so strongly at
      Cordova, did not extend to other parts of Spain. For instance, at
      Elvira, the cradle of Spanish Christianity, it was shortly after
      the Cordovan martyrdoms (in 864) that the mosque, founded in the
      year of the conquest, and left unbuilt for 150 years, was finally
      finished. What we hear about the Christians at Elvira at this
      time is not to their credit, their bishop, Samuel, being
      notorious as an evil liver.<a name="FNanchor_1_184" id=
      "FNanchor_1_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_184" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> It is in Cordova that the main interest at
      this period centres; and to Cordova we will for the present
      confine our attention.
    </p>
    <p>
      There is abundant evidence to show that the party of enthusiasts,
      both those who offered themselves for martyrdom, and those who
      aided and abetted their more impulsive brethren, were a
      comparatively small body in the Church of Spain; and that their
      proceedings awakened little short of dismay in the minds of the
      more sensible portion of the Christian community, both in the
      Arab part of Spain, and perhaps in a less degree in the free
      North.<a name="FNanchor_2_185" id="FNanchor_2_185"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_185" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The chief leaders of
      the party of zealots—as far as we find mention of them—were Saul,
      bishop of Cordova (850-861), Eulogius, and Samson, abbot of the
      monastery of Pegnamellar; while Reccafredus, bishop of Seville,
      and Hostegesis of Malaga, were the prominent ecclesiastics on the
      other side.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_184" id="Footnote_1_184"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_184"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ibn
        Khatib, apud Dozy, ii. 210.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_185" id="Footnote_2_185"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_185"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p.
        63.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Before relating what steps the latter took in conjunction with
      the Moslem authorities to put down the dangerous outbreak of
      fanaticism, it will be interesting to note what was the attitude
      of the different sections of the Church towards the misguided men
      who gave themselves up to death, and their claims to the crown of
      martyrdom. Those who denied the validity of these claims, rested
      their contention on the grounds, that the so-called martyrs had
      compassed their own destruction, there being no persecution at
      the time; that they had worked no miracles in proof of their high
      claims; that they had been slain by men who believed in the true
      God; that they had suffered an easy and immediate death; and that
      their bodies had corrupted like those of other men.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was an abuse of words, said the party of moderation, to call
      these suicides by the holy name of martyrs, when no violence in
      high places had forced them to deny their faith,<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_186" id="FNanchor_1_186"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_186" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> or interfered with
      their due observance of Christianity. It was merely an act of
      ostentatious pride—and pride was the root of all evil—to court
      danger. Such conduct had never been enjoined by Christ, and was
      quite alien from the meekness and humility of His
      character.<a name="FNanchor_2_187" id=
      "FNanchor_2_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_187" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      They might have added that such voluntary martyrdoms had been
      expressly condemned,
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>a.</i>) By the circular letter of the Church of Smyrna to the
      other churches, describing Polycarp's martyrdom, in the terms:
      "We commend not those who offer themselves of their own accord,
      for that is not what the gospel teacheth us:"<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_188" id="FNanchor_3_188"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_188" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>b.</i>) By St Cyprian,<a name="FNanchor_4_189" id=
      "FNanchor_4_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_189" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> who, when brought before the consul and
      questioned, said "our discipline forbiddeth that any should offer
      themselves of their own accord;" and in his last letter he says:
      "Let none of you offer himself to the pagans, it is sufficient if
      he speak when apprehended:"
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>c.</i>) By Clement of Alexandria: "We also blame those who
      rush to death, for there are some, not of us, but only bearing
      the same name, who give themselves up:"<a name="FNanchor_5_190"
      id="FNanchor_5_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_190" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>d.</i>) Implicitly by the synod of Elvira, or Illiberis
      (<i>circa</i> 305), one of the canons of which forbade him to be
      ranked as a martyr, who was killed on the spot for breaking
      idols:
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>e.</i>) By Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, who, when consulted
      on the question of reducing the immense lists of acknowledged
      martyrs, gave it as his opinion that those should be first
      excluded who had courted martyrdom.<a name="FNanchor_6_191" id=
      "FNanchor_6_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_191" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> One bishop alone, and he a late one, Benedict
      XIV. of Rome,<a name="FNanchor_7_192" id=
      "FNanchor_7_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_192" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> has ventured to approve what the Church has
      condemned. Nor is this the only instance in which the Roman
      Church has set aside the decisions of an earlier Christendom.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_186" id="Footnote_1_186"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_186"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," i., sec. 18, "Quos nulla praesidalis violentia
        fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctae piaeque
        religionis amovit:" sec. 23, "Quos liberalitas regis suum
        incolere iusserat Christianismum."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_187" id="Footnote_2_187"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_187"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Quoting
        such texts as Matt. v. 44, "Bless them that curse you, and pray
        for them that despitefully use you:" Pet. ii. 23, "Submit
        yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_188" id="Footnote_3_188"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_188"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eusebius
        iv. 15. See Neander, i. p. 150. (A.D. 167.)
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_189" id="Footnote_4_189"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_189"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Martyred
        258.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_190" id="Footnote_5_190"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_190"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Long's
        "M. Aurelius Antoninus," Introd., p. 21.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_191" id="Footnote_6_191"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_191"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Burton's
        "History of the Christian Church," p. 336.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_192" id="Footnote_7_192"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_192"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> 1740-1748:
        in his "De Servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum
        canonizatione," Bk. iii. 16, sec. 7. Fleury, v. 541.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The charges against the zealots were twofold, that there had been
      no persecution worthy of the name, such as to justify their
      doings, and that those doings themselves were contrary to the
      teaching and spirit of Christianity. The latter part of the
      charge has already been dealt with, and may be considered
      sustained. As to the other part, the apologists, it must be
      confessed, answer with a very uncertain sound. Sometimes, indeed,
      they deny it point-blank:<a name="FNanchor_1_193" id=
      "FNanchor_1_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_193" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> "as if," says Eulogius, "the destruction of
      our churches,<a name="FNanchor_2_194" id=
      "FNanchor_2_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_194" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> the insults heaped upon our clergy, the
      monthly tax<a name="FNanchor_3_195" id=
      "FNanchor_3_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_195" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> which we pay, the perils of a hard life, lived
      on sufferance, are nothing." These insults and affronts are
      continually referred to. "No one," says the same author,<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_196" id="FNanchor_4_196"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_196" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> "can go out or come in
      amongst us in security, no one pass a knot of Moslems in the
      street without being treated with contumely. They mock at the
      marks<a name="FNanchor_5_197" id="FNanchor_5_197"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_197" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> of our order. They
      hoot at us and call us fools and vain. The very children jeer at
      us, and even throw stones and potsherds at the priests. The sound
      of the church-going bell<a name="FNanchor_6_198" id=
      "FNanchor_6_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_198" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> never fails to evoke from Moslem hearers the
      foulest and most blasphemous language. They even deem it a
      pollution to touch a Christian's garment." Alvar adds that the
      Moslems would fall to cursing when they saw the cross;<a name=
      "FNanchor_7_199" id="FNanchor_7_199"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_199" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and when they
      witnessed a burial according to Christian rites, would say aloud,
      "Shew them no mercy, O God," throwing stones withal at the Lord's
      people, and defiling their ears with the filthiest abuse.<a name=
      "FNanchor_8_200" id="FNanchor_8_200"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_200" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> "Yet," he indignantly
      exclaims, "you say that this is not a time of persecution; nor is
      it, I answer, a time of apostles. But I affirm that it is a
      deadly time<a name="FNanchor_9_201" id=
      "FNanchor_9_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_201" class=
      "fnanchor">[9]</a> ... are we not bowed beneath the yoke of
      slavery, burdened with intolerable taxes, spoiled of our goods,
      lashed with the scourges of their abuse, made a byword and a
      proverb, aye, a spectacle to all nations?"<a name=
      "FNanchor_10_202" id="FNanchor_10_202"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_10_202" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_193" id="Footnote_1_193"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_193"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 21: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_194" id="Footnote_2_194"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_194"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>; and Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 7.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_195" id="Footnote_3_195"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_195"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Leovigild,
        "De habitu Clericorum." "Migne," 121, p. 565.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_196" id="Footnote_4_196"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_196"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eul., l.l.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_197" id="Footnote_5_197"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_197"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Stigmata.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_198" id="Footnote_6_198"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_198"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6, "Derisioni et contemptui inhiantes capita
        moventes infanda iterando congeminant." He adds: "Daily and
        nightly from their minarets they revile the Lord by their
        invocation of Allah and Mohammed!" Eul., "Lib. Ap.," sec. 19,
        confesses that hearing their call to prayer always moved him to
        quote Psalm xcvi. 7: "Confounded be all they that worship
        carved images"—a very irrelevant malediction, as applied to the
        Moslems.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_199" id="Footnote_7_199"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_199"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Alvar,
        l.l., "Fidei signum opprobrioso elogio decolorant."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_200" id="Footnote_8_200"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_200"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
        "Spurcitiarum fimo."—<i>Ibid.</i>
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_201" id="Footnote_9_201"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_201"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
        "Mortiferum."—"Ind. Lum.," sec. 3.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_10_202" id="Footnote_10_202"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_10_202"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31, gives us a very savage picture of the
        Moslem character: "Sunt in superbia tumidi, in tumore cordis
        elati, in delectatione carnalium operum fluidi, in comestione
        superflui ... sine misericordia crudeles, sine iustitia
        invasores, sine honore absque veritate, benignitatis nescientes
        affectum ... humilitatem velut insaniam deridentes, castitatem
        velut spurcitiam respuentes."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      That there was a certain amount of social ill-treatment, and that
      the lower classes of Moslems did not take any pains to conceal
      their dislike and scorn of such Christian beliefs and rites as
      were at variance with their own creed, and moreover regarded
      priests and monks with especial aversion, there can be no doubt.
      But, on the other hand, there is no want of evidence to show that
      the condition of the Christians was by no means so bad as the
      apologists would have us suppose. Petty annoyances could not fail
      to exist anywhere under such circumstances, as were actually to
      be found in Spain at this time, and we may be sure that the
      Christian priests in particular did not bear themselves with that
      humility which might have ensured a mitigation of the annoyances.
      Organised opposition to Christianity, unless the Moslem rule can
      itself be called such, there was none, till it was called into
      being by the action of the fanatics themselves. But apart from
      all the other facts which point to this conclusion, we can call
      the apologists themselves in evidence that there was no real
      persecution going on at the time of the first martyrdoms.
    </p>
    <p>
      Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_1_203" id="FNanchor_1_203"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_203" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> admits that the
      Christians were not let or hindered in the free exercise of their
      religion by saying that this state of things<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_204" id="FNanchor_2_204"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_204" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> was not due to the
      forbearance (forsooth!) of the Moslems, but to the Divine mercy.
      Alvar, too, in a passage which seems to contradict the whole
      position which he is trying to defend, says<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_205" id="FNanchor_3_205"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_205" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>:—"Though many were the
      victims of persecution, very many others—and you cannot deny
      it—offered themselves a voluntary sacrifice to the Lord. Is it
      not clear that it was not the Arabs who began persecuting, but we
      who began preaching? Read the story of the martyrs, and you will
      see that they rushed voluntarily on their fate, not waiting the
      bidding of persecutors, nor the snares of informers; aye,
      and—what is made so strong a charge against them—that they tired
      out the forbearance of their rulers and princes by insult upon
      insult."<a name="FNanchor_4_206" id="FNanchor_4_206"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_206" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_203" id="Footnote_1_203"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_203"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Mem.
        Sanct.," i. sec. 29.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_204" id="Footnote_2_204"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_204"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Viz.,
        "Quod inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_205" id="Footnote_3_205"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_205"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Ind.
        Lum.," sec. 3.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_206" id="Footnote_4_206"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_206"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Fatigasse
        praesides et principes multis contumeliis."—<i>Ibid.</i>
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      As to the other part of the accusation, that voluntary martyrs
      were no martyrs, Eulogius could only declaim against the
      Scriptures quoted by his opponents,<a name="FNanchor_1_207" id=
      "FNanchor_1_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_207" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> and refer to the morally blind, who make evil
      their good, and take darkness to be their light;<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_208" id="FNanchor_2_208"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_208" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> while he brought
      forward a saying of certain wise men that "those martyrs will
      hold the first rank in the heavenly companies who have gone to
      their death unsummoned."<a name="FNanchor_3_209" id=
      "FNanchor_3_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_209" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      He also sought to defend the practice of reviling Mohammed by the
      plea that exorcism was allowed against the devil, which is
      sufficiently ridiculous; but Alvar goes further, and calmly
      assures us that these insults and revilings of the prophet were
      merely a form of preaching<a name="FNanchor_4_210" id=
      "FNanchor_4_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_210" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> to the poor benighted Moslems, naïvely
      remarking that the Scriptures affirm that the Gospel of Christ
      must be preached to all nations. Whereas, then, the Moslems had
      not been preached to, these martyred saints had taken upon
      themselves the sacred duty of rendering them "debtors to the
      faith."
    </p>
    <p>
      The second count<a name="FNanchor_5_211" id=
      "FNanchor_5_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_211" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> against the martyrs was that they had worked
      no miracles—a serious deficiency in an age when miracles were
      almost the test of sanctity. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_6_212" id=
      "FNanchor_6_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_212" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> could only meet the charge by admitting the
      fact, but adding that miracles were frequent in the early ages,
      in order to establish Christianity on a firm basis; and that the
      constancy of the martyrs was in itself a miracle (which was true,
      but not to the point). Had he been content with this, he had done
      wisely; but he goes on: "Moreover, miracles are no sign of truth,
      as even the unbelievers can work them."<a name="FNanchor_7_213"
      id="FNanchor_7_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_213" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> Now, by trying to show why these martyrs did
      not perform any miracles, he admits by implication that they were
      deficient in this particular;<a name="FNanchor_8_214" id=
      "FNanchor_8_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_214" class=
      "fnanchor">[8]</a> and yet in other parts of his work he mentions
      miracles performed by these very martyrs, as, for instance, by
      Isaac, and by Flora, and Maria.<a name="FNanchor_9_215" id=
      "FNanchor_9_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_215" class=
      "fnanchor">[9]</a> So that the worthy priest is placed in this
      dilemma: If miracles are really no sign of truth, why attribute
      them to the martyrs, when, as is allowed elsewhere, they were
      unable to work them? if, on the other hand, they did perform
      these miracles, why not adduce them in evidence against the
      detractors?
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_207" id="Footnote_1_207"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_207"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 19.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_208" id="Footnote_2_208"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_208"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Isaiah v.
        20.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_209" id="Footnote_3_209"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_209"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 24. Taken from some "Acts of the
        Saints," probably those of SS. Emetherius and Caledonius—a book
        obviously of no authority.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_210" id="Footnote_4_210"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_210"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Ind.
        Lum.," sec. 10, "In hac Israelitica gente nullus hactenus
        exstitit praedicator, per quod debitores fidei tenerentur. Isti
        enim (<i>i.e.</i>, the martyrs) apostolatus vicem in eosdem et
        evangelicam praedicationem impleverunt, eosque fidei debitores
        reddiderunt."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_211" id="Footnote_5_211"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_211"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eul.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," i. 13.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_212" id="Footnote_6_212"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_212"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Lib.
        Apol.," sec 7.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_213" id="Footnote_7_213"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_213"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Lib.
        Apol.," sec. 10.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_214" id="Footnote_8_214"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_214"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Cp. "Mem.
        Sanct.," i. sec. 13.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_215" id="Footnote_9_215"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_215"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Mem.
        Sanct.," Pref., sec. 4.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The third objection is a curious one, that the martyrs were not
      put to death by idolaters, but by men worshipping God and
      acknowledging a divine law,<a name="FNanchor_1_216" id=
      "FNanchor_1_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_216" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> and therefore were not true martyrs. Eulogius
      misses the true answer, which is obvious enough, and scornfully
      exclaims:—"As if they could be said to believe in God, who
      persecute His Church, and deem it hateful to believe in a Christ
      who was very God and very man."<a name="FNanchor_2_217" id=
      "FNanchor_2_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_217" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Fourthly, the martyrs died a quick and easy death. But, as
      Eulogius points out,<a name="FNanchor_3_218" id=
      "FNanchor_3_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_218" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> pain and torture give no additional claim to
      the martyr's crown.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lastly, it was objected that the bodies of these martyrs, as
      indeed was to be expected, corrupted, and were even, in some
      cases, devoured by dogs. "What matter," says Eulogius,<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_219" id="FNanchor_4_219"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_219" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> "since their souls are
      borne away to celestial mansions."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_216" id="Footnote_1_216"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_216"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul. "Lib.
        Apol.," sec. 3.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_217" id="Footnote_2_217"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_217"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 12.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_218" id="Footnote_3_218"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_218"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_219" id="Footnote_4_219"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_219"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Mem.
        Sanct.," i. sec. 17.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But it was not objections brought by fellow-Christians only that
      Eulogius took upon himself to answer, but also the taunts and
      scoffs of the Moslems. "Why," said they, "if your God is the true
      God, does He not strike terror into the executioners of his
      saints by some great prodigy? and why do not the martyrs
      themselves flash forth into miracles while the crowd is round
      them? You rush upon your own destruction, and yet you work no
      wonders that might induce us to change our opinion of your creed,
      thereby doing your own side no good, and ours no harm."<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_220" id="FNanchor_1_220"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_220" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Yet the constancy of the martyrs affected the Moslems more than
      they cared to confess, as we may infer from the taunts levelled
      at the Christians, when, in Mohammed's reign, some Christians,
      from fear of death, even apostatized. "Whither," they
      triumphantly asked,<a name="FNanchor_2_221" id=
      "FNanchor_2_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_221" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> "has that bravery of your martyrs vanished?
      What has become of the rash frenzy with which they courted
      death?" Yet though they affected to consider the martyrs as fools
      or madmen, they could not be blind to the effect that their
      constancy was likely to produce on those who beheld their death,
      and to the reverence with which their relics were regarded by the
      Christians. They therefore expressly forbade the bodies of
      martyrs to be preserved<a name="FNanchor_3_222" id=
      "FNanchor_3_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_222" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> and worshipped, and did their best to make
      this in certain cases impossible by burning the corpses and
      scattering the ashes on the river, though sometimes they
      contented themselves with throwing the bodies, unburnt, into the
      stream.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_220" id="Footnote_1_220"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_220"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Mem.
        Sanct.," i. sec. 12.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_221" id="Footnote_2_221"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_221"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," iii. sec. 6.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_222" id="Footnote_3_222"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_222"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See "De
        Translatione corporum Sanctorum Martyrum," etc., sec. 11. "Non
        enim, quos martyres faciunt, venerari Saraceni permittunt." See
        above, p. 38. The bodies of earlier martyrs were more freely
        given up at the request of the Christians. See "Chron. Silen.,"
        secs. 95-100; Dozy, iv. 119, for the surrender of the body of
        Justus; and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," sec. 9, where Eulogius
        mentions that he had taken the bodies of Saints Zoilus and
        Austus to Pampluna. Later, Hakem II. (961-976) gave up the body
        of the boy Pelagius at Ramiro III.'s request. Mariana, viii. 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      However, in spite of these regulations, many bodies were secretly
      carried off and entombed in churches, where they were looked upon
      as the most precious of possessions; and martyrs, who, by the
      admission of their admirers themselves, had never worked any
      miracles when living, were enabled, when dead, to perform a
      series of extraordinary ones, which did not finally cease till
      modern enlightenment had dissipated the darkness of the Middle
      Ages.
    </p>
    <p>
      We happen to possess a very interesting account of the
      circumstances under which the relics of three of these Cordovan
      martyrs were transferred from the troubled scene of their passion
      to the more peaceful and more superstitious cloisters of
      France.<a name="FNanchor_1_223" id="FNanchor_1_223"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_223" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      It was in 858 that Hilduin, the abbot of the monastery of St
      Vincent and the Holy Cross, near Paris, learning that the body of
      their patron saint, St Vincent, was at Valencia, sent two monks,
      Usuard and Odilard, with the king's<a name="FNanchor_2_224" id=
      "FNanchor_2_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_224" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> permission, to procure the precious relics for
      their own monastery. On their way to perform this commission, the
      monks learnt that the body was no longer at Valencia. It had
      been, in fact, carried<a name="FNanchor_3_225" id=
      "FNanchor_3_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_225" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> by a monk named Andaldus to Saragoza. Senior,
      the bishop of that city, had seized it, and it was still held in
      veneration there, but under the name of St Marinus, whose body
      the monk had stoutly asserted it to be. Senior apparently doubted
      the statement, and tortured Andaldus to get the truth out of him,
      but in vain; for the monk, knowing that St Vincent had been
      deacon of Saragoza, feared that the bishop would never surrender
      the body if aware of its identity. However, Usuard and Odilard
      knew not but that the body was that of Marinus, as stated.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_223" id="Footnote_1_223"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_223"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De
        Translatione SS. martyrum Georgii, Aurelii, et Nathaliae ex
        urbe Cordobae Parisios: auctore Aimoino.—"Migne," vol. 115, pp.
        939 ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_224" id="Footnote_2_224"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_224"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Charles
        the Bald.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_225" id="Footnote_3_225"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_225"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Under a
        divine impulse," as usual.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Disappointed, therefore, in their errand, they lingered about at
      Barcelona, thinking to pick up some other relics, when a friend,
      holding a high position in that town, Sunifridus by name,
      mentioned the persecution at Cordova, news of which does not seem
      to have travelled beyond Spain. They determine at once to go to
      Cordova, relying on a friend there, named Leovigild, to help them
      to obtain what they wished. Travelling in Spain, however, seems
      to have been by no means safe<a name="FNanchor_1_226" id=
      "FNanchor_1_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_226" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> at this period, and their bold resolution is
      regarded with fear and admiration by their friends. The lord of
      the Gothic marches, Hunifrid, being on friendly terms with the
      Wali of Saragoza, writes to him on their behalf, and he entrusts
      them to the care of a caravan which chanced to be just starting
      for Cordova.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_226" id="Footnote_1_226"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_226"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See sec.
        2, and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," where he speaks of the road to
        Gaul as "stipata praedonibus," and of all Gothia as "perturbata
        funeroso Wilihelmi incursu."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      On reaching Cordova, after many days, they go to St Cyprian's
      Church, where lay the bodies of John and Adulphus. The rumour of
      their arrival brings Leovigild (called Abad Salomes), who proves
      a very useful friend, and Samson, who just at this juncture is
      made abbot of the monastery at Pegnamellar, where the bodies of
      George, Aurelius, and Sabigotha were buried—the very relics which
      they had decided to try and obtain.
    </p>
    <p>
      The monks of the monastery naturally object to parting with such
      precious possessions, but Samson contrives to get the bishop's
      permission to give up the bodies.
    </p>
    <p>
      This was all the more opportune, as a chance was now given them
      of returning to Barcelona, by joining the expedition which
      Mohammed I. was on the point of making against Toledo. Orders had
      been given that all the inhabitants, strangers as well as
      citizens, except the city guard, should go out with the King.
      However, the Frankish monks were met by an unexpected difficulty.
      In the temporary absence of the abbot, the monks of Pegnamellar
      refused to give up the relics, and it was only with much
      difficulty that the bishop Saul was induced to confirm his former
      permission to remove them.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bodies were now exhumed without the knowledge of the Moslems,
      and sealed with Charles' own seal, brought for that purpose.
      George's body was found whole, but of the other two, only the
      head of Nathalia, and the trunk of Aurelius' body. The two latter
      are united to form one corpse, as it is written, "they two shall
      be one flesh." After a stay in Cordova of eight weeks, they set
      out under the protection of some Christians serving in the army.
      Leovigild, who had been away on the King's business, now returns,
      and escorts them to Toledo. The approach of the army having
      cleared away the brigands who infested those parts, the monks
      with their precious freight got safely away to Saragoza, and
      returned with their booty to France, where the relics worked
      numbers of astonishing miracles.
    </p>
    <p>
      Let us return from this digression to the steps taken by the
      moderate party among the Christians, and by the Moslem
      authorities, to put an end to what seemed so dangerous an
      agitation. That Reccafredus was not the only ecclesiastic of high
      position who took exception to the new movement we learn clearly
      enough from Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_1_227" id=
      "FNanchor_1_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_227" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> who tells us that "bishops, priests, deacons,
      and 'wise men' of Cordova joined in inveighing against the new
      martyrdoms, under the impulse of fear wellnigh denying the faith
      of Christ, if not in words, yet by their acts." We may,
      therefore, conclude that the greater part of the ecclesiastical
      authorities were heart and soul with the Bishop of Seville, while
      the party led by Eulogius and Saul was a comparatively small one.
      However, strong measures were necessary, and Reccafredus did not
      hesitate to imprison several priests and clergy.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_228" id="FNanchor_2_228"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_228" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Eulogius complains
      that the churches were deprived of their ministers, and the
      customary church rites were in abeyance, "while the spider wove
      her web in the deserted aisles, tenanted only by a dreadful
      silence." In this passage the writer doubtless gives reins to his
      imagination, yet there must have been a certain amount of truth
      in the main assertion, for he repeats it again and again.<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_229" id="FNanchor_3_229"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_229" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      The evidence of Alvar is to the same effect: "Have not those who
      seemed to be columns of the church, the very rocks on which it is
      founded, who were deemed the elect of God, have they not, I say,
      in the presence of these Cynics, or rather of these Epicureans,
      under no compulsion, but of their own free will, spoken evil of
      the martyrs of God? Have not the shepherds of Christ, the
      teachers of the Church, bishops, abbots, priests, the chiefs of
      our hierarchy, and its mighty men, publicly denounced the martyrs
      of our Church as heretics?"<a name="FNanchor_4_230" id=
      "FNanchor_4_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_230" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_227" id="Footnote_1_227"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_227"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of
        Eulog.," ch. i. sec. 4.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_228" id="Footnote_2_228"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_228"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Life of Eulog.," ii. sec. 4—"Omnes sacerdotes quos potuit
        carcerali vinculo alligavit." Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec.
        11*—"Repleta sunt penetralia carceris clericorum catervis,
        viduata est ecclesia sacro praesulum et sacerdotum officio ...
        privata prorsus ecclesia omni sacro ministerio." Alvar, "Ind.
        Lum.," secs. 14, 18—"Templa Christi a sacrificio desolata, et
        loca sancta ab ethnicis exstirpata."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_229" id="Footnote_3_229"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_229"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
        "Doc. Mart.," sec. 16—"Eremitatem ecclesiarum, compeditionem
        sacerdotum ... et quod non est nobis in hoc tempore sacrificium
        nec holocaustum nee oblatio." Cp. Ep. ad Wilies, sec. 10.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_230" id="Footnote_4_230"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_230"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 14.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Not content with imprisoning the fanatics, the party of order
      forced them to swear that they would not snatch at the martyr's
      palm by speaking evil of the Prophet.<a name="FNanchor_1_231" id=
      "FNanchor_1_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_231" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> Those who disobeyed were threatened with
      unheard-of penalties, with loss of limbs, and merciless
      scourgings.<a name="FNanchor_2_232" id=
      "FNanchor_2_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_232" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> This last statement must be taken with
      reservation, at least if put into the mouth of the Christian
      party under Reccafredus. It is extremely unlikely that Christian
      bishops and priests should have had recourse to such treatment of
      their coreligionists: yet they had a spiritual weapon ready to
      their hands, and they were not slow to use it. They
      anathematised<a name="FNanchor_3_233" id=
      "FNanchor_3_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_233" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> those who aided and abetted the zealots; and
      Eulogius himself seems to have narrowly escaped their sentence of
      excommunication.<a name="FNanchor_4_234" id=
      "FNanchor_4_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_234" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_231" id="Footnote_1_231"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_231"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 15—"Ne ad martyrii surgerent palmam,
        iuramentum extorsimus ... et maledictum ne maledictionibus
        impeterent, evangelio et cruce educta, vi iurare improbiter
        fecimus."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_232" id="Footnote_2_232"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_232"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, cp. Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," iv. sec. 12—"Duris
        tormentis agitati, commoti sunt."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_233" id="Footnote_3_233"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_233"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 28—"Ne ceteri ad huiusmodi palaestram
        discurrant schedulis anathematum per loca varia damnari
        iubentur." Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31—"Plerosque patres
        anathematizantes talia patientes."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_234" id="Footnote_4_234"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_234"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      This action against the zealots was in all probability taken, if
      not at the instigation of the Moslem authorities, yet in close
      concert with them. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_1_235" id=
      "FNanchor_1_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_235" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> attributes all the evils which had befallen
      the Church, such as the imprisonment of bishops, priests, abbots,
      and deacons, to the wrath of the King; and Alvar distinctly
      states that the King was urged, even bribed, to take measures
      against the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_2_236" id=
      "FNanchor_2_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_236" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> It is not likely that the King required much
      persuading. Mohammed at least seems to have been thoroughly
      frightened by the continued agitation against Mohammedanism. He
      naturally suspected some political plot at the bottom of it; a
      supposition which receives some countenance from the various
      references in Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_3_237" id=
      "FNanchor_3_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_237" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> to the martyrs as "Soldiers of God" bound to
      war against His Moslem enemies; and from the undoubted fact that
      the Christians of Toledo did rise in favour of their
      coreligionists at Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_4_238" id=
      "FNanchor_4_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_238" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> However that may be, the King in 852 certainly
      took counsel<a name="FNanchor_5_239" id=
      "FNanchor_5_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_239" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> with his ministers, how the agitation should
      be met, and he seems to have assembled a sort of grand
      council<a name="FNanchor_6_240" id="FNanchor_6_240"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_240" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> of the Church, when
      the same question was discussed. Stronger measures were in
      consequence taken, and a more rigorous imprisonment resorted to.
      But Mohammed went farther than this. He deprived of their posts
      all Christians, who held offices in the palace,<a name=
      "FNanchor_7_241" id="FNanchor_7_241"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_241" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> or in connection with
      the Court, and withdrew from the Christian "cadet corps,"<a name=
      "FNanchor_8_242" id="FNanchor_8_242"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_242" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> the royal bounty
      usually extended to them. He ordered the destruction of all
      churches built since the conquest, and of all later additions to
      those previously existing. He made a severe enactment against
      those who reviled Mohammed.<a name="FNanchor_9_243" id=
      "FNanchor_9_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_243" class=
      "fnanchor">[9]</a> He even had in mind to banish all Christians
      from his dominions.<a name="FNanchor_10_244" id=
      "FNanchor_10_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_244" class=
      "fnanchor">[10]</a> This intention, together with the order
      respecting the churches, was not carried out, owing probably to
      the opportune revolt at Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_11_245" id=
      "FNanchor_11_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_245" class=
      "fnanchor">[11]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_235" id="Footnote_1_235"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_235"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ep. ad
        Wilies, sec. 10.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_236" id="Footnote_2_236"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_236"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_237" id="Footnote_3_237"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_237"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See Dozy,
        ii. 136.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_238" id="Footnote_4_238"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_238"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i.
        249: Dozy, ii. 161, says on Eulogius' authority, that he
        incited them to revolt under Sindila.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_239" id="Footnote_5_239"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_239"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_240" id="Footnote_6_240"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_240"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Robertson
        calls it a Conciliabulum.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_241" id="Footnote_7_241"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_241"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. § 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_242" id="Footnote_8_242"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_242"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Militares
        pueros." Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. i.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_243" id="Footnote_9_243"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_243"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Eulog.
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv—"Tunc iam procul dubio enecandi nos
        difficultas fuit adempta, si quisquam vatis sui temerarius
        exprobator ultro occurreret." This seems to mean that
        Christians and Saracens were bound to give up to justice any
        who reviled the Prophet; or else to kill him on the spot.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_10_244" id="Footnote_10_244"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_10_244"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18—"Moslemi ... omne regni sui, sicuti
        cernitis, genus excludere moliuntur Christicolarum."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_11_245" id="Footnote_11_245"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_11_245"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      In one of his works on this subject, Eulogius expresses a fear
      lest the intervention of the martyrs should bring disaster on the
      Church in Spain, just as the intervention of Moses in Egypt did
      much at first to aggravate the hardships of the
      Israelites.<a name="FNanchor_1_246" id=
      "FNanchor_1_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_246" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> He ought not, therefore, to have been
      surprised, when such a result actually did follow; nor ought he
      to complain that now the Moslems would only let the Christians
      observe their religion in such a way as they chose to dictate;
      and that the Christians were subjected to all sorts of taxes and
      exactions.<a name="FNanchor_2_247" id=
      "FNanchor_2_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_247" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      These combined measures of repression, taken by the King and the
      Bishop of Seville, soon produced their effect. The extreme party
      were broken up, some escaping to quieter regions, others hiding,
      and only venturing abroad in disguise and at night—not, as
      Eulogius is careful to add, from fear of death, but because the
      high prize of martyrdom is not reserved for the unworthy many,
      but for the worthy few.<a name="FNanchor_3_248" id=
      "FNanchor_3_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_248" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_246" id="Footnote_1_246"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_246"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. c. xvi.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_247" id="Footnote_2_247"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_247"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18—"<i>Nunc</i> pro suo libito tantummodo
        exercere nos sinentes Christianismum ... <i>nunc</i> publicum
        imponentes censum, <i>nunc</i> rebus nos abdicantes detrimentis
        atterunt rerum."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_248" id="Footnote_3_248"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_248"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 14—"Quia indigni sumus martyrio, quod
        quibusdam et non omnibus datum est."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Some even apostatized,<a name="FNanchor_1_249" id=
      "FNanchor_1_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_249" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> while many of those who had applauded the
      proceedings of the martyrs, now called them indiscreet, and
      blamed them for indulging in a selfish desire to desert the
      suffering Church for an early mansion in the skies.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_250" id="FNanchor_2_250"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_250" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Others, in order to
      retain posts under Government, or to court favour with the King,
      dissembled their religion, taking care not to pray, or make the
      sign of the cross in public.<a name="FNanchor_3_251" id=
      "FNanchor_3_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_251" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> Eulogius himself was singled out at the
      meeting of the King's Council by one of the royal secretaries,
      Gomez, son of Antonian, son of Julian,<a name="FNanchor_4_252"
      id="FNanchor_4_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_252" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> as the ringleader of the new seditious
      movement. This man was a very worldly-minded Christian,<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_253" id="FNanchor_5_253"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_253" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and was, no doubt, at
      this time, in fear of losing his lucrative office at Court, which
      he had obtained by his remarkable knowledge of Arabic. He did, in
      fact, lose his post with all the other Christian officers of the
      Court, but regained it by becoming a Moslem;<a name=
      "FNanchor_6_254" id="FNanchor_6_254"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_254" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and such was the
      ardour of the new proselyte that he was called "the dove of the
      mosque."<a name="FNanchor_7_255" id="FNanchor_7_255"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_255" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      The result of this council was, as we have seen, hostile to the
      party of which Eulogius and Saul were the chiefs, but the former
      writer, mentioning the actual decree that was passed, pretends
      that it was merely a blind to deceive the king, and spoken
      figuratively; and he acknowledges that such hypocrisy was
      unworthy of the prelates and officers assembled.<a name=
      "FNanchor_8_256" id="FNanchor_8_256"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_256" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Is it not more
      reasonable to suppose that Eulogius and his supporters voted for
      it—as they seem to have done—with a mental reservation, while
      their opponents honestly considered such a step necessary?
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_249" id="Footnote_1_249"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_249"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv. 1—"Fidem praevaricantur, abdicant
        religionem, Crucifixum detestantur."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_250" id="Footnote_2_250"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_250"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ii. sec. 6. Also in his letter to Alvar
        sending the "Mem. Sanct.," he says, very few remained firm to
        their principles.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_251" id="Footnote_3_251"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_251"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 9—"Cum palam coram ethnicis orationem non
        faciunt, signo crucis oscitantes frontem non muniunt ...
        Christianos contra fidei suae socios pro regis gratia, pro
        vendibilibus muneribus et defensione gentilicia praeliantes."
        Elsewhere he says: "Nullus invenitur qui iuxta iussum Domini
        tonantis aetherii super montes Babiloniae, caligosasque turres
        crucis fidei attollat vexillum, sacrificium Deo offerens
        vespertinum."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_252" id="Footnote_4_252"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_252"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 18.
        See above, p. 51.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_253" id="Footnote_5_253"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_253"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Ibn al
        Kuttiya—apud Dozy, ii. 137.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_254" id="Footnote_6_254"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_254"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulog.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. ii.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_255" id="Footnote_7_255"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_255"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        137.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_256" id="Footnote_8_256"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_256"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Eul.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv., sec. 3—"Aliquid commentaremur, quod
        ipsius tyranni ac populorum serperet aures." The "praemissum
        pontificate decretum" he calls "allegorice editum."
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2>
      <a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3>
      THE MUZARABES.
    </h3>
    <p>
      The death of Eulogius was a signal for the cessation of the
      dubious martyrdoms which had for some years become so common,
      though the spirit, which prompted the self-deluded victims, was
      by no means stifled either in Spain or the adjoining
      countries.<a name="FNanchor_1_257" id=
      "FNanchor_1_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_257" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> Yet the measures taken to put down the mania
      for death succeeded in preventing any fresh outbreak for some
      time.
    </p>
    <p>
      Under the weak government of Abdallah (888-912) the Christians,
      determining to lose their lives to better purpose than at the
      hands of the executioner, rose in revolt, as will be related
      hereafter, in several parts of Spain. After the battle of
      Aguilar, or Polei, in 891, between the Arab and Spanish factions,
      1000 of the defeated Christians were given the choice of Islam or
      death, and all, save one, chose the latter alternative.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_258" id="FNanchor_2_258"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_258" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      During the long reign of Abdurrahman III. (912-961) there were a
      few isolated cases of martyrdom, which may as well be mentioned
      now. After the great battle in the Vale of Rushes,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_259" id="FNanchor_3_259"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_259" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> where Abdurrahman
      defeated the kings of Navarre and Leon, one of the two fighting
      bishops, who were taken prisoners on that occasion, gave, as a
      hostage for his own release, a youth of fourteen, named Pelagius.
      The king, it is said, smitten with his beauty, wished to work his
      abominable will upon the boy, but his advances being rejected
      with disdain, the unhappy youth was put to death with great
      barbarity, refusing to save his life by apostasy.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_260" id="FNanchor_4_260"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_260" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> A different version of
      the story is given by a Saxon nun of Gaudersheim, named
      Hroswitha, who wrote a poem on the subject fifty years later. She
      tells us that the king tried to kiss Pelagius, who thereupon
      struck him in the face, and was in consequence put to death by
      decapitation (June 26, 925).<a name="FNanchor_5_261" id=
      "FNanchor_5_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_261" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_257" id="Footnote_1_257"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_257"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "Life
        of Argentea," secs. 3, 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_258" id="Footnote_2_258"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_258"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        287.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_259" id="Footnote_3_259"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_259"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Val du
        Junqueras, 920 A.D.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_260" id="Footnote_4_260"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_260"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Johannes
        Vasaeus ex Commentariis Resendi. Romey, iv. 257, disbelieves
        this version of the story. Perhaps Al Makk., ii. 154, is
        referring to the same Pelagius when he mentions the king's
        liking for a handsome Christian page.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_261" id="Footnote_5_261"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_261"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Sampiro,
        secs. 26-28.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      In the death of Argentea (Ap. 28, 931) we have the last instance
      in Spain of a Christian seeking martyrdom. She was the daughter
      of the great rebel Omar ibn Hafsun,<a name="FNanchor_1_262" id=
      "FNanchor_1_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_262" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> and his wife Columba, and was born at that
      chieftain's stronghold of Bobastro. Upon her mother's death Omar
      wished her to take up her mother's duties in the palace, for Omar
      had become a sort of king on his own domain. She declined, asking
      only for a quiet retreat, where she might prepare her soul for
      martyrdom; and she wrote to a devout Christian, whose wishes
      inclined him in the same direction, suggesting that they should
      seek the crown of martyrdom together.<a name="FNanchor_2_263" id=
      "FNanchor_2_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_263" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> On the destruction of Bobastro by Abdurrahman
      in 928, she went to Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_3_264" id=
      "FNanchor_3_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_264" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> She there met with a Gaul named Vulfura, who
      had been warned in a dream that in that city he should find a
      virgin, with whom he was to suffer martyrdom. However, his object
      becoming known, Vulfura is cast into prison by the governor of
      the city. Argentea goes to visit him there, and is stopped by the
      guards, who, finding she is a Christian, take her before the
      judge as a renegade, and she is imprisoned with Vulfura. The
      alternative of Islam instead of death being refused, they are
      both executed, but Argentea, as being an "insolens rebellis," is
      first scourged with 1000 stripes, and her tongue cut out. Her
      body was buried at the church of the three saints.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the year 934<a name="FNanchor_4_265" id=
      "FNanchor_4_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_265" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> we hear of two hundred monks of Cardena being
      massacred by the Berbers in Abdurrahman's army; and in some sense
      they can be regarded as martyrs to their faith.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_262" id="Footnote_1_262"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_262"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Who on
        becoming a Christian, took the name of Samuel. Florez, x. p.
        564, ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_263" id="Footnote_2_263"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_263"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See "Life
        of Argentea," by an anonymous author.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_264" id="Footnote_3_264"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_264"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 4.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_265" id="Footnote_4_265"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_265"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
        52. Mariana, viii. 6, gives 993, but says it may have occurred
        in 893.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      In 953 a martyr named Eugenia is said to have perished;<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_266" id="FNanchor_1_266"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_266" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and thirty years
      later, the last martyrs of whom we have any record under the Arab
      rule. Dominicus Sarracinus, son of John, and his companions taken
      prisoners at the capture of Simancas, were kept for two years and
      a-half in prison.<a name="FNanchor_2_267" id=
      "FNanchor_2_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_267" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> They were then brought out and put to death,
      just when Ramiro III., or his successor, had sent to ransom
      them.<a name="FNanchor_3_268" id="FNanchor_3_268"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_268" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      There is no evidence whatever to show that there was a
      persecution of the Christians under the great Abdurrahman, and
      the statements of those writers who intimate the contrary may be
      set aside as unsupported by evidence.<a name="FNanchor_4_269" id=
      "FNanchor_4_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_269" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      We will now turn back and take a general view of the Christian
      Church and its condition under the Arabs in Spain, especially—for
      our information is greatest as to those periods—under the two
      kings Abdurrahman II. and III.
    </p>
    <p>
      Under the former of these sovereigns the condition of the
      Christians, until the persecution, which they themselves
      provoked, began, was very tolerable, and the majority of the
      Christians were quite content with their lot. They served in the
      army, both free men and slaves; they held lucrative posts at
      Court, or in the houses of the Arab nobles, or as government
      officials. But though the lay community was well off, the clergy
      and stricter churchmen had something to complain of; for the
      Church<a name="FNanchor_5_270" id="FNanchor_5_270"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_270" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> could not be said to
      be free, though the worship was, since the power of summoning
      councils had now passed to the Arab executive, who, as we have
      seen, made even Moslems and Jews sit at these councils. Sees were
      also put up to auction, and the scandalous spectacle was not
      unknown, of atheists and heretics holding the titles, and drawing
      the emoluments, of bishops.<a name="FNanchor_6_271" id=
      "FNanchor_6_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_271" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_266" id="Footnote_1_266"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_266"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Schott.,
        iv. 246.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_267" id="Footnote_2_267"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_267"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        Rohrbacher, xii. 192.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_268" id="Footnote_3_268"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_268"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Charter,
        apud Florez, xiv. 397.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_269" id="Footnote_4_269"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_269"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See above,
        p. 36, note 1. A letter also is mentioned of John Servus Dei,
        Bishop of Toledo, to the Muzarabes with regard to the late
        martyrdoms and apostasies, purporting to have been written in
        937.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_270" id="Footnote_5_270"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_270"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        47.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_271" id="Footnote_6_271"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_271"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ep.," xiii. 3. Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. ii.-iv.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      As was to be expected, Arabic soon began to displace Latin
      throughout the country, and even before the ninth century the
      Scriptures were translated into the tongue of the conquerors
      <a name="FNanchor_1_272" id="FNanchor_1_272"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_272" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> by Odoarius, Bishop of
      Accita, and John of Seville. Hischem I. (788-796) forbade the use
      of any language but Arabic, so that his Christian subjects had to
      use Arabic Gospels;<a name="FNanchor_2_273" id=
      "FNanchor_2_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_273" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> and the Spaniards were soon not even permitted
      to write in Latin.<a name="FNanchor_3_274" id=
      "FNanchor_3_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_274" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> Even if this statement be doubtful, we know
      that Latin came gradually to be neglected and forgotten. Alvar
      utters an eloquent protest against this: "Alas, the Christians
      are ignorant of their own tongue, and Latins neglect their
      language, so that in all the College of Christ<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_275" id="FNanchor_4_275"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_275" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> there is scarcely to
      be found one who can write an address of welcome to his brother
      intelligibly in Latin, while numbers can be found competent to
      mouth the flowery rhetoric of the Chaldeans."<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_276" id="FNanchor_5_276"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_276" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In the department of
      poetry—the peculiar boast of the Arabs—the Christians seem even
      to have surpassed their masters; and to the rivalry of the two
      nations in this art we may attribute the excellence and abundance
      of native ballads of which Spain can boast.
    </p>
    <p>
      We have seen how Eulogius did his best to check this neglect of
      Latin, by introducing into Spain some of the masterpieces in that
      language; but it is doubtful whether his efforts had much result.
      We can see from the remains of the Spanish writers which we
      possess that the structure of that language had considerably
      degenerated in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_6_277" id=
      "FNanchor_6_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_277" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_272" id="Footnote_1_272"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_272"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Murphy,
        "Hist. Mahom. Empire in Spain," p. 309.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_273" id="Footnote_2_273"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_273"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p.
        60.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_274" id="Footnote_3_274"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_274"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
        239.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_275" id="Footnote_4_275"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_275"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Omni
        Christi collegio."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_276" id="Footnote_5_276"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_276"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_277" id="Footnote_6_277"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_277"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See
        Elipandus and Alvar passim. Alcuin, on the other hand, writes
        wonderfully good Latin.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Some sentences are so ungrammatical as to be scarcely
      intelligible. Moreover, we find Samson<a name="FNanchor_1_278"
      id="FNanchor_1_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_278" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> directly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of
      Malaga, of not being able to write Latin; and similarly Jonas of
      Orleans (839) accusing Claudius, Bishop of Turin, who was himself
      a Spaniard, of the same defect.
    </p>
    <p>
      The neglect of Latin was accompanied by an increasing
      indifference to the doctrinal basis of Christianity, educated
      Christians being led to devote their time, which might have been
      more profitably spent on their own Scriptures, to becoming
      acquainted with the Mohammedan religion, and even to unravelling
      the intricacies of the controversial theology which had grown up
      round, and overlaid, the original simplicity of the
      Koran.<a name="FNanchor_2_279" id="FNanchor_2_279"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_279" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The great Fathers of
      the Church were laid aside unread, and even the Prophets and
      Apostles, and the Gospel itself, found few to study them. While
      the higher classes were indifferent to religion, the lower were
      sunk in poverty<a name="FNanchor_3_280" id=
      "FNanchor_3_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_280" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> and ignorance.<a name="FNanchor_4_281" id=
      "FNanchor_4_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_281" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> The inevitable result of this indifference,
      ignorance, and poverty, was a visible deterioration in the
      character of Spanish Christianity, of which there are only too
      many proofs.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_278" id="Footnote_1_278"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_278"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson,
        "Apol.," c. vii.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_279" id="Footnote_2_279"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_279"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35—"Ac dum illorum sacramenta inquirimus, et
        philosophorum sectas scire non pro ipsorum convincendis
        erroribus sed pro elegantia leporis et locutione luculenter
        diserta. Quis rogo hodie solers in nostris fidelibus laicis
        invenitur, qui Scripturis sanctis intentus volumina
        quorumcunque Doctorum Latine conscripta respiciat? Quis
        Evangelico, quis Prophetico, quis Apostolico ustus tenetur
        amore? Nonne omnes iuvenes Christiani vultu decori, linguae
        diserti, habitu gestuque conspicui, Gentilicia eruditione
        praeclari, Arabico eloquio sublimati, volumina Chaldaeorum
        avidissime tractunt?"
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_280" id="Footnote_3_280"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_280"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez,
        xix. 383, Charter of 993; see also "Dozy," iii. 31; and for the
        condition of Christians in the Free States, Buckle, "Hist. of
        Civiliz.," i. 443.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_281" id="Footnote_4_281"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_281"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy
        (l.l.).
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      We find the abbot Samson distinctly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop
      of Malaga, of simony, asserting that he sold the priesthood to
      low and unworthy people;<a name="FNanchor_1_282" id=
      "FNanchor_1_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_282" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> while Alvar charges Saul, Bishop of Cordova,
      with obtaining his bishopric by bribery.<a name="FNanchor_2_283"
      id="FNanchor_2_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_283" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> Other irregularities imputed to Hostegesis
      were that he held his see from his twentieth year, contrary to
      the canons of the church, and that he beat priests, in order to
      extort money from them, till they died under his hands.
    </p>
    <p>
      Besides the election to the priesthood, by unworthy means, of
      unworthy men, whose ignorance and impudence the congregation had
      to endure in silence,<a name="FNanchor_3_284" id=
      "FNanchor_3_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_284" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> many were informally ordained without vouchers
      for character being given, or the assent of their fellow-clergy
      and flocks being obtained.<a name="FNanchor_4_285" id=
      "FNanchor_4_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_285" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> Many churches presented the unseemly spectacle
      of two rival pastors, contrary to the ordinances received from
      the Fathers.<a name="FNanchor_5_286" id=
      "FNanchor_5_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_286" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Changes, too, were made in doctrine and ritual, for which no
      authority could be alleged, in contravention of established
      custom and the teaching of the Church. So far was this carried
      that Samson was accused by his opponents of being a heretic and
      an idolator because he permitted the marriage of cousins;
      dissented from the view that God was ever enclosed in the
      chambers of the Virgin's heart;<a name="FNanchor_6_287" id=
      "FNanchor_6_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_287" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> asserted the omnipresence of God, even in
      idols and the Devil, and this in an actual, not a metaphysical,
      sense;<a name="FNanchor_7_288" id="FNanchor_7_288"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_288" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and denied that God
      sat upon an exalted throne above his creatures. From this it is
      clear that Hostegesis and those who thought with him<a name=
      "FNanchor_8_289" id="FNanchor_8_289"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_289" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> were infected with the
      anthropomorphite heresy.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_282" id="Footnote_1_282"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_282"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson,
        "Apol.," Bk. ii., Pref. sec. 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_283" id="Footnote_2_283"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_283"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See
        "Letter to Saul," sec. 3—"Poterant enim quovis asserente
        canonice incohationis vestrae primordia comprobari, si
        quadringenti solidi non fuissent palam eunuchis vel aliis
        exsoluti." Dozy, ii. 140, adds that the money was guaranteed on
        the episcopal revenues, but this is a conjecture.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_284" id="Footnote_3_284"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_284"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Samson,
        "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec 5; Dozy, ii. 268.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_285" id="Footnote_4_285"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_285"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alvar ad
        Saulum, sec. 3—"Sine testimonis, sine connibentia clericorum."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_286" id="Footnote_5_286"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_286"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_287" id="Footnote_6_287"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_287"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Samson,
        "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 7 and iii.—"Cubiculum cordis Virginei."
        This appears to be a quotation from the Gothic liturgy.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_288" id="Footnote_7_288"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_288"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Per
        substantiam, non per subtilitatem."—<i>Ibid.</i>
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_289" id="Footnote_8_289"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_289"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Romanus
        and Sebastianus, Samson, Pref, sec. 6.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Not only did many of the clergy hold heretical views, but their
      depravity was notorious. Hostegesis did not blush to spend the
      produce of the church tithes and offerings, which he had with
      difficulty extorted from his flock,<a name="FNanchor_1_290" id=
      "FNanchor_1_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_290" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> in bribing the court officials and the king's
      sons, giving them feasts at which open and flagrant vice was
      indulged in.<a name="FNanchor_2_291" id=
      "FNanchor_2_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_291" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> The clergy were not above pretending illness
      in order to avoid paying the monthly tax to their Moslem
      rulers.<a name="FNanchor_3_292" id="FNanchor_3_292"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_292" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Some, even in the
      highest positions in the Church, denied their Saviour and
      apostatized to the Moslems; one of these renegades being Samuel,
      Bishop of Elvira, the uncle of Hostegesis' mother, who, with a
      pervert's zeal, persecuted the Church he had deserted,
      imprisoning the clergy, taxing his former flock, and even forcing
      some to embrace Islam.<a name="FNanchor_4_293" id=
      "FNanchor_4_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_293" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      It is not surprising, therefore, that bishops and clergy were
      sometimes deposed. Samson, indeed, underwent this disgrace at the
      hands of a hostile faction under Hostegesis, on the ground of his
      pretended heresy; and, similarly, Valentius,<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_294" id="FNanchor_5_294"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_294" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Bishop of Cordova, was
      deprived of his see because he was a supporter of Samson. But
      these instances reflect more discredit on the deposers than on
      their victims. Instances of deposition are not wanting, in the
      free states the North. Sisenandus, seventh Bishop of Compostella
      (940), was deposed by King Sancho for dissolute living, and
      malversation of Church moneys.<a name="FNanchor_6_295" id=
      "FNanchor_6_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_295" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> On the king's death he recovered his see,
      driving out his successor. Pelayo, another bishop of Compostella,
      suffered the same punishment.<a name="FNanchor_7_296" id=
      "FNanchor_7_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_296" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_290" id="Footnote_1_290"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_290"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
        offering of one-third for the Church was refused to Hostegesis
        as being sacrilegious; so he proceeded to extort it, "suis
        codicibus institutis."—Samson "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 2
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_291" id="Footnote_2_291"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_291"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i> The state of the Church in the North was not much
        better. See Yonge, p. 86.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_292" id="Footnote_3_292"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_292"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Leovigild
        de habitu Clericorum. Dozy, ii. 110.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_293" id="Footnote_4_293"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_293"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Samson,
        Pref. ii. 4.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_294" id="Footnote_5_294"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_294"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Succeeded
        Saul in 861, and was deposed in 864.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_295" id="Footnote_6_295"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_295"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mariana,
        viii. 5. He went over to the Moslems. Southey, "Chronicle of
        the Cid," p. 228. Yonge, p. 86.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_296" id="Footnote_7_296"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_296"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Mariana
        (1.1.).
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      When the kings of Castile gradually drove back the Moors, and
      when Alfonso took Toledo in 1085, his wife, Constance of
      Burgundy, and her spiritual adviser, a monk named Bernard, were
      horrified at the laxity in morals and doctrine of the Muzarabic
      Christians. Their addiction to poetry and natural science was
      regarded with suspicious aversion, and the pork-eating,
      circumcision, and, not least, the cleanly habits,<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_297" id="FNanchor_1_297"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_297" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> contracted from an
      intercourse with Moslems, were looked upon as so many marks of
      the beast. In 1209 the Crusaders, who had swarmed to the wars in
      Spain, even wished to turn their pious arms against these poor
      Muzarabes, so scandalised were they at the un-Romish rites. Yet
      we are told that Alfonso the Great, when building and restoring
      churches in the territory newly wrested from the Moors, set up
      again the ordinances of the Goths, as formerly observed at
      Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_2_298" id="FNanchor_2_298"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_298" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      The free church in the North had itself been in great danger of
      extinction, when the armies of the great Almanzer (977-1002)
      swept yearly through the Christian kingdoms like some devastating
      tempest.<a name="FNanchor_3_299" id="FNanchor_3_299"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_299" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Fifty-two victorious
      campaigns did that irresistible warrior lead against the
      infidels.<a name="FNanchor_4_300" id=
      "FNanchor_4_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_300" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> Barcelona, Pampluna, and Leon fell before his
      arms, and the sacred city of Compostella was sacked, and for a
      time left desolate, the bells of St James' shrine being carried
      off to Cordova to serve as lamps in the grand mosque. We are not,
      therefore, surprised to find that there were many bishops in the
      North who had lost their sees; and this was the case even before
      the tenth century, for a bishop named Sabaricus, being driven
      from his own see by the Arabs, was given that of Mindumetum by
      Alfonso III. in 867,<a name="FNanchor_5_301" id=
      "FNanchor_5_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_301" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> and twenty years later a bishop named
      Sebastian received the see of Auria in the same way.<a name=
      "FNanchor_6_302" id="FNanchor_6_302"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_302" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      It is natural enough that the Moslems and the clergy of the
      Christian Church should be hostile to one another, but it is
      surprising to find—as we do find in some cases—the latter making
      common cause with the Arabs in ill-treating their
      fellow-countrymen and coreligionists. Thus, as we have seen,
      Hostegesis, relying on the support of the secular arm,<a name=
      "FNanchor_7_303" id="FNanchor_7_303"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_303" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> beat and imprisoned
      the clergy for withholding from him the Church tithes, dragging
      them through the city naked, with a crier crying before
      them:—"Such is the punishment of those who will not pay their
      tithes to their bishop."<a name="FNanchor_8_304" id=
      "FNanchor_8_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_304" class=
      "fnanchor">[8]</a> Bishops were even found to make episcopal
      visitations, getting the names of all their flock, as if with the
      intention of praying for them individually, and then to hand in
      their names to the civil power for the purpose of
      taxation.<a name="FNanchor_9_305" id=
      "FNanchor_9_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_305" class=
      "fnanchor">[9]</a> Others obtained from the Arabs the privilege
      of farming the revenues derived from Christian taxation, and
      cruelly oppressed their coreligionists.<a name="FNanchor_10_306"
      id="FNanchor_10_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_306" class=
      "fnanchor">[10]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_297" id="Footnote_1_297"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_297"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
        Christians in the North were vulgarly supposed by the Arabs not
        to wash. See Conde, i. 203—"It is related of these people of
        Galicia ... that they live like savages or wild beasts, and
        never wash either their persons or their garments."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_298" id="Footnote_2_298"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_298"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Chron.
        Albeld.," sec. 58—"Ordinem Gothorum sicuti Toleto fuerat
        statuit."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_299" id="Footnote_3_299"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_299"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Chron.
        Silense," sec. 72—"Eadem tempestate in Hispania omnis divinus
        cultus periit."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_300" id="Footnote_4_300"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_300"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> He was not
        defeated in his last battle, as is generally stated in
        histories.—See Al Makkari, ii. 197.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_301" id="Footnote_5_301"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_301"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Florez,
        "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 312.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_302" id="Footnote_6_302"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_302"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 244.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_303" id="Footnote_7_303"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_303"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
        "Praesidali manu fultus." Samson, ii. Pref. sec. 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_304" id="Footnote_8_304"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_304"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_305" id="Footnote_9_305"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_305"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, and Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_10_306" id="Footnote_10_306"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_10_306"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Eul.,
        1.1.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      These nefarious measures were backed up, even if they were not
      instigated, by Servandus, the Christian Count of Cordova. He was
      the son of a serf of the Church,<a name="FNanchor_1_307" id=
      "FNanchor_1_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_307" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> and married a cousin of Hostegesis.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_308" id="FNanchor_2_308"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_308" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Instead of championing
      the cause of the Christians, as his position should have impelled
      him to do, he went so far in the opposite direction as to call
      them up before him, and try to shake their attachment to
      Christianity—a religion, nominally at least, his own also. Those
      who held firm he forced to pay increased taxes, and even levied
      blackmail on the churches. He did not scruple to drag forth the
      bodies of martyrs from under the altars of churches, and, showing
      them to the king, to remind him that it had been forbidden to
      Christians to bury their martyrs.<a name="FNanchor_3_309" id=
      "FNanchor_3_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_309" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Following up the hostile measures instituted by Hostegesis
      against Samson and Valentius, he proceeded to accuse them of
      inciting the fanatics to revile Mohammed, urging that they should
      be tested with this dilemma. They should be asked whether what
      the revilers said were true or not. "If they answer, 'true,' let
      them be punished as well as the reviler; if 'false,' bid them
      slay the man themselves; refusing which, you will know that they
      have aided and abetted him to abuse your Prophet. In that case,
      give me permission, and I will slay the three myself."<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_310" id="FNanchor_4_310"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_310" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_307" id="Footnote_1_307"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_307"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        268.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_308" id="Footnote_2_308"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_308"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Samson,
        "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 5.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_309" id="Footnote_3_309"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_309"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Samson,
        1.1.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_310" id="Footnote_4_310"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_310"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 9. This same Servandus, the meanest of
        timeservers, seeing the Sultan's (Abdallah's) cause failing,
        deserted to the rebel Omar and his Christian following, and was
        killed at Polei(?)—Ibn Hayyan., apud Dozy, ii. 270. His Arab
        name was Sherbil, and he was beheaded at Cordova by the
        Arabs.—See De Gayangos' note on Al Mak., ii. 451, 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      We have had occasion to mention one or two cases of Church, and
      national, Councils held in Spain under the Arabs, and it will be
      worth while to enumerate all the instances which are recorded,
      that we may contrast them with those held under the Goths. It was
      one of the most characteristic features of the Old Church in
      Spain that it was united so closely with the civil power as
      almost to render the Government of Spain a theocracy. This
      intimate connection of Church and State was naturally overthrown
      by the Arab conquest; but the Moslem rulers, seeing how useful
      such institutions as general councils were likely to be in
      adjusting the relations between Mussulmans and Christians, both
      allowed purely ecclesiastical councils to be called under their
      jurisdiction, and also summoned others in which they took part
      themselves, together with Jews, to the great scandal of the
      stricter Christians.<a name="FNanchor_1_311" id=
      "FNanchor_1_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_311" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      To the purely ecclesiastical kind belong a council held at
      Seville by Elipandus<a name="FNanchor_2_312" id=
      "FNanchor_2_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_312" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> to condemn the errors of Migetius; and
      another, held by Cixila at Toledo in 776, against the errors of
      Egila, bishop of Elvira.<a name="FNanchor_3_313" id=
      "FNanchor_3_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_313" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> Whether Egila abjured his error is not known,
      but it is certain that he remained bishop.
    </p>
    <p>
      Elipandus is also said, but on very doubtful authority, to have
      held a council, whereat he renounced his own error of
      Adoptionism.<a name="FNanchor_4_314" id=
      "FNanchor_4_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_314" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_311" id="Footnote_1_311"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_311"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> We even
        find in 962 that the bishops of Toledo and Cordova had Moslem
        names, viz., Obeidollah ibn Kasim (Al Makkari, ii. 162), and
        Akbar ibn Abdallah. Dozy, iii. 99.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_312" id="Footnote_2_312"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_312"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The exact
        date is unknown. Fleury, ii. p. 235.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_313" id="Footnote_3_313"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_313"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Pseudo
        Luitprand," sec. 236, says—"Ad concilium ex omnibus Hispaniae
        partibus concurrunt." See also Pope Adrian I.'s Letter to the
        bishops of Spain in 785. Very little is known of this Egila,
        nor is it certain of what see he was the bishop.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_314" id="Footnote_4_314"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_314"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See below,
        p. 131 ad fin. and 166 ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But the other class of councils, partly ecclesiastical and partly
      political, seem to have been commoner, and we have already seen
      how Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, in conjunction with the
      Moslem authorities, held such a council, in order to coerce the
      fanatical party among the Christians; and we have a more
      particular account of another, which was held by Hostegesis,
      Bishop of Malaga, and Servandus, Count of Cordova.<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_315" id="FNanchor_1_315"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_315" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> This council seems to
      have had some connection with the preceding one under
      Reccafredus, for Servandus was a strong and unscrupulous opponent
      of the party led by Eulogius, while Samson was their devoted
      supporter, though he did not carry his opinions so far as to
      suffer martyrdom in his own person. Samson was now accused of
      heresy<a name="FNanchor_2_316" id="FNanchor_2_316"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_316" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and sacrilege, as has
      been already mentioned. Hostegesis forced his views on the
      assembled bishops by the help of the secular arm, and a sentence
      of anathema and deposition was accordingly pronounced against the
      unfortunate Abbot.<a name="FNanchor_3_317" id=
      "FNanchor_3_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_317" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> One of the apparently consenting bishops was
      Valentius, Bishop of Cordova, but his judgement had evidently
      been coerced, for after the close of the council he sounded the
      other consenting bishops, and some who had not attended, as to
      their opinions, and found that most of them were ready to affirm
      Samson's orthodoxy, and a memorial was drawn up to that effect
      This action of Valentius' brought upon him also a sentence of
      deposition, and he was succeeded by Stephanus Flaccus,<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_318" id="FNanchor_4_318"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_318" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>—the election of the
      latter being quite informal, as no metropolitan assisted
      thereat,<a name="FNanchor_5_319" id="FNanchor_5_319"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_319" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and neither the clergy
      nor laymen of his diocese made a petition in his favour.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_315" id="Footnote_1_315"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_315"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson,
        "Apol.," ii. Pref.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_316" id="Footnote_2_316"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_316"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> On the
        ground, among others, that he recognised "nescio quam
        similitudines (besides the Trinity) non creaturas sed
        creatores." These appear (chap, ix.) to have been merely
        qualities, such as wisdom, etc. See Samson, chap. iii.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_317" id="Footnote_3_317"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_317"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        "Indiscreta simplicitate et metu impiorum in superbiae fascibus
        sedentium."—<i>Ibid</i>. Samson was rendered incapable of
        holding office, or even of belonging to the
        Church.—<i>Ibid</i>.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_318" id="Footnote_4_318"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_318"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> In 864.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_319" id="Footnote_5_319"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_319"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See above,
        p. 8.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      This fresh deposition was formally sanctioned by a new council,
      held at the church of St Acislus; Flaccus, and some of those who
      had sided with Valentius, but were now terrified into submission,
      being in attendance; while the places of those who refused to
      come were taken by Jews and Moslems.<a name="FNanchor_1_320" id=
      "FNanchor_1_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_320" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> These high-handed proceedings nearly led to an
      open rupture in the Church.<a name="FNanchor_2_321" id=
      "FNanchor_2_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_321" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      In 914 a council is said to have been held (but on doubtful
      authority) by Orontius of Toledo,<a name="FNanchor_3_322" id=
      "FNanchor_3_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_322" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> and twenty years later by Basilius of Cordova.
      These would fall under the reign of the greatest of the Umeyyade
      Khalifs of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_4_323" id=
      "FNanchor_4_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_323" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_320" id="Footnote_1_320"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_320"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Sayones
        (?) in the Latin. Samson, chap. iii.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_321" id="Footnote_2_321"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_321"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 10.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_322" id="Footnote_3_322"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_322"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Pseudo
        Luit," sec. 328.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_323" id="Footnote_4_323"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_323"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i> sec. 341.
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      SPAIN UNDER ABDURRAHMAN III.
    </h3>
    <p>
      Abdurrahman III., Annasir Lidinillah (912-961), may be looked
      upon as the Solomon of the Spanish Sultans. Succeeding to the
      throne when quite a youth, to the exclusion of his uncles, the
      sons of the late Sultan, he found the country torn by innumerable
      factions, and the king's power openly defied by rebels, Arab,
      Berber, and Christian. In person, and through his generals, he
      put down all these rebels, and though not uniformly successful
      against the Christians in the North, yet he defeated them in a
      series of great engagements.<a name="FNanchor_1_324" id=
      "FNanchor_1_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_324" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> He welded all the discordant elements under
      his rule into one great whole,<a name="FNanchor_2_325" id=
      "FNanchor_2_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_325" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> thereby giving the Arab domination in Spain
      another lease of life. In 929 he took the title of Amir al
      Mumenin, or Commander of the Faithful. His alliance was sought by
      the Emperor of the East,<a name="FNanchor_3_326" id=
      "FNanchor_3_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_326" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> and he treated on equal terms with the Emperor
      of Germany and the King of France. To this great king, with more
      truth than to his namesake Abdurrahman II., may be applied the
      words of Miss Yonge:—<a name="FNanchor_4_327" id=
      "FNanchor_4_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_327" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      "He was of that type of Eastern monarch, that seems moulded on
      the character of Solomon—large-hearted, wise, magnificent,
      tolerant, and peaceful. He was as great a contrast to the stern,
      ascetic, narrow-minded, but earnest Alfonso or Ramiro, as were
      the exquisite horse-shoe arches, filagree stonework lattices,
      inlaid jewellery of marble pavements, and slender minarets, to
      their dark vault-like, low-browed churches, and solid castles
      built out of hard unmanageable granite."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_324" id="Footnote_1_324"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_324"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mutonia
        (918); Calaborra; Vale de Junqueras (921).
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_325" id="Footnote_2_325"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_325"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        351, from an Arab writer.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_326" id="Footnote_3_326"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_326"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> A very
        interesting account of this embassy from Constantine VII. (947)
        is given in Al Makkari, ii. 137, from Ibn Khaldun.—-See Conde,
        i. 442.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_327" id="Footnote_4_327"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_327"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> P. 57.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      We find in this king none of that suspicious jealousy which we
      saw in Mohammed, even though Omar, the arch rebel, and Christian
      renegade, still held out at Bobastro, when he ascended the
      throne; and his treatment of Christians was, throughout his
      reign, tolerant and politic.
    </p>
    <p>
      But his claims in this respect will be best seen from a very
      interesting fragment that has come down to our own times,
      describing the embassy of a certain John of Gorz, a monk from an
      abbey near Metz, who carried letters from Otho, emperor of
      Germany, to the Spanish Sultan.<a name="FNanchor_1_328" id=
      "FNanchor_1_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_328" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      In 950 Abdurrahman had sent an embassy to the emperor. A bishop
      who had been at the head of this embassy died, and this seems to
      have caused a delay in the answer. As the Khalif's letter
      contained blasphemies against Christ, it was determined to write
      a reply in the king's name, such as might perhaps convince
      Abdurrahman of the error of his ways. A certain bishop, Adalbero,
      was appointed to be at the head of the return embassy,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_329" id="FNanchor_2_329"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_329" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and he asks the abbot
      of the monastery of Gorz to give him two assistants. Two are
      chosen, but one of these quarrels with his superior, and is
      expelled from the body; whereupon John offers himself as a
      substitute. The abbot only gives his consent to John's going with
      great reluctance, knowing that the young monk had an ardent
      longing to be a martyr, if he could only get the opportunity.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_328" id="Footnote_1_328"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_328"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "Vita
        Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis," 973, by John, Abbot of Arnulph.
        "Migne," vol. cxxxvii., pp. 239-310.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_329" id="Footnote_2_329"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_329"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In 953.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Going through Lyons, and by ship to Barcelona, the ambassadors
      reached the frontier town, Tortosa, and at last got to Cordova,
      where they were assigned a house two miles from the palace, and,
      though well entertained, were informed, to their dismay, that, as
      the Moorish ambassadors had been made to wait three years for an
      answer, Otho's messengers would have to wait nine years.
      Moreover, they now discovered that the king had been already
      apprised of the contents of the letter, which Otho had sent, by a
      comrade of the late ambassador-bishop, whom John and his
      companions had taken with them to Barcelona.
    </p>
    <p>
      The king employs Hasdai, a Jew, as his go-between; who warns them
      not to divulge the contents of the letter, as it would make them
      liable to punishment; for the letter contained what Moslems would
      consider blasphemy against their Prophet. Soon after this John,
      the Bishop of Cordova, is sent to them to suggest that they
      should carry their gifts to the king, and say nothing of the
      letter. But John of Gorz stoutly refused to do this, saying that
      the delivery of the letter was his chief duty, and that as
      Abdurrahman had begun by reviling Christ, he must not be
      surprised at Otho's retaliating against Mohammed. However, John
      of Cordova begs him to remember the position in which the
      Christians stood, viz., under Pagan rule. "We are forbidden," he
      said, "by the apostle to resist the powers that be. In our
      calamity, we have this one consolation, we are allowed to observe
      our own laws and rites, and our rulers, if they see us diligent
      in our religion, honour us, cherish us, and delight in our
      society, while they abhor the Jews. As our religion, then,
      suffers no harm at their hands, let us obey the Moslems in other
      things." The bishop was anxious, therefore, that the letter
      should be suppressed, as calculated to do harm to the Christian
      community, and no good to Otho. His advice, however, fell on deaf
      ears. The monk of Gorz was resolved on doing what he deemed his
      plain duty; nor was he content to forego his chance of martyrdom,
      though his action might entail disastrous consequences on the
      Christians subject to the Moors. He taunted the bishop with
      giving his advice from a fear of man. "Better die of hunger than
      eat the salt of unbelievers;" and expressed horror at the fact
      that the bishop was circumcised, and also abstained from certain
      meats in deference to Moslem scruples. It was in vain that the
      bishop pointed out that otherwise they could not live with the
      Saracens.
    </p>
    <p>
      John of Gorz now expressed his intention of delivering the letter
      forthwith; but the king denied the ambassadors an audience,
      leaving them to themselves for six or seven weeks. Early in 955,
      however, the king sent to them, and asked if they held firm to
      their previous resolve, and on receiving an answer in the
      affirmative, he threatened all the Christians in his dominions
      with loss of privileges and even death. John of Gorz merely
      answers that the guilt would be on the king's head; but the
      latter is persuaded to milder counsels by his advisers, who
      remind him of Otho's power, and the certainty that he would
      interfere in favour of his ambassadors.
    </p>
    <p>
      John of Gorz now proposes the only practicable course, that
      Abdurrahman should send a fresh embassy to Otho and ask for
      instructions for his ambassadors under the circumstances.
      Recemundus,<a name="FNanchor_1_330" id=
      "FNanchor_1_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_330" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> a Christian, offers to go as ambassador, if a
      vacant bishopric be given him as a reward. He sets out and
      reaches Gorz in February 956. Otho gives him a fresh letter, with
      instructions to suppress the former one, to conclude an alliance
      with the Sultan, and make an arrangement with him for putting
      down the brigands who infested the marches.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_330" id="Footnote_1_330"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_330"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De
        Gayangos, on Al Makkari, ii. p. 464, identifies him with Rabi,
        a bishop mentioned as an ambassador of Abdurrahman III. in Al
        Makkari, i. 236, ii. 139; but Rabi may have been the bishop who
        died during the embassy to Otho. Recemundus, as De Gayangos
        (1.1.) says, was a katib or clerk of the palace.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Leaving Gorz with Dudo, the emperor's legate, on March 30, he
      reached Cordova on June 1st, but the Sultan declined to receive
      the second comers till he had received the earlier embassy. So,
      after three years semi-captivity, John is released, and told to
      prepare himself for the king's presence by shaving, washing, and
      putting on new apparel. He declines to go in any otherwise than
      he is; and even when the king, thinking his refusal due to
      poverty, sends him a sum of money, the monk accepts the gift and
      distributes it to the poor, but says he will only see the king as
      a poor monk. The king good-naturedly said: "Let him come as he
      likes." On June 21, 956, the ambassadors were conducted to the
      king's presence along a road thronged with sight-seers. The steps
      of the palace were laid down with tapestry, and a guard of honour
      lined both sides of the approach. On John's entrance, the king,
      as a great mark of distinction, gave him his open palm to kiss,
      and beckoned him to a seat near his own couch. After a silence
      Abdurrahman apologised to the monk for the long delay which he
      had been obliged to impose on the embassy, and which was in no
      sense due to disrespect for John himself, whose virtue and wisdom
      he could not but acknowledge. As a proof that this was no mere
      empty compliment, the king expressed his readiness to give him
      whatever he asked. John's wrath vanishes at these gracious words,
      and they talk amicably together. But when the monk asks leave to
      depart Abdurrahman says:—"After waiting so long to see one
      another, shall we part so soon?" He suggests that they should
      have at least three interviews. At their next meeting they
      discourse on the respective power of the empires of Otho and the
      Khalif himself; and the Sultan, taught by the experience of
      Spain, points out the unwisdom of allowing feudal subjects to
      become too powerful, by dividing kingdoms between them.
    </p>
    <p>
      So ends this unique and interesting fragment, which throws so
      pleasant a light on the character and the Court of the greatest
      of Spanish Sultans, and proves that the Christians at that time
      enjoyed considerable freedom, and even honour, at the hands of
      the Moslem Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      The reason why the king was unwilling to receive the first letter
      brought by John was not so much because he was reluctant to read
      words against Mohammed, as because he would by so doing render
      himself liable to the penalty of death, which was ordained by law
      to any Moslem—king or slave—who listened to abuse of the Prophet
      without exacting summary vengeance from the blasphemer. But—and
      here was the king's dilemma—he could not punish the ambassadors
      without incurring the enmity of Otho. The only possible
      alternative was that suggested by John, that Otho should be asked
      to withdraw the objectionable letter, without the Sultan having
      officially read it, and this Abdurrahman adopted. The moderation
      of the king is conspicuous throughout, for we must regard the
      threat against the Christians as merely a threat, never really
      intended to be put into execution.
    </p>
    <p>
      In showing tolerance towards their Christian subjects, the
      Spanish khalifs might be thought to have forgotten the traditions
      of Islam; but, as a matter of fact, Mohammed seems to have been
      very inconsistent in his views with regard to Christians and Jews
      at different times of his career, and while he enjoined the
      necessity of Holy Wars,<a name="FNanchor_1_331" id=
      "FNanchor_1_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_331" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> he permitted the people of the book to be
      admitted to tribute.<a name="FNanchor_2_332" id=
      "FNanchor_2_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_332" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> In one passage he even seems to allow the
      possibility of salvation to Jews, Christians, and Sabians:
      "Verily they who believe, and those who Judaize, and the Sabians,
      and the Christians—whoever of these believeth in God and the last
      day, and doeth that which is right—there shall come no fear on
      them, neither shall they be grieved."<a name="FNanchor_3_333" id=
      "FNanchor_3_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_333" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> And there is one remarkable text to find in
      the mouth of Mohammed, "Let there be no violence in religion."
      <a name="FNanchor_4_334" id="FNanchor_4_334"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_334" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Moreover, some of the best Mohammedan rulers that have ever lived
      upheld the same principle of toleration. Abbas II., one of the
      Persian Sufis, is reported to have said: "It is for God, not for
      me, to judge of men's consciences, and I will never interfere
      with what belongs to the tribunal of the great Creator and Lord
      of the Universe."<a name="FNanchor_5_335" id=
      "FNanchor_5_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_335" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> Again, Akbar, one of the greatest kings that
      ever lived, followed in practice the principle thus expressed by
      his minister, Abul Fazl: "Persecution after all defeats its own
      ends; it obliges men to conceal their opinions, but produces no
      change in them."<a name="FNanchor_6_336" id=
      "FNanchor_6_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_336" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> Noble sentiments surely, and such as we should
      expect from followers of Christ rather than of Mohammed!
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_331" id="Footnote_1_331"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_331"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Tradition
        attributes even stronger approval of Holy Wars to Mohammed than
        can be found in the Koran,—<i>e.g.</i>, "The sword is the key
        of Paradise and Hell. A drop of blood shed in the cause of God,
        a night spent in arms, are of more avail than two months of
        fasting and prayer. Whoever falls in battle against the
        infidel, his sins are forgiven him."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_332" id="Footnote_2_332"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_332"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Koran,
        xlvii., ad init.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_333" id="Footnote_3_333"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_333"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Koran, v.,
        v. 73. This may be said in the general sense of Acts x. 35.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_334" id="Footnote_4_334"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_334"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran,
        ii., v. 258.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_335" id="Footnote_5_335"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_335"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See
        Freeman's "Saracens," p. 230; from Malcolm's "Persia," i. p
        583.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_336" id="Footnote_6_336"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_336"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, from "Ayeen Akbery," p. 11.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Yet far too often have portions of the Christian Church been
      conspicuous for intolerance rather than tolerance. Alcuin,
      indeed, does say in his letter to Aquila, Bishop of Winchester,
      that he does not approve of punishing heresy with death, because
      God, by the mouth of His prophet, had said: "I have no pleasure
      in the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way
      and live;"<a name="FNanchor_1_337" id=
      "FNanchor_1_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_337" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> but Alcuin was a man of unusual mildness and
      sweet reasonableness, as his letters to Felix and Elipandus
      testify. On the other hand, there were too many frantic bigots in
      the Church, like Arnold of Citeaux, whose impious words, in
      connection with the massacre of Albigensians, are not likely to
      be forgotten—"Slay all; God will know His own."
    </p>
    <p>
      In fact, so opposed did the Christian spirit come to be to the
      Mohammedan in this respect, that their toleration was made a
      principal argument against the Moors by the Archbishop of
      Valencia in his memorial to Philip III. at the end of the
      sixteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_2_338" id=
      "FNanchor_2_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_338" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      A very melancholy instance of bigotry and intolerance is afforded
      by Bernard, a French monk, who was made Archbishop of Toledo by
      Alfonso, on the capture of that city in 1085. By the treaty of
      capitulation certain mosques had been expressly reserved to the
      Moslems, just in the same way as certain churches had been
      reserved for the Christians by Musa in 712. But Bernard, by way
      of showing his zeal in the cause of God, in defiance of the
      king's plighted word, chose to perform mass in the chief mosque.
      Alfonso was furiously angry when he heard of his archbishop's
      proceedings, but the Moslems, with wonderful forbearance, seeing
      that the king had not authorised Bernard's outrageous conduct,
      came forward of their own accord and begged him to pardon the
      act, and even voluntarily surrendered their mosque.<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_339" id="FNanchor_3_339"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_339" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Not only were the Christians allowed to practise their religion,
      but even, as we have seen above, encouraged in it.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_340" id="FNanchor_4_340"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_340" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Almanzor, the champion
      of Islam, allowed his Christian servants to rest on Sundays.
      Christians in every reign held high posts at court<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_341" id="FNanchor_5_341"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_341" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and throughout the
      land, and not only timeserving Christians but men like Samson and
      Leovigild, who were known to sympathise with the party of
      zealots, were employed by the king to write letters to, and
      negotiate with, the neighbouring kings. This was no doubt due to
      their general trustworthiness, their quickness, and their
      knowledge of Arabic as well as Latin.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_337" id="Footnote_1_337"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_337"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ezekiel
        xxxiii. 11.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_338" id="Footnote_2_338"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_338"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
        "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 376, n.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_339" id="Footnote_3_339"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_339"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Mariana,
        ix. 10.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_340" id="Footnote_4_340"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_340"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See p. 57.
        Recent history affords a similar instance from the Christian
        side. See "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 54—"I have made them
        make a mosque, and keep the Ramadhan." <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 249, "I
        had the mosque cleared out and restored for worship, and
        endowed the priests and crier, and had a great ceremony at the
        opening of it.... They blessed me and cursed Zebehr Pasha who
        took the mosque from them. To me it appears that the Mussulman
        worships God as well as I do, and is as acceptable, if sincere,
        as any Christian."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_341" id="Footnote_5_341"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_341"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Such as
        secretary, farmer of taxes, or even prime minister.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Among the great functionaries of state there was one who held the
      office of Kitabatu-dh-dhimam, which, being interpreted, is "the
      office of protection." The Christians and Jews were under his
      general jurisdiction, and were called "the people of the
      protection."<a name="FNanchor_1_342" id=
      "FNanchor_1_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_342" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> But besides this Arab "Secretary of State for
      the Christians," the latter had their own counts—a relic of the
      Gothic system—who, however, did not always stand up for their
      interests.<a name="FNanchor_2_343" id=
      "FNanchor_2_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_343" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> There were also Christian censors,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_344" id="FNanchor_3_344"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_344" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> but it is not known
      what position they held in the State.
    </p>
    <p>
      The young Christian cadets of noble birth were brought up at
      Court, and numbers of Sclavonian Christians served in the king's
      bodyguard, of whom under Hakem I. (796-822) there were
      2000.<a name="FNanchor_4_345" id="FNanchor_4_345"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_345" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_342" id="Footnote_1_342"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_342"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        i. p. 103; and De Gayangos' note, p. 398.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_343" id="Footnote_2_343"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_343"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>E.g.</i>. Servandus. Cp. also Cyprianus.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_344" id="Footnote_3_344"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_344"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See above,
        p. 49.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_345" id="Footnote_4_345"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_345"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i.
        p. 260.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      All things considered, it is a matter for surprise that these two
      peoples, so unlike in race, habits, prejudices, and religion,
      lived so comparatively quietly side by side in spite of a
      perpetual state of warfare between the Arabs and the Christians
      in the North, which tended to keep alive the animosities of the
      two races in that part of Spain which was under Mohammedan
      rule.<a name="FNanchor_1_346" id="FNanchor_1_346"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_346" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover, the pride of
      race was very strong in the pure-blooded Arabs. Thus the poet
      Said ibn Djoud, in a poem called the "battle of the town"
      (Polei), boasts that the conquerors are of the pure race of Adnan
      and Kahtan, without any foreign admixture; while he calls the
      defeated Spaniards miscreants, followers of a false
      faith,<a name="FNanchor_2_347" id="FNanchor_2_347"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_347" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> sons of the
      pale-faces. The haughty Arabs, in fact, were too prone to look
      upon all the Spaniards, both renegades and Christians, as mere
      canaille.<a name="FNanchor_3_348" id=
      "FNanchor_3_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_348" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      But, in spite of this, the races to a certain extent amalgamated;
      and Eulogius endeavours to prove that, but for the outbreak of
      fanaticism in the middle of the ninth century, this amalgamation
      would have had serious results for Christianity in Spain.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_349" id="FNanchor_4_349"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_349" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      The Arabs did not disdain to seek the alliance of the free
      Christian States, nor were the latter averse from doing the same,
      when political occasion demanded it. As early as 798 the Walis of
      the frontier cities sought to make themselves independent by what
      the Arab writer describes as "vile policy and unworthy acts,"
      <i>i.e.</i>, by seeking the friendship of the Christian
      kings;<a name="FNanchor_5_350" id="FNanchor_5_350"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_350" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and there are many
      instances of these kings asking aid, even servilely, from Arab
      princes.<a name="FNanchor_6_351" id="FNanchor_6_351"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_351" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_346" id="Footnote_1_346"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_346"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        108, puts the distinction between the races very forcibly:—"Ce
        peuple qui joignait à une gaité franche et vive une sensualité
        raffinée devait inspirer aux prêtres, qui aimaient les
        retraites éternelles et profondes, les grands renoncéments et
        les terribles expiations, une répugnance extrême et
        invincible."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_347" id="Footnote_2_347"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_347"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        223.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_348" id="Footnote_3_348"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_348"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "C'était
        leur terme consacrée." Dozy, ii. 211.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_349" id="Footnote_4_349"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_349"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Heu pro
        dolor! quia esse sub Gentibus delicias computamus, iugumque cum
        infidelibus ducere non renitimur. Et inde ex cotidiano usu
        illorum sacrilegiis plerumque utimur et magis ipsorum
        contubernia affectamus."—Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. 18.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_350" id="Footnote_5_350"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_350"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i.
        244: "Chron. Alb.," vi. sec. 58: "Chron. Lib.," sec. 30.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_351" id="Footnote_6_351"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_351"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. 161, Ordono the Bad and Hakem II.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Again, as was inevitable from the nature of the case,
      intermarriages were common between the two races. The example was
      early set by the widow of Roderic, the last Gothic king, marrying
      Abdulaziz, son of Musa. The sons of Witiza also married Arab
      women, and Sarah, the daughter of one of these princes, was the
      progenetrix of a noble family of Arabs, one of her descendants
      being the historian, Ibn al Kuttiya, which means son of the
      Gothic princess.<a name="FNanchor_1_352" id=
      "FNanchor_1_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_352" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> Abdurrahman Anassir, the greatest of all the
      Spanish Sultans, was the son of a Christian slave, named
      Maria,<a name="FNanchor_2_353" id="FNanchor_2_353"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_353" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and the mighty
      Almanzor had for grandmother the daughter of a renegade
      Christian.<a name="FNanchor_3_354" id=
      "FNanchor_3_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_354" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> These are some instances, but it is not
      necessary to dwell on what was so common an occurrence as
      intermarriage between the peoples, and is forbidden neither by
      the Koran,<a name="FNanchor_4_355" id=
      "FNanchor_4_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_355" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> nor by the Bible.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, there is one point in this connection which deserves a
      more particular notice. The intermingling of the races has been
      supposed to have been facilitated in part by the yearly tribute
      of 100 maidens paid by the northern kings to the earlier Arab
      Sultans. Modern historians mostly throw doubt upon the story,
      saying that of the early historians none mention it, and that the
      Arabs do not even allude to it.<a name="FNanchor_5_356" id=
      "FNanchor_5_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_356" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> But if Conde is to be trusted, an Arab writer
      does speak of it, as of a thing well known. In a letter of
      Omar<a name="FNanchor_6_357" id="FNanchor_6_357"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_357" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> ibn Alaftas Almudafar,
      King of Algarve, to Alfonso VI., in 1086, occur the words:—"Do
      thou remember the time of Mohammed Almanzor, and bring to thy
      mind those treaties wherein thy forefathers offered him the
      homage even of their own daughters, and sent him those damsels in
      tribute even to the land of our rule."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_352" id="Footnote_1_352"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_352"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. 15, 22, and De Gayangos' note, p. 454.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_353" id="Footnote_2_353"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_353"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Conde, i.
        364.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_354" id="Footnote_3_354"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_354"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
        124.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_355" id="Footnote_4_355"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_355"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, v.
        5:—"Ye are allowed to marry free women of those that have
        received the Scriptures before you."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_356" id="Footnote_5_356"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_356"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dunham,
        ii. 131: Romey's "Histoire d'Espagne," iii. 276.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_357" id="Footnote_6_357"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_357"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Conde, ii.
        238: Al Makkari, ii. 256, calls him Omar ibn Mohammed etc ibn
        Alafthas Almutawakkel, King of Badajos.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The maiden tribute is the subject of several ancient ballads by
      the Christian Spaniards. The following are two verses from one of
      these:—
    </p>
    <p>
      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"For he who gives the Moorish
      king a hundred maids of Spain</span>
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Each year when in the season the
      day comes round again;</span>
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">If he be not a heathen he swells
      the heathen's train—</span>
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">'Twere better burn a kingdom than
      suffer such disdain!</span>
      <br />
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"If the Moslems must have
      tribute, make men your tribute-money,</span>
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Send idle drones to tease them
      within their hives of honey;</span>
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">For, when 'tis paid with maidens,
      from every maid there spring</span>
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Some five or six strong soldiers
      to serve the Moorish king."<a name="FNanchor_1_358" id=
      "FNanchor_1_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_358" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a></span>
      <br />
    </p>
    <p>
      Southey also says that the only old Portuguese ballad known to
      him was on this subject. The evidence, then, of the ballads is
      strong for a fact of this kind, telling, too, as it does, so much
      against the writers of the ballads.<a name="FNanchor_2_359" id=
      "FNanchor_2_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_359" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      As to the Christian chroniclers, it is quite true that we find no
      mention of this tribute in the history of Sebastian of Salamanca
      and the Chronicle of Albeldum, but there is a direct allusion to
      it in a document included in the collection of Florez.<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_360" id="FNanchor_3_360"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_360" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "Our ancestors," says
      Ramiro, "the kings of the land—we blush to record it—to free
      themselves from the raids of the Saracens, consented to pay them
      yearly a shameful tribute of a hundred maidens distinguished for
      their beauty, fifty of noble birth, and fifty from the people."
      It was to put an end to this nefarious tribute that Ramiro now
      ordered a levy <i>en masse</i>. This, if the document is genuine
      (and Florez gives no hint to the contrary), is good evidence for
      the fact. Many succeeding writers mention it. Lucas of
      Tuy<a name="FNanchor_4_361" id="FNanchor_4_361"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_361" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> says that Ramiro was
      asked for the tribute in 842. Johannes Vasaeus<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_362" id="FNanchor_5_362"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_362" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> speaks of it, as also
      Alfonso, Bishop of Burgos;<a name="FNanchor_6_363" id=
      "FNanchor_6_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_363" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> and lastly, Rodrigo of Toledo<a name=
      "FNanchor_7_364" id="FNanchor_7_364"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_364" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> says that Mauregatus
      (783-788), having obtained the throne of Leon by Saracen help,
      agreed to send this tribute yearly.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the whole, then, the evidence is in favour of the maiden
      tribute being no myth, but of its having been regularly paid for
      more than fifty years. Most of these Christian maidens probably
      embraced the religion of their husbands, but in some cases they
      no doubt converted them to their own faith.
    </p>
    <p>
      From different causes, some of which will be mentioned elsewhere,
      conversions were frequent from one religion to the other. Motives
      of worldly interest naturally caused the balance in these to fall
      very much against the Christians, but as the Mohammedan power
      declined the opposite was the case. Though voluntary apostasy
      was, and is, unpardonable, Mohammed seems to have made allowances
      for those who apostatized under compulsion; for when one of his
      followers, Ammar ibn Yaser, being tortured by the Koreish,
      renounced his belief in God and in Mohammed's mission, but
      afterwards came weeping to the Prophet, Mohammed received him
      kindly, and, wiping his eyes, said: "What fault was it of thine,
      if they forced thee?"<a name="FNanchor_8_365" id=
      "FNanchor_8_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_365" class=
      "fnanchor">[8]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_358" id="Footnote_1_358"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_358"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Lockhart.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_359" id="Footnote_2_359"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_359"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Unless the
        ballads were written later than 1250—<i>i.e.</i>, after Rodrigo
        of Toledo had made the story known by his history.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_360" id="Footnote_3_360"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_360"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Espana
        Sagrada," xix. 329—"Privilegiam quod dicitur votoram, anno 844
        a rege Ranemiro I., ecclesiae B. Jacobi concessae."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_361" id="Footnote_4_361"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_361"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Lucas
        Tudensis, "Chronicon Mundi," bk. iv.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_362" id="Footnote_5_362"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_362"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Hispaniae
        Chronicon," 783 A.D.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_363" id="Footnote_6_363"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_363"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
        "Anacephalaiosis," sec. 51.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_364" id="Footnote_7_364"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_364"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> III. c. 7.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_365" id="Footnote_8_365"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_365"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Koran,
        xvi. ver. 109, Sale's note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      THE MUWALLADS.
    </h3>
    <p>
      That the conversions from Christianity to Islam were very
      numerous at first we can sufficiently gather from the fact that
      the new converts formed a large and important party in the State,
      and almost succeeded in wresting the government of Spain from the
      Arabs. The disorder and civil war which may almost be said to
      have been chronic in Spain during the Arab dominion were due to
      the fact that three distinct races settled in that country were
      striving for the mastery, each of these races being itself
      divided into two bitterly hostile factions. The Arabs were split
      up into the two factions of Yemenite or Beladi Arabs, the
      descendants of Kahtan, and Modharites, the Arabs of Mecca and
      Medina, who claimed descent from Adnan.<a name="FNanchor_1_366"
      id="FNanchor_1_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_366" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> To the latter section belonged the reigning
      family of Umeyyades. The Berbers, who looked upon themselves as
      the real conquerors of Spain, and whose numbers were subsequently
      reinforced by fresh immigrations, were composed of two hostile
      tribes of Botar and Beranis. Thirdly, there were the Spaniards,
      part Christian, part Mohammedan; the latter being either
      renegades themselves or the descendants of renegades. These
      apostates were called by the Arabs Mosalimah, or New
      Moslems,<a name="FNanchor_2_367" id="FNanchor_2_367"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_367" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and their descendants
      Muwallads,<a name="FNanchor_3_368" id=
      "FNanchor_3_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_368" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> or those not of Arabic origin. The Christians
      were either tribute-paying Christians, called Ahlu dh dhimmah; or
      free Christians, under Moslem supremacy, called Ajemi;<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_369" id="FNanchor_4_369"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_369" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or apostates from
      Islam,<a name="FNanchor_5_370" id="FNanchor_5_370"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_370" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> called Muraddin. The
      Muwallads, in spite of the Mohammedan doctrine of the equality
      and brotherhood of Moslems, were looked down upon with the utmost
      contempt by the pure-blooded Arabs.<a name="FNanchor_6_371" id=
      "FNanchor_6_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_371" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> Their condition was even worse than that of
      the Christians, for they were, generally speaking, excluded from
      lucrative posts, and from all administration of affairs—a
      dangerous policy, considering that they formed a majority of the
      population.<a name="FNanchor_7_372" id=
      "FNanchor_7_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_372" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> Stronger and more humane than the Berbers,
      they were friends of order and civilization. Intellectually they
      were even superior to the conquering Arabs.<a name=
      "FNanchor_8_373" id="FNanchor_8_373"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_373" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      The natural result of their being Spaniards by race, and Arabs by
      religion, was that they sided now with one faction and now with
      another, and at one time, under the weak Abdallah (888-912), were
      the mainstay of the Sultan against his rebellious subjects. After
      breaking with the Sultan they almost succeeded in gaining
      possession of the whole kingdom, and carried fire and desolation
      to the very gates of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_9_374" id=
      "FNanchor_9_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_374" class=
      "fnanchor">[9]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_366" id="Footnote_1_366"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_366"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See above,
        p. 23, note 3.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_367" id="Footnote_2_367"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_367"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. "New
        Christians."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_368" id="Footnote_3_368"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_368"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pronounced
        Mulads, hence Mulatto. The word means "adopted."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_369" id="Footnote_4_369"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_369"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. 446. De Gayangos' note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_370" id="Footnote_5_370"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_370"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. 458.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_371" id="Footnote_6_371"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_371"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cp.
        "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 300. "... the only regret is
        that I am a Christian. Yet they would be the first to despise
        me if I recanted and became a Mussulman." An Arab poet calls
        them "sons of slaves," Dozy, ii. 258.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_372" id="Footnote_7_372"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_372"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> So Dozy,
        ii. p. 52. But perhaps he meant "of the Arab population."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_373" id="Footnote_8_373"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_373"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        261.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_374" id="Footnote_9_374"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_374"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. p. 458. De Gayangos' note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      As early as 805 the Muwallads of Cordova, incited by certain
      theologians, revolted under Hakem I., but the rising was
      suppressed. In 814, however, they again rose, and the rebellion
      being put down with great severity by the help of the Berbers,
      the Cordovan Muwallads were exiled, 1500 going to Alexandria, and
      8000 to Fez.<a name="FNanchor_1_375" id=
      "FNanchor_1_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_375" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> But though exterminated in Cordova, the
      renegades still mustered strong in Spain. At Elvira they rose in
      Abdallah's reign, under a chief named Nabil, and threw off the
      Arab yoke;<a name="FNanchor_2_376" id=
      "FNanchor_2_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_376" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> and, previously to this, Abdurrahman ibn
      Merwan ibn Yunas and Sadoun had headed similar revolts at Badajos
      and Merida.<a name="FNanchor_3_377" id=
      "FNanchor_3_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_377" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> At Seville the Muwallad element was specially
      strong, as we see from the many family names, such as Beni
      Angelino, Beni Sabarico, which betray a Spanish origin. The
      majority of the inhabitants embraced Islam early, and had their
      mosque by the middle of the ninth century, but they retained many
      Spanish customs and characteristics. When the Arabs of Seville
      revolted against the Sultan, the renegade party joined the
      latter. At Saragoza, the Beni Kasi, descendants of a noble Gothic
      family, set up an independent kindgom, waging war indifferently
      with all their neighbours.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_375" id="Footnote_1_375"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_375"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, App.
        B to vol. ii. Hakem was called Al rabadhi (=he of the suburb)
        from this.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_376" id="Footnote_2_376"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_376"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Ihn
        Hayyan, apud Al Makkari, ii. 446, ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_377" id="Footnote_3_377"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_377"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In 875.
        "Chron Albel.," sec. 62. Dozy, ii. 184.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      It does not come within the scope of this inquiry to trace out
      the history of all the revolts made by the Arabs or Berbers
      against the Sultan's authority, but the policy and position of
      the Muwallads and Christians are a necessary part of our subject.
      The latter, though well treated on the whole, naturally looked
      back with regret to the days of their own supremacy, and were
      ready to intrigue with anyone able to assist them against their
      Arab rulers. Accordingly we find them communicating with the
      kings of France; and there is still extant a letter from Louis
      the Debonnaire to the people of Merida, written in 826, which is
      as follows:— "We have heard of your tribulation, which you suffer
      from the cruelty of your king Abdurrahman, who has tried to take
      away your goods, and has oppressed you just as his father Abulaz
      did. He, making you pay unjust taxes, which you were not bound to
      pay, turned you from friends into enemies, and from obedient to
      disobedient vassels, inasmuch as he infringed your liberties. But
      you, like brave men, we hear, are resisting the tyrant, and we
      write now to condole with you, and to exhort you to continue your
      resistance, and since your king is our enemy as well as yours,
      let us join in opposing him.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We purpose to send an army to the frontier next summer to wait
      there till you give us the signal for action. Know then that, if
      you will desert him and join us, your ancient liberties shall be
      secured to you, and you shall be free of all taxes and tributes,
      and shall live under your own laws."<a name="FNanchor_1_378" id=
      "FNanchor_1_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_378" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      The army promised was sent under the king's son, but seems to
      have effected nothing.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the period of religious disturbance at Cordova, when the
      voluntary martyrdoms became so frequent, and just at the time of
      Mohammed's accession, the Christians of Toledo, encouraged, we
      may suppose, by their proximity to the free Christians, revolted
      in favour of their coreligionists at Cordova. No wonder then that
      Mohammed imagined that the outbreak of fanaticism in Cordova was
      but the signal for a general mutiny of his Christian subjects. As
      we have already seen, the king set out with an army against the
      Toledans, who appealed to Ordono I. of Leon for help. Glad enough
      to get such an opportunity for weakening the Arab government,
      Ordono sent a large auxiliary force, but the Toledans and
      Leonnese were defeated with great slaughter by the Sultan's
      troops.<a name="FNanchor_2_379" id="FNanchor_2_379"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_379" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Within twenty years,
      however, Toledo became practically independent, except for the
      payment of tribute.<a name="FNanchor_3_380" id=
      "FNanchor_3_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_380" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_378" id="Footnote_1_378"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_378"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Apud
        Florez, "Españo Sagrada."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_379" id="Footnote_2_379"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_379"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        162.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_380" id="Footnote_3_380"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_380"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid</i>, p. 182.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      From all this it will be clear that the Spanish part of the
      population, whether Moslem or Christian, was opposed to the
      exclusiveness of the old Arabs, and ready to make common cause
      against them. The unity of race prevailed over the difference of
      creed, as it did in the case of the English Roman Catholics in
      the war with Spain, and as it usually will under such
      circumstances. The national party were fortunate enough to find
      an able leader in the person of the celebrated rebel, Omar ibn
      Hafsun, who came near to wresting the sovereignty of Spain from
      the hands of the Umeyyades. Omar was descended from a Count
      Alfonso,<a name="FNanchor_1_381" id="FNanchor_1_381"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_381" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and his family had
      been Christians till the apostasy of his grandfather Djaffar.
      Omar, being a wild unmanageable youth, took up the lucrative and
      honourable profession of bandit, his headquarters being at
      Bobastro or Bishter, a stronghold somewhere between Archidona and
      Ronda, in the sierra stretching from Granada to
      Gibraltar.<a name="FNanchor_2_382" id=
      "FNanchor_2_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_382" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> After a brief sojourn in Africa, where his
      ambition was inflamed by a prophecy announcing a great future, he
      returned to Spain, and at once began business again as brigand at
      Bobastro with nearly 6000 men.<a name="FNanchor_3_383" id=
      "FNanchor_3_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_383" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> Being captured, he was brought to Cordova, but
      spared on condition of enlisting in the king's forces. But he
      soon escaped from Cordova, and became chief of all the Spaniards
      in the South, Moslem and Christian,<a name="FNanchor_4_384" id=
      "FNanchor_4_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_384" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> whose ardour he aroused by such words as
      these: "Too long have you borne the yoke of the Sultan, who
      spoils you of your goods, and taxes you beyond your means. Will
      you let yourselves be trampled on by the Arabs, who look upon you
      as their slaves? It is not ambition that prompts me to rebel, but
      a desire to avenge you and myself." To strengthen his cause he
      made alliances at different times with the Muwallads in Elvira,
      Seville, and Saragoza, and with the successful rebel, Abdurrahman
      ibn Merwan, in Badajos.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_381" id="Footnote_1_381"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_381"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        190.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_382" id="Footnote_2_382"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_382"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. 437. De Gayangos' note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_383" id="Footnote_3_383"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_383"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In 880 or
        881.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_384" id="Footnote_4_384"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_384"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See a
        description of him quoted by Stanley Lane-Poole ("Moors in
        Spain," p. 107) from an Arab writer: "Woe unto thee, Cordova!
        when the captain with the great nose and ugly face—he who is
        guarded before by Moslems, and behind by idolaters—when Ibn
        Hafsun comes before thy gates. Then will thine awful fate be
        accomplished."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Openly defying the Sultan's forces, he was only kept in check by
      Almundhir, the king's son, who succeeded his father in 886. Omar
      was further strengthened by the accession to his side of Sherbil,
      the Count of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_1_385" id=
      "FNanchor_1_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_385" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> The death of Almundhir in 888 removed from
      Omar's path his only able enemy, and, during Abdallah's weak
      reign, the rebel leader was virtual king of the south and east of
      Spain. The district of Regio<a name="FNanchor_2_386" id=
      "FNanchor_2_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_386" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> was made over to him by the king, and Omar's
      lieutenant, Ibn Mastarna, was made chief of Priejo.
    </p>
    <p>
      This protracted war, which was really one for national
      independence, was carried on year after year with varying
      success. At one time Omar conceived the intention of proclaiming
      the Abasside Khalifs,<a name="FNanchor_3_387" id=
      "FNanchor_3_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_387" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> at another he grasped at the royal power
      himself; and Abdallah's empire was only saved by a seasonable
      victory in 891 at Hisn Belay (or Espiel).<a name="FNanchor_4_388"
      id="FNanchor_4_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_388" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> The battle was fought on the eve of the
      Passover, and the Moslems taunted their enemies with having such
      a joyful feast, and so many victims to commemorate it with. This
      shows that a large, perhaps the largest, part of Omar's army was
      Christian. Another indication of this is found in a poem of
      Tarikh ibn Habib,<a name="FNanchor_5_389" id=
      "FNanchor_5_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_389" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> where, speaking of the coming destruction of
      Cordova, he says: "The safest place will then be the hill of Abu
      Abdu, where once stood a church," meaning that Omar's Christian
      soldiers would respect that sanctuary, and no other. Indeed, it
      is certain that Omar himself became a Christian some time before
      this battle,<a name="FNanchor_6_390" id=
      "FNanchor_6_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_390" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> as his father had done before him. He took the
      name of Samuel, and his daughter Argentea, as we have seen,
      suffered martyrdom. This change of creed on Omar's part changed
      the character of the war, and gave it more of a
      religious,<a name="FNanchor_7_391" id=
      "FNanchor_7_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_391" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> and perhaps less of a national, character, for
      the Spanish Moslems fell off from him, when he became Christian
      and built churches.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_385" id="Footnote_1_385"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_385"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Servandus.
        Al Makkari, ii. 456. De Gayangos' note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_386" id="Footnote_2_386"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_386"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Where
        Islam was almost extinct. Dozy, ii. 335.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_387" id="Footnote_3_387"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_387"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. p. 456. De Gayangos' note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_388" id="Footnote_4_388"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_388"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Ibn
        Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. p. 452. This seems to be the same
        victory as that which Dozy (ii. 284) calls Polei or Aguilar.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_389" id="Footnote_5_389"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_389"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Dozy,
        ii. p. 275.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_390" id="Footnote_6_390"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_390"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Ibn
        Hayyan, apud Dozy, ii. p. 326.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_391" id="Footnote_7_391"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_391"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In 896, on
        the capture of Cazlona by a renegade named Ibn as Khalia, all
        the Christians were massacred.—Dozy, ii. p. 327.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Towards the close of his reign Abdallah was able to assert his
      supremacy, though Omar and his followers still held out. Omar
      himself did not die till 917, some years after Abdallah's death.
      The king's successor, Abdurrahman III., was a different stamp of
      man from Abdallah, and the reduction of Omar became only a
      question of time, though, in fact, the apostasy of Omar from
      Islam had made the ultimate success of the national party very
      doubtful, if not impossible. After Omar's death, his son,
      Djaffar, thought to recover the support of the Spanish Moslems by
      embracing Islam; but he thereby lost the confidence of the
      Christians, by whom he was murdered. In 928 his brother Hafs
      surrendered, with Bobastro, to the Sultan, and the great
      rebellion was finally extinguished.
    </p>
    <p>
      So ended the grand struggle of the national party, first under
      the-direction of the Muwallads, and then of the Christians, to
      shake off the Arab and Berber yoke. During the remainder of the
      tenth century the strong administration of Abdurrahman III.,
      Hakem II., and the great Almanzor, gave the Christians no chance
      of raising the cry of "Spain for the Spanish." The danger of a
      renewal of the rebellion once removed, the position of the
      Christians does not seem to have been made any worse in
      consequence of their late disaffection, and Abdurrahman, himself
      the son of a Christian mother, treated all parties in the revolt
      with great leniency, even against the wishes and advice of the
      more devout Moslems. Almanzor, too, made himself respected, and
      even liked, by his Christian subjects, and there is no doubt that
      his victories over the Christian States in the North<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_392" id="FNanchor_1_392"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_392" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> were won very largely
      with the aid of Christian soldiers. His death was the signal for
      the disruption of the Spanish Khalifate, and from 1010-1031, when
      the khalifate was finally extinguished, complete anarchy
      prevailed in Saracen Spain. The Berbers made a determined effort
      to regain their ascendency, and their forces, seconded by the
      Christians, succeeded in placing Suleiman on the throne in 1013.
      A succession of feeble rulers, set up by the different
      factions—Arab, Berber, and Slave—followed, until Hischem III. was
      forced to abdicate in 1031, and the Umeyyade dynasty came to an
      end, after lasting 275 years. By this time the Christians in the
      North had gathered themselves together for a combined advance
      against the Saracen provinces, never again to retrograde,
      scarcely even to be checked, till in 1492 fell Granada, the last
      stronghold of the Moors in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_2_393" id=
      "FNanchor_2_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_393" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_392" id="Footnote_1_392"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_392"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. p. 214.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_393" id="Footnote_2_393"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_393"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In 1630
        there was not a single Moslem left in Spain.—Al Makk., i. p.
        74.
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_VIIIa" id="CHAPTER_VIIIa"><ins class="correction"
  		title="Transcriber's Note: This chapter should be part of VIII">CHAPTER IX.</ins></a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS IGNORANT OF ONE
    </h3>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      ANOTHER'S&nbsp; CREED.
    </h3>
    <p>
      In spite of the close contact into which the Christians and
      Mohammedans were brought in Spain, and the numerous conversions
      and frequent intermarriages between the two sections, no thorough
      knowledge seems to have existed, on either side, of the creed of
      the other party. Such, at least, is the conclusion to which we
      are driven, on reading the only direct records which remain on
      the subject among Arab and Christian writers. These on the
      Christian side consist chiefly of quotations from a book on
      Mohammedanism by the abbot Speraindeo in a work of his disciple,
      Eulogius;<a name="FNanchor_1_394" id=
      "FNanchor_1_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_394" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> and some rather incoherent denunciations of
      Mohammed and his religion by Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_2_395" id=
      "FNanchor_2_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_395" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> another pupil of the abbot's. In these, as
      might be expected, great stress is laid on the sensuality of
      Mohammed's paradise,<a name="FNanchor_3_396" id=
      "FNanchor_3_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_396" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the lewdness of the Prophet himself. As to
      the latter, though many of Gibbon's coarse sarcasms do not rest
      on good authority, very little can be said for the Prophet. But
      among other blasphemies attributed by Speraindeo to Mohammed is
      one of which we find no mention in the Koran—the assertion,
      namely, that he would in the next world be wedded to the Virgin
      Mary. John, Bishop of Seville, is equally incorrect when, in a
      letter to Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_4_397" id=
      "FNanchor_4_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_397" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> he alleges a promise on the part of Mohammed
      that he would, like Christ, rise again from the dead; whereas his
      body, being neglected by his relations, was devoured by dogs. The
      Christian bishop does not hesitate to add—sepultus est in
      infernum—he was buried in hell.<a name="FNanchor_5_398" id=
      "FNanchor_5_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_398" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_394" id="Footnote_1_394"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_394"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
        "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 7.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_395" id="Footnote_2_395"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_395"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," secs. 21-35.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_396" id="Footnote_3_396"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_396"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, secs. 23, 24. Mohammed's paradise was by no means
        wholly sensual.—Sale's Koran. Introd., p. 78.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_397" id="Footnote_4_397"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_397"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Sec 9.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_398" id="Footnote_5_398"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_398"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This shows
        the hatred of Christians for Mohammed, whom, says Eulogius
        ("Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 20), it would be every Christian's duty
        to kill, were he alive on earth.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      It is generally supposed that Mohammed could neither read nor
      write, and this appears to have been the opinion of
      Alvar;<a name="FNanchor_1_399" id="FNanchor_1_399"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_399" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> but the same witness
      acknowledges that the Koran was composed in such eloquent and
      beautiful language that even Christians could not help reading
      and admiring it.<a name="FNanchor_2_400" id=
      "FNanchor_2_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_400" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      On the important question of Mohammed's position with regard to
      Christianity, Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_3_401" id=
      "FNanchor_3_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_401" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> at least formed a correct judgment. Mohammed,
      he tells us "blasphemously taught that Christ was the Word of
      God,<a name="FNanchor_4_402" id="FNanchor_4_402"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_402" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and His
      Spirit;<a name="FNanchor_5_403" id="FNanchor_5_403"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_403" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a great
      prophet,<a name="FNanchor_6_404" id="FNanchor_6_404"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_404" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> endowed with much
      power from God;<a name="FNanchor_7_405" id=
      "FNanchor_7_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_405" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> like Adam in His creation,<a name=
      "FNanchor_8_406" id="FNanchor_8_406"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_406" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> but not equal to God
      (the Creator);<a name="FNanchor_9_407" id=
      "FNanchor_9_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_407" class=
      "fnanchor">[9]</a> and that by reason of His blameless<a name=
      "FNanchor_10_408" id="FNanchor_10_408"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_10_408" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> life, being filled
      with the Holy Spirit,<a name="FNanchor_11_409" id=
      "FNanchor_11_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_409" class=
      "fnanchor">[11]</a> He showed marvellous signs and wonders
      through the power of God,<a name="FNanchor_12_410" id=
      "FNanchor_12_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_410" class=
      "fnanchor">[12]</a> not working by His own Godhead, but as a
      righteous Man, and an obedient servant,<a name="FNanchor_13_411"
      id="FNanchor_13_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_411" class=
      "fnanchor">[13]</a> obtaining much power and might from the
      Almighty God through prayer."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_399" id="Footnote_1_399"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_399"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 26.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_400" id="Footnote_2_400"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_400"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 29. This is more than can be said at the
        present day.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_401" id="Footnote_3_401"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_401"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
        "Lib. Apol.," sec. 19.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_402" id="Footnote_4_402"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_402"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, ch.
        iii. 40.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_403" id="Footnote_5_403"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_403"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Koran, ch.
        ii. 81, "strengthened with Holy Spirit."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_404" id="Footnote_6_404"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_404"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Kor., c.
        iii. 59.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_405" id="Footnote_7_405"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_405"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Kor., c.
        iii. 45.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_406" id="Footnote_8_406"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_406"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Kor., c.
        iii. 50.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_407" id="Footnote_9_407"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_407"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Kor., c.
        ix. 33.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_10_408" id="Footnote_10_408"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_10_408"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Kor., c.
        iii.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_11_409" id="Footnote_11_409"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_11_409"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> This is
        a mistake of Eulogius. See Sale's note on Koran, ch. ii. 81,
        note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_12_410" id="Footnote_12_410"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_12_410"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Kor.,
        ch. v. 110 ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_13_411" id="Footnote_13_411"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_13_411"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Koran,
        cc. iv. ad fin; xliii. 59.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Alvar is much more unfair to Mohammed than his friend Eulogius,
      and he even seems to have had a prejudiced idea<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_412" id="FNanchor_1_412"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_412" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> that the Prophet set
      himself deliberately to preach doctrines the opposite of those
      taught by Christ. It would be nearer to the truth to say that the
      divergence between the two codes of morals was due to the natural
      ignorance of an illiterate Arabian, brought into contact only
      with an heretical form of Christianity, the real doctrines of
      which he was therefore not likely to know.
    </p>
    <p>
      According to Alvar, the sixth day of the week was chosen for the
      Mohammedan holy day, because Christ suffered on that day. We
      shall realise the absurdity of this when we consider the
      reverence in which Mohammed held the very name of Christ, going
      so far even as to deny that Christ Himself was crucified at
      all.<a name="FNanchor_2_413" id="FNanchor_2_413"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_413" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The true reason for
      selecting Friday, as alleged by Mohammed himself, was, because
      the work of creation ended on that day.<a name="FNanchor_3_414"
      id="FNanchor_3_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_414" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Again, sensuality was preached, says Alvar, because Christ
      preached chastity. But Mohammed cannot fairly be said to have
      preached sensuality, though his private life in this respect was
      by no means pure.
    </p>
    <p>
      Gluttony was advocated instead of fasting. A more baseless charge
      was never made; for how can it be contended that Christianity
      enjoins fasting, while Islam disapproves of it, in the face of
      such texts as Matthew ix. 14,<a name="FNanchor_4_415" id=
      "FNanchor_4_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_415" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> and Isaiah lviii. 6—"Is not this the fast that
      I have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the
      heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" on the one
      hand; and on the other the express injunction of the
      Koran<a name="FNanchor_5_416" id="FNanchor_5_416"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_416" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>:—"O true believers, a
      fast is ordained you, as it was ordained to those before you ...
      if ye fast, it will be better for you, if ye knew it. The month
      of Ramadan shall ye fast." But Alvar goes on to make a more
      astonishing statement still:—"Christ ordained that men should
      abstain from their wives during a fast, while Mohammed
      consecrated those days to carnal pleasure." Christ surely gives
      us no such injunction, though St Paul does say something of the
      kind. The Koran<a name="FNanchor_6_417" id=
      "FNanchor_6_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_417" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> explicitly says—"It is lawful for you on the
      night of the fast to go in unto your wives; they are a garment
      unto you, and you are a garment unto them." We even find an
      incident recorded by an Arabian writer, where Yahya ibn Yahya,
      the famous faqui, imposed a penance of a month's extra fast on
      Abdurrahman II. (822-852) for violating the Prophet's ordinance,
      that wives should be abstained from during the fasting
      month.<a name="FNanchor_7_418" id="FNanchor_7_418"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_418" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Alvar, being a layman,
      may perhaps be supposed not to have studied Mohammedanism
      critically, and that his zeal was not according to knowledge is
      perhaps the best explanation of the matter. In one place<a name=
      "FNanchor_8_419" id="FNanchor_8_419"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_419" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> he informs us of his
      intention of writing a book on the Cobar,<a name="FNanchor_9_420"
      id="FNanchor_9_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_420" class=
      "fnanchor">[9]</a> but the work, if ever written, has not
      survived. Nor is this much to be regretted, if we may judge by
      the wild remarks he indulges in elsewhere<a name=
      "FNanchor_10_421" id="FNanchor_10_421"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_10_421" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> on this theme. In
      that passage he seems to apply the obscure prophecy of
      Daniel<a name="FNanchor_11_422" id="FNanchor_11_422"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_11_422" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> to Mohammed,
      forgetting that verse 37 speaks of one who "shall regard not the
      desire of women," a description hardly characteristic of
      Mohammed. He identifies the God Maozim (Hebr. Mauzim), which our
      revised version (v. 38) translates the "God of fortresses" with
      the Mohammedan Cobar;<a name="FNanchor_12_423" id=
      "FNanchor_12_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_423" class=
      "fnanchor">[12]</a> and the strange god, whom he shall
      acknowledge, Alvar identifies with the devil which inspired the
      Prophet in the guise of the angel Gabriel. All this, as the
      writer himself allows, is very enigmatical.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_412" id="Footnote_1_412"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_412"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Dozy,
        ii. 107.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_413" id="Footnote_2_413"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_413"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See Koran,
        cc. iii. 47; iv. 157; and Sale's notes.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_414" id="Footnote_3_414"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_414"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See Sale's
        note on Koran, c. lxii. 9.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_415" id="Footnote_4_415"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_415"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cf. also
        Matt. xi. 19—"The Son of Man came eating and drinking, and they
        say, Behold a gluttonous man and a wine-bibber."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_416" id="Footnote_5_416"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_416"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Chapter
        ii. 180.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_417" id="Footnote_6_417"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_417"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Chapter
        ii. 185. The Mohammedan fast is confined to the day time.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_418" id="Footnote_7_418"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_418"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> From Ibn
        Khallekan, apud Dozy, ii. 108.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_419" id="Footnote_8_419"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_419"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Ind.
        Lum.," sec. 25.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_420" id="Footnote_9_420"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_420"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
        <i>I.e.</i>, the Caaba apparently.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_10_421" id="Footnote_10_421"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_10_421"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> "Ind.
        Lum.," sec. 25, ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_11_422" id="Footnote_11_422"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_11_422"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> C. xi.
        vv. 21, ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_12_423" id="Footnote_12_423"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_12_423"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> ? Caaba.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Alvar does not scruple even to accuse the Moslems of idolatry,
      asserting that the Arabian tribes worship their idol (the Caaba
      black stone<a name="FNanchor_1_424" id=
      "FNanchor_1_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_424" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>) as they used to do of yore, and that they set
      apart a holy month, Al Mozem, in honour of this idol.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_425" id="FNanchor_2_425"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_425" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Finally, Mohammed is spoken of variously as the precursor of
      Antichrist,<a name="FNanchor_3_426" id=
      "FNanchor_3_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_426" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> or as Antichrist himself.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_427" id="FNanchor_4_427"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_427" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Let us now see how far we can gather the opinions of educated
      Moslems with regard to Christian doctrine and worship. If we find
      these to be no less one-sided and erroneous than the opinions of
      Christians as to Mohammedanism, yet can we the more easily excuse
      the Moslems, for the Koran itself, the very foundation and guide
      of all their religious dogmas, is full of incorrect and
      inconsistent notions on the subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      The most important of these mistakes was that the Christians
      worshipped a Trinity of Deities—God, Christ, Mary.<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_428" id="FNanchor_5_428"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_428" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The inclusion of the
      Virgin Mary into this Trinity was perhaps due to the fact that
      worship was paid to her even at that early date, as it certainly
      is among the Roman Catholics at this day. As will have been seen
      from a passage quoted above,<a name="FNanchor_6_429" id=
      "FNanchor_6_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_429" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> something very like adoration was already paid
      to the Virgin in the churches of Spain.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_424" id="Footnote_1_424"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_424"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Sale,
        Introduction to Koran, p. 91.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_425" id="Footnote_2_425"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_425"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_426" id="Footnote_3_426"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_426"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 21.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_427" id="Footnote_4_427"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_427"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 53.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_428" id="Footnote_5_428"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_428"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Koran,
        v. ad fin.:—"And when God shall say unto Jesus at the last day:
        O Jesus, son of Mary, hast thou said unto men, Take me and my
        mother for two Gods, beside God? he shall answer, Praise be
        unto thee! it is not for me to say that which I ought not."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_429" id="Footnote_6_429"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_429"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> P. 56.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But the following extract from a treatise on Religions, by Ali
      ibn Hazm,<a name="FNanchor_1_430" id=
      "FNanchor_1_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_430" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> the prime minister of Abdurrahman V. (Dec.
      1023-March 1024), will show that some educated Moslems knew
      enough of the Christian creed to appreciate its difficulties:—"We
      need not be astonished," says Ibn Hazm, "at the superstition of
      men. Look at the Christians! They are so numerous that God only
      knows their numbers. They have among them men of great
      intelligence, and princes of great ability. Nevertheless they
      believe that three is one, and one is three; that one of the
      three is the Father, another the Son, another the Spirit; that
      the Father is, and is not, the Son; that a man is, and is not,
      God; that the Messiah is God in every respect, and yet not the
      same as God; that He who has existed from all eternity has been
      created.
    </p>
    <p>
      "One of their sects, the members of which they call Jacobites,
      and which number hundreds of thousands, believes even that the
      Creator Himself was scourged, crucified, and put to death; so
      that the Universe for three days was deprived of its Governor."
    </p>
    <p>
      Another extract from an Arabic writer will show us what the
      Moslems thought of the worship of St James, the patron saint of
      Spain, round whose shrine rallied the religious revival in the
      north of the Peninsula. It is Ibn Hayyan,<a name="FNanchor_2_431"
      id="FNanchor_2_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_431" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> who, in his account of Almanzor's fiftieth
      expedition against the Christians, says:—"Shant Yakoh
      (Santiago)<a name="FNanchor_3_432" id=
      "FNanchor_3_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_432" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> is one of the sanctuaries most frequented, not
      only by the Christians of Andalus, but of the neighbouring
      continent, who look upon its church with a veneration such as
      Moslems entertain for the Caaba of Mecca; for their Caaba is a
      colossal idol (statue) which stands in the middle of the church.
      They swear by it, and repair to it in pilgrimage from the most
      distant parts, from Rome, as well as other countries beyond Rome,
      pretending that the tomb to be seen in the church is that of
      Yakob (James), one of the twelve apostles, and the most beloved
      by Isa (Jesus).—May the blessing of God be on him, and on our
      Prophet!—The Christians call this Yakob the brother of Jesus,
      because, while he lived, he was always with him. They say that he
      was Bishop of Jerusalem, and that he wandered over the earth
      preaching the religion [of Christ], and calling upon the
      inhabitants to embrace it, till he came to that remote corner of
      Andalus; that he then returned to Syria, where he died at the age
      of 120 solar years. They pretend likewise that, after the death
      of Yakob, his disciples carried his body and buried it in that
      church, as the most remote part, where he had left traces [of his
      preaching]."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_430" id="Footnote_1_430"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_430"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> II. 227,
        apud Dozy, iii. 342. Ibn Hazm was, says Dozy, "a strict Moslem,
        <i>averse to judging divine questions by human reasoning</i>."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_431" id="Footnote_2_431"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_431"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. 293.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_432" id="Footnote_3_432"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_432"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Miss
        Yonge, p. 87, says the Arabs called him Sham Yakub, but what
        authority has this statement?
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      In a country where literature and the arts were so keenly
      cultivated, as they were in Spain during the time of Arab
      domination, and where the rivalry of Christian, Jew, and Moslem
      produced a sustained period of intellectual activity such as the
      world has rarely seen, controversial theology could not fail to
      have been largely developed. But the books, if any were written,
      from the Christian or Moslem standpoint, have all perished, and
      we have only such slight and unsatisfactory notices left to us as
      those already quoted.
    </p>
    <p>
      In estimating, therefore, what influences the rival religions of
      Spain had upon each other, we are driven to draw such inferences
      as we can from the meagre hints furnished to us by the writers of
      the period; from our knowledge of what Christianity was in Spain,
      and Mohammedanism in Africa, before they were brought into
      contact in Andalusia, compared with what they became after that
      contact had made itself felt; and from the observed effects of
      such relations elsewhere. Upon a careful consideration of these
      scattered hints we shall see that certain effects were visible,
      which, had the amalgamation of the two peoples been allowed to
      continue uninterruptedly for a longer period, and had there been
      no disturbing element in the north of Spain and in Africa, would
      in all probability have led to some marked modification in one or
      both religions, and even to their nearer assimilation.
    </p>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      HERESIES IN SPAIN.
    </h3>
    <p>
      Such mixtures of religions are by no means without example in
      history. The Sabians, for instance, were the followers of a
      religion, which may have been a cross between Judaism,
      Christianity, and Magianism.<a name="FNanchor_1_433" id=
      "FNanchor_1_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_433" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> But Mohammedanism itself has furnished the
      most marked instances of such amalgamation. In Persia Islam
      combined with the creed of Zoroaster to produce Babyism; while in
      India Hinduism and Mohammedanism, fused together by the genius of
      Nanak Guru, have resulted in Sikhism.
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be said that Mohammedanism has been able to unite with
      Zoroastrianism and Hinduism owing to their very dissimilarity
      with itself, whereas Christianity is too near akin to Islam to
      combine with it in such a way as to produce a religion like both,
      and yet different from either.<a name="FNanchor_2_434" id=
      "FNanchor_2_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_434" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> Christianity and Mohammedanism, each have two
      cardinal doctrines (and two only) which cannot be abrogated if
      they are to remain distinctive creeds. In one of these, the unity
      of God, they agree. In the other they do, and always must,
      differ. The divinity of Christ on the one side, and the divine
      mission of Mohammed on the other, are totally incompatible
      doctrines. If the one is true, the other cannot be so. Surrender
      both, and the result is Judaism. No compromise would seem
      possible. Yet a compromise was attempted, if we can credit a
      statement attributed by Dozy to Ibn Khaldun,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_435" id="FNanchor_3_435"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_435" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> in recounting the
      history of the successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan ibn
      Yunas, who during the last quarter of the ninth century, while
      all Moslem Spain was a prey to the wildest anarchy, became a
      leader of the renegade or Muwallad party in Merida and the
      neighbourhood. Thinking to unite the Muwallads and Christians in
      one revolt, he preached to his countrymen a new religion, which
      held a place halfway between Christianity and Islam. This is all
      we are told of an endeavour, which might have led to the most
      important consequences. That we hear no more of it is evidence
      enough that the attempt proved abortive. The only other attempt,
      if it can be called so, to combine Islam and Christianity has
      resulted in that curious compound called the religion of the
      Druses.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_433" id="Footnote_1_433"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_433"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> For an
        attempted compromise between Christianity and Brahmanism, see
        the proceedings of Beschi, a Roman Catholic priest, "Education
        and Missions," p. 14.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_434" id="Footnote_2_434"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_434"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp.,
        however, the Druse religion.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_435" id="Footnote_3_435"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_435"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        184. Dozy adds that Abdurrahman was called the Galician (el
        Jaliki) in consequence of this attempt of his: but there is
        some error here, as Ibn Hayyan (see Al Makkari, ii. 439, and De
        Gayangos' note) says he was called ibn ul'jaliki, <i>i.e.</i>,
        of the stock of the Galicians.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But though no religion, holding a position midway between Islam
      and Christianity, arose in Spain, yet those religions could
      hardly fail to undergo considerable modifications in themselves
      by reason of their close contact for several centuries.
    </p>
    <p>
      In respect to Christianity we shall naturally find the traces (if
      any) of such modification in the so-called heresies which may
      have arisen in Spain during this period. These will require a
      somewhat strict examination to be made to yield up their secret.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Church of Spain seems to have gained a reputation for
      introducing innovations<a name="FNanchor_1_436" id=
      "FNanchor_1_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_436" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> into the doctrines and practices of the true
      faith, and even of priding itself on its ingenuity in this way.
      The very first Council whose acts have come down to us, held at
      Elvira in Spain, early in the fourth century, contains a canon
      censuring the use of pictures. The very first heretics, who were
      punished for their error with death by the hands of their
      fellow-Christians, were reared in the bosom of the Spanish
      Church. The doctrine, novel then, but accepted now by all the
      Western Churches, of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the
      Son as well as from the Father, was first formulated in a Spanish
      Council at the end of the sixth century, but not universally
      received in the West until 600 years later.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_437" id="FNanchor_2_437"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_437" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> And as we have seen,
      the use of pictures was denounced long before the times of the
      Iconoclasts.
    </p>
    <p>
      We will now take in order the several heresies that made
      themselves noticeable in Spain, or Gothic Gaul, during the Arab
      supremacy, and see if we can trace any relation between them and
      the Moslem faith.
    </p>
    <p>
      To take an unimportant one first, a heresy is mentioned as having
      arisen in Septimania (Gothic Gaul), presumably during the eighth
      century.<a name="FNanchor_3_438" id="FNanchor_3_438"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_438" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> It was more practical
      than speculative, and consisted in a denial of the need of
      confession to a priest, on the (unimpeachable) ground that men
      ought to confess to God alone. This appears to us Protestants a
      wholly laudable and reasonable contention; but not so to the
      worthy abbé who records it: cette doctrine, <i>si favorable à
      libertinage</i>, trouva un grand nombre de partisans, et excite
      encore le zèle d'Alcuin.<a name="FNanchor_4_439" id=
      "FNanchor_4_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_439" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_436" id="Footnote_1_436"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_436"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alcuin ad
        Elipandum, iv. 13—"Audi me, obsecro, patienter, scholastica
        Hispaniae congregatio, tibi loquentem, quae novi semper aliquid
        audire vel praedicare desideras, non contenta ecclesiae
        universalis Catholica fide, nisi tu aliquid per te invenies,
        unde tuum nomen celebrares in mundo."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_437" id="Footnote_2_437"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_437"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Lateran
        Council, 1215.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_438" id="Footnote_3_438"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_438"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See,
        however, Alcuin's letter to the clergy of the province, Ep.,
        71. Migne, vol. ci. p. 1594.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_439" id="Footnote_4_439"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_439"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
        Rohrbacher, "Hist. Univ. dé l'Eglise Cathol.," ix. 309.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      That this error was due in any sense to the influence of the
      Arabs in the neighbouring territories of Spain, it is of course
      impossible to affirm, but at all events the reform was quite in
      the spirit of the verses of the Koran: "O ye who have
      received<a name="FNanchor_1_440" id="FNanchor_1_440"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_440" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the Scripture come to
      a just determination between us and you, that we worship not any
      except God, and associate no creature with Him: and that the one
      of us take not the other for lords, beside God." And "They take
      their priests and monks for their lords besides God."<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_441" id="FNanchor_2_441"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_441" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_440" id="Footnote_1_440"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_440"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Chap. iii.
        p. 39. See Sale's note: "that is, come to such terms of
        agreement as are indisputably consonant to the doctrine of all
        the prophets and Scriptures, and therefore cannot reasonably be
        rejected."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_441" id="Footnote_2_441"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_441"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Chap. ix.
        Mohammed charged the Jews and Christians with idolatry both on
        other grounds and because "they paid too implicit an obedience
        to their priests and monks, who took upon them to pronounce
        what things were lawful and what unlawful, and to dispense with
        the laws of God." See Sale, <i>Ibid.</i> <i>Cp.</i>—
      </p>
      <p>
        &nbsp;
      </p>
      <p>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Haughty of heart and brow the
        warrior came,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">In look and language proud as
        proud might be,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Vaunting his lordship, lineage,
        fights, and fame,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Yet was that barefoot monk more
        proud than he.</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And as the ivy climbs the
        tallest tree,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">So round the loftiest soul his
        toils he wound;</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And with his spells subdued the
        fierce and free.</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Till ermined age and youth in
        arms renowned</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Honouring his scourge and
        hair-cloth meekly kissed the ground.</span>
        <br />
      </p>
      <p>
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And thus it chanced that
        valour, peerless knight,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Who ne'er to king or kaiser
        veiled his crest,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Victorious still in bull-feast
        or in fight,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Since first with mail his limbs
        he did invest,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Stooped ever to that anchoret's
        behest;</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Nor reasoned of the right, nor
        of the wrong,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">But at his bidding laid the
        lance in rest,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And wrought fell deeds the
        troubled world along,</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 2em;">For he was fierce as brave, and
        pitiless as strong.</span>
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 15em;">—SCOTT'S "Don Roderick," xxix.
        xxx.</span>
        <br />
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Let us next consider an heretical view of the Trinity attributed
      to Migetius (<i>circa</i> 750). According to the rather obscure
      account, which has come down to us,<a name="FNanchor_1_442" id=
      "FNanchor_1_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_442" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> he seems to have regarded the Three Persons of
      the Trinity, at least in their relations with the world, as
      corporeal, the Father being personified in David, the Son in
      Jesus, and the Holy Ghost in Paul. It is difficult to believe
      that the doctrine, thus crudely stated by Elipandus, was really
      held by anyone. We may perhaps infer<a name="FNanchor_2_443" id=
      "FNanchor_2_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_443" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> that Migetius revived the error of Priscillian
      (itself a form of Sabellianism), and reducing the Three Persons
      of the Trinity to one, acknowledged certain ??e??e?a? or powers,
      emanating from Him, which were manifested in David, Jesus, Paul
      respectively. As the first and last of these three recipients of
      the Divine powers were confessedly men, it follows that Migetius
      was ready to strip Jesus of that Divinity, which is the cardinal
      doctrine of Christianity, and which more than any other doctrine
      distinguishes it from the creed of Mohammed. Accordingly he
      appears to have actually denied the divinity of the Word,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_444" id="FNanchor_3_444"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_444" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and in this he made an
      approach to Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_4_445" id=
      "FNanchor_4_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_445" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_442" id="Footnote_1_442"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_442"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Elipandus
        to Migetius, sec. 3. See Migne, vol. 96, p. 859.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_443" id="Footnote_2_443"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_443"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> With
        Enhueber. Dissert, apud Migne, ci., p. 338 ff., sec. 29.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_444" id="Footnote_3_444"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_444"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Enhueber,
        sec. 32.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_445" id="Footnote_4_445"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_445"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander,
        v. 216, n., says, Migetius held that the ????? became personal
        with the assumption of Christ's humanity; that the ????? was
        the power constituting the personality of Christ. Hence, says
        Neander, he was accused of asserting that Christ, the son of
        David according to the flesh, and not Christ, the Son of God,
        was the Second Person of the Trinity.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      A similar, but seemingly not identical, error was propagated by
      those who, as we learn from a letter of Alvar to Speraindeo, did
      not believe the Three in One and One in Three, "denying the
      utterances of the prophets, rejecting the doctrine of learned
      men, and, while they claimed to take their stand upon the Gospel,
      pointing to texts like John xx. 17, 'I ascend unto my Father, and
      your Father, unto my God and your God,' to prove that Christ was
      merely man."<a name="FNanchor_1_446" id=
      "FNanchor_1_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_446" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> In his answer to Alvar's letter, Speraindeo
      says, "If we speak of the Trinity as one Person, we Judaize;" he
      might have added, "and Mohammedanize." These heretics, according
      to the abbot, spoke of three powers (<i>virtutes</i>) forming one
      Person, not, as the orthodox held, three Persons forming one
      God.<a name="FNanchor_2_447" id="FNanchor_2_447"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_447" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Here we see a close
      resemblance to the error mentioned in the preceding paragraph;
      but the heretics we are now dealing with make an even closer
      approach to the teaching of Mohammed in their quotation of John
      xx. 17 given above, as will be seen, if we compare with that text
      the following passages of the Koran, put into the mouth of
      Christ: "Verily, God is my Lord, and your Lord; therefore serve
      him:"<a name="FNanchor_3_448" id="FNanchor_3_448"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_448" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "They are surely
      infidels who say, verily, God is Christ, the Son of Mary, since
      Christ said, O children of Israel, serve God, my Lord and your
      Lord:"<a name="FNanchor_4_449" id="FNanchor_4_449"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_449" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and, "I have not
      spoken unto them any other than what thou didst command
      me—namely, worship God, my Lord and your Lord."<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_450" id="FNanchor_5_450"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_450" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_446" id="Footnote_1_446"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_446"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alvar's
        letter. Florez, xi. 147. Another text quoted in defence of this
        doctrine of Agnoetism was Matt. xxiv. 36: "Of that day and that
        hour knoweth no man; no, not the angels of heaven, but my
        Father only." In answer to this, Speraindeo refers to Gen. iii.
        9, where God the Father seems not to know where Adam is.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_447" id="Footnote_2_447"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_447"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        Speraindeo's illustration of the Trinity cannot be called a
        happy one. He likens it to a king, whose power is one, but made
        up of the man himself, his diadem, and his purple.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_448" id="Footnote_3_448"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_448"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Koran, c.
        iii. v. 46.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_449" id="Footnote_4_449"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_449"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Kor., c.
        v. 77.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_450" id="Footnote_5_450"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_450"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Kor., c.
        v. 118.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      We come next to the famous Adoptionist heresy, the most
      remarkable and original of those innovations to which Alcuin
      taunts the Spanish Church with being addicted. Unfortunately we
      derive little of our knowledge of the new doctrine from the
      originators and supporters of it—our information on the subject
      coming chiefly from passages quoted by their opponents (notably
      our own Alcuin) in controversial works. But that the heresy had
      an important connection with the Mohammedan religion has been the
      opinion of many eminent writers on Church history. Mariana, the
      Spanish historian, and Baronius, the apologist for the Roman
      Church, held that the object of the new heresiarchs was, "by
      lowering the character of Christ, to pave the way for a union
      between Christians and Mohammedans."<a name="FNanchor_1_451" id=
      "FNanchor_1_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_451" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> Enhueber,<a name="FNanchor_2_452" id=
      "FNanchor_2_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_452" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> also, in his treatise on this subject, quotes
      a tract, "De Primatu Ecclesiae Toletanae," which attributes the
      heresy to its author, Elipandus, being brought into so close a
      contact with the Saracens, and living on such friendly terms with
      them.<a name="FNanchor_3_453" id="FNanchor_3_453"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_453" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Neander<a name="FNanchor_4_454" id="FNanchor_4_454"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_454" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> thinks that there are
      some grounds for supposing that Felix, one of the authors of the
      heresy, had been employed in defending Christianity against
      objections brought against it from the Moslem standpoint,<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_455" id="FNanchor_5_455"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_455" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and in proving the
      divinity of Christ, so that they might be induced to accept it.
      Felix, therefore, may have been led to embrace this particular
      doctrine, called Adoptionism, from a wish to bring the Christian
      view of Christ nearer to the Mohammedan opinion.
    </p>
    <p>
      There is considerable doubt as to who first broached the new
      theory, the evidence being of a conflicting character, and
      pointing now to Elipandus, bishop of Toledo and primate of all
      Spain, now to Felix, bishop of Urgel, in Catalonia.<a name=
      "FNanchor_6_456" id="FNanchor_6_456"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_456" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_451" id="Footnote_1_451"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_451"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mariana,
        vii. 8. Baronius, "Ann. Eccl." xiii. p. 260. See Blunt,
        "Dictionary of Religions," etc., article on Adoptionism; and
        Migne, vol. xcvi. p. 847—"deceptus uterque contagione forsan
        insidentiurn cervicibus aut e proximo blasphemantium
        Mohametanorum commercio."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_452" id="Footnote_2_452"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_452"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Enhueber,
        sec. 26. Mansi, "Coll. Concil," x. 513, sec. 4.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_453" id="Footnote_3_453"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_453"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Usus enim
        frequenti Maurorum commercio."—<i>Ibid</i>,
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_454" id="Footnote_4_454"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_454"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> V. 219.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_455" id="Footnote_5_455"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_455"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This
        perhaps refers to a "disputatio cum sacerdote" which the
        Emperor Charles the Great had heard of as written by Felix.
        Alcuin (see "Ep.," 85) knows nothing of it. In his letter to
        Charles, Alcuin, speaking of a letter from Felix, says: "Inveni
        peiores errores, quam ante in eius scriptis legerem."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_456" id="Footnote_6_456"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_456"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The
        prevailing opinion seems to be that the new doctrine arose out
        of Elipandus' controversy with Migetius.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The claims of Felix<a name="FNanchor_1_457" id=
      "FNanchor_1_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_457" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> are supported by Eginhard,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_458" id="FNanchor_2_458"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_458" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Saxo, and Jonas of
      Orleans; while Paulinus of Aquileia, in his book entitled
      "Sacrosyllabus," expressly calls Elipandus the author of the
      baneful heresy; and Alcuin, in his letter to Leidrad,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_459" id="FNanchor_3_459"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_459" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> says that he is
      convinced that Elipandus, as he was the first in rank, so also
      was the chief offender.
    </p>
    <p>
      The evidence being inconclusive, we are driven to follow <i>à
      priori</i> considerations, and these point to Elipandus as the
      author. According to Neander,<a name="FNanchor_4_460" id=
      "FNanchor_4_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_460" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> he was a violent, excitable, bigoted man; and
      he certainly uses some very strong language in his writings
      against his opponents, and stands a good deal on his dignity as
      head of the Spanish Church. For instance, speaking of his
      accusers, Etherius, Bishop of Osma, and Beatus,<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_461" id="FNanchor_5_461"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_461" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a priest of Libana, he
      says of the former that he wallows in the mire of all
      lasciviousness;<a name="FNanchor_6_462" id=
      "FNanchor_6_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_462" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> that he is totally unfit to officiate at God's
      altar;<a name="FNanchor_7_463" id="FNanchor_7_463"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_463" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> that he is a false
      prophet<a name="FNanchor_8_464" id="FNanchor_8_464"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_464" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and a heretic; and,
      forgetting the courtesies of controversy, he doesn't hesitate, in
      another place, to call him an ass. Beatus also he accuses of
      gross sensuality, and calls him that iniquitous priest of
      Astorga,<a name="FNanchor_9_465" id="FNanchor_9_465"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_9_465" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> accusing him of
      heresy, and giving him the title Antiphrasius, which means that
      instead of being called Beatus, he should have been named the
      very opposite.<a name="FNanchor_10_466" id=
      "FNanchor_10_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_466" class=
      "fnanchor">[10]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_457" id="Footnote_1_457"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_457"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See
        "Froben Dissertation," Migne, vol. ci. p. 305.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_458" id="Footnote_2_458"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_458"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Annals,"
        792.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_459" id="Footnote_3_459"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_459"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alcuin,
        "Epist. ad Leidradum," says that the heresy arose in Cordova,
        and he appeals to Elipandus' letter to Felix after the latter's
        recantation.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_460" id="Footnote_4_460"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_460"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander
        (v. p. 217) seems to infer these qualities from his writings.
        An author, quoted by Enhueber (Tract, de Primata Eccl. Tolet),
        describes him as "parum accurate in sacris litteris versatus."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_461" id="Footnote_5_461"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_461"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Died in
        798. Fleury v., p. 236.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_462" id="Footnote_6_462"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_462"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Elipand.
        Epist., iv. 2, "Carnis immunditia fetidus."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_463" id="Footnote_7_463"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_463"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Ab
        altario Dei extraneus." Neander, v., p. 226, takes this to mean
        that he was deposed.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_464" id="Footnote_8_464"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_464"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> He gave
        the Revelation of St John a Moslem application: and prophesied
        the end of the world in the near future. See letter of Beatus,
        book i., sec. 23—"Novissima hora est ... nunc Antichristi multi
        facti sunt. Omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum est illius
        Antichristi, quem audistis quoniam venit, et nunc in mundo
        est." See also Alcuin's letter to the Spanish bishops.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_465" id="Footnote_9_465"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_465"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Elipandus
        and bishops of Spain to those of Gaul," sec. 1.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_10_466" id="Footnote_10_466"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_10_466"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> This
        practice of punning on names is very common in these writers.
        "Infelix Felix" is a poor witticism which constantly occurs. So
        Samson says of Hostegesis that he ought to be called "hostis
        Jesu"; and in the account of the Translation of the bodies of
        Aurelius, etc., we find Leovigild spoken of as a very "Leo
        vigilans."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But in spite of outbreaks like these we must beware of judging
      the venerable Elipandus too hardly. Alcuin himself, in his letter
      to the bishop, written, as he says, "with the pen of charity,"
      speaks of him as most blameless,<a name="FNanchor_1_467" id=
      "FNanchor_1_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_467" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> and confesses that he has heard much of his
      piety and devotion, an admission which he also makes with regard
      to Felix, in a letter to him.<a name="FNanchor_2_468" id=
      "FNanchor_2_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_468" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> Yet in his book against Elipandus, he
      exclaims, not without a touch of bathos: "For all the garments of
      wool on your shoulders, and the mitre upon your brow, wearing
      which you minister to the people, for all the daily shaving of
      your beard<a name="FNanchor_3_469" id=
      "FNanchor_3_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_469" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> ... if you renounce not these doctrines, you
      will be numbered with the goats!" Another testimony (of doubtful
      value, however) in Elipandus' favour is to be found in the
      anonymous life of Beatus,<a name="FNanchor_4_470" id=
      "FNanchor_4_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_470" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> where Elipandus is said to have succeeded
      Cixila in the bishopric of Toledo, because of his reputation for
      learning and piety, which extended throughout Spain.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_467" id="Footnote_1_467"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_467"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
        "Sanctissime praesul," sec. 1. Cp. sec. 6, "Audiens famam bonam
        religiosae vitae de vobis."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_468" id="Footnote_2_468"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_468"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        "Celeberriman tuae sanctitatis audiens famam." The "Pseudo
        Luitprand" calls him "Vir humilis, prudens, ae in zelo fidei
        Catholicae fervens."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_469" id="Footnote_3_469"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_469"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Beards
        were the sign of laymen, see Alvar, "Ep.," xiii., and probably
        the distinction was much insisted on because of the Moslem
        custom of wearing long beards. For the distinctive dress of the
        clergy see the same letter of Alvar, ... "Quern staminia et
        lana oviuin religiosum adprobat."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_470" id="Footnote_4_470"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_470"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See Migne,
        xcvi., 890 ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Elipandus, who boasted of having refuted and stamped out the
      Migetian errors, and who also took up so independent an attitude
      with regard to the See of Rome, was not the man to endure being
      dictated to in the matter of what was, or what was not, sound
      doctrine, and, in the letter quoted above, he scornfully remarks
      that he had never heard that it was the province of the people of
      Libana to teach the Toledans. Here, as in the defiant attitude
      taken up towards the Pope, we may perhaps see a jealousy, felt by
      the old independent Church of Spain under its own primate,
      towards the new Church, that was growing up in the mountains of
      the North, the centre of whose religious devotion was soon to be
      Compostella, and its spiritual head not the primate of Spain, but
      the bishop of Rome.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is now time to explain what the actual heresy advocated by
      Elipandus and Felix was. Some have held the opinion that
      Adoptionism was merely a revival of the Bonosian errors, which
      had long taken root in Spain;<a name="FNanchor_1_471" id=
      "FNanchor_1_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_471" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> others, that it was a revival of
      the Nestorian<a name="FNanchor_2_472" id=
      "FNanchor_2_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_472" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> heresy, a new phase of the controversy between
      the schools of Antioch and Alexandria;<a name="FNanchor_3_473"
      id="FNanchor_3_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_473" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> or that it was an attempt to reform
      Christianity, purging it from later additions.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_474" id="FNanchor_4_474"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_474" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Alcuin, however,
      speaks of its followers as a new sect, unknown to former
      times.<a name="FNanchor_5_475" id="FNanchor_5_475"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_475" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Stated briefly, the
      new doctrine was that Jesus, in so far as His manhood was
      concerned, was son of God by adoption. This error had been
      foreseen and condemned in advance by Cyril of Alexandria
      (348-386):<a name="FNanchor_6_476" id=
      "FNanchor_6_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_476" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> by Hilary of Arles (429-449).<a name=
      "FNanchor_7_477" id="FNanchor_7_477"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_477" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The Eleventh Council
      of Toledo had also guarded against this same error a hundred
      years before this (675), affirming that Christ the Son of God was
      His Son by nature, not by adoption.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_471" id="Footnote_1_471"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_471"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Enhueber,
        Diss., sec. 25. The errors of Bonosus were condemned at Capua
        in 389. For their development in Spain, see "Isidore of
        Seville."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_472" id="Footnote_2_472"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_472"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Condemned
        at Ephesus, 431. For connection of Adoptionism with this, see
        letter of Adrian to bishops of Spain (785?).
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_473" id="Footnote_3_473"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_473"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander,
        v., p. 216.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_474" id="Footnote_4_474"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_474"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, vi., p. 120, see letter of Alvar to Speraindeo.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_475" id="Footnote_5_475"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_475"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alcuin
        contra Felicem, i., sec. 7. Elipandus denied that it had
        anything to do with other heresies. "Nos vero anathematizamus
        Bonosum, qui filium Dei sine matre genitum, adoptivum fuisse
        adfirmat. Item Sabellium, qui ipsum esse Patrem, quem Filium,
        quem et Spiritus sanctus (<i>sic</i>) et non ipsud, delirat.
        Anathematizamus Arium, qui Filium et Spiritum Sanctum creaturas
        esse existimat. Anathematizamus Manichaeum qui Christum solum
        Deum et non hominem fuisse praedicat. Anathematizamus
        Antiphrasium Beatum carnis lasciviae deditum, et onagrum
        Etherium, doctorem bestialem
        <br />
        <span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">...," etc.</span>
        <br />
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_476" id="Footnote_6_476"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_476"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Lectures
        on the Catechism," xi. "Christ is the Son of God by nature,
        begotten of the Father, not by adoption."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_477" id="Footnote_7_477"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_477"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> De Trinit,
        v., p. 7, "The Son of God is not a false God—a God by adoption,
        or a God by metaphor (nee adoptivus, nec connuncupatus)."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      It is a mistake to suppose Adoptionism to be a mere resuscitation
      of Nestorianism.<a name="FNanchor_1_478" id=
      "FNanchor_1_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_478" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> It agreed with the latter in repudiating the
      term "Mother of God" as applied to the Virgin Mary,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_479" id="FNanchor_2_479"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_479" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but it differed from
      it in the essential point of acknowledging the unity of person in
      Christ. What Felix—and on him devolved the chief onus of defence
      in the controversy—wished to make clear, was that the predicates
      of Christ's two natures could not logically be
      interchanged.<a name="FNanchor_3_480" id=
      "FNanchor_3_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_480" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> He therefore reasoned thus: Christ in respect
      to His Deity is God, and Son of God; with respect to His Manhood
      He is also God and Son of God, not indeed in essence, but by
      being taken into union with Him, who <i>is</i> in essence God,
      and Son of God. Therefore Christ, unless He derived His humanity
      from the essence of God, must as man, and in respect of that
      humanity, be Son of God only in a nuncupative sense. This
      relation of Jesus the Man to God he preferred to describe by the
      term Adoption—a word not found in Scripture in this connection,
      "but," says Felix, "implied therein,<a name="FNanchor_4_481" id=
      "FNanchor_4_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_481" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> for what is adoption in a son, if it be not
      election, assumption <i>(susceptio)</i>." The term itself was no
      doubt found by Elipandus <i>in</i> the Gothic Liturgy;<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_482" id="FNanchor_5_482"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_482" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and he most likely
      used it at first with no thought of raising a metaphysical
      discussion on so knotty a point. Being brought to task, however,
      for using the word by those whom he deemed his ecclesiastical
      inferiors, he was led to defend it from a natural dislike to
      acknowledge himself in the wrong. "We can easily believe," says
      Enhueber, "that Elipandus, who appears to have been the chief
      author of the heresy at this time, fell into it at first from
      ignorance and inadvertently, and did not appear openly as a
      heretic, till, admonished of his error, he arrogantly and
      obstinately defended a position which he had only taken up
      through ignorance."<a name="FNanchor_6_483" id=
      "FNanchor_6_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_483" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Elipandus also seems to have applied to Felix<a name=
      "FNanchor_7_484" id="FNanchor_7_484"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_484" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> for his opinion on
      Christ's Sonship; and the latter, who was a man of great
      penetration and acuteness, first formulated the new doctrine,
      stating in his answer that Christ must be considered with regard
      to His Divinity as truly God and Son of God, but with regard to
      His Manhood, as Son of God in name only, and by adoption.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_478" id="Footnote_1_478"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_478"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Blunt,
        "Dict. of Relig.," article on Adoptionism.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_479" id="Footnote_2_479"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_479"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander,
        v. 223. Blunt (1.1.) says just the contrary.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_480" id="Footnote_3_480"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_480"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander,
        v. 220.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_481" id="Footnote_4_481"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_481"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alcuin
        contra Felicem, iii. c. 8.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_482" id="Footnote_5_482"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_482"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Elipand.
        ad Albinum," sec, 11. Adoptio assumptio (????????) occurs
        <i>(a)</i> in the Missa de coena Domini: <i>adoptivi hominis
        passio;</i> <i>(b)</i> in the prayer de tertia feria Pascha:
        <i>adoptionis gratia;</i> <i>(c)</i> in that de Ascensione:
        <i>adoptionem carnis.</i> The Council of Frankfurt (794)
        branded the authors of the liturgy as heretics (so also did
        Alcuin) and as the main cause of the Saracen conquest! See
        Fleury, v. 243.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_483" id="Footnote_6_483"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_483"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Enhueber,
        "Dissertatio," sec. 26. Neander, v. 217, has the same remark in
        other words.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_484" id="Footnote_7_484"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_484"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See Blunt,
        Art. on Adoptionism.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      To give an idea of the lines on which the controversy was carried
      on, it will be necessary to state some of the arguments of Felix,
      and in certain cases Alcuin's rejoinders. These are:—
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(a.)</i> "If Christ, as man, is not the <i>adopted</i> Son of
      God, then must His Manhood be derived from the essence of God and
      consequently must be something different from the manhood of
      men."<a name="FNanchor_1_485" id=
      "FNanchor_1_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_485" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> To this Alcuin can only oppose another dilemma, which,
      however, is more of the nature of a quibble. "If," he says,
      "Christ is an adopted Son of God, and Christ is also God, then is
      God the adopted Son of God?"<a name="FNanchor_2_486" id=
      "FNanchor_2_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_486" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> Here Alcuin confounds the predicates of
      Christ's two natures—the very thing Felix protested against—and
      uses the argument thus obtained against that doctrine of Felix,
      which was based on this very denial of any interchange of
      predicates.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(b.)</i> Christ is spoken of sometimes as Son of David,
      sometimes as Son of God. One person can only have two fathers, if
      one of these be an adoptive father. So is it with Christ. Alcuin
      answers: "As a man (body and soul) is called the son of his
      father, so Christ (God and man) is called Son of God."<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_487" id="FNanchor_3_487"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_487" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> But to those who deny
      that a man's soul is derived from his father, this argument would
      carry no weight.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(c.)</i> Christ stood in a position of natural dependence
      towards God over and above the voluntary submission which He owed
      to His Father as God.<a name="FNanchor_4_488" id=
      "FNanchor_4_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_488" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> This dependence Felix expresses by the term
      <i>servus conditionalis</i>, applied to Jesus.<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_489" id="FNanchor_5_489"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_489" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> He may have been
      thinking of Matt. xii. i8, "Behold my servant, whom I have
      chosen;" and St Paul's Ep. to Philipp. ii. 7, "He took upon. Him
      the form of a servant, and was made in the likeness of
      men."<a name="FNanchor_6_490" id="FNanchor_6_490"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_490" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Or perhaps he had in
      his mind, if the theory of the influence of Mohammedanism is
      true, those passages of the Koran which speak of Christ as a
      servant, as, "Christ doth not proudly disdain to be a servant
      unto God,"<a name="FNanchor_7_491" id=
      "FNanchor_7_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_491" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> and, "Jesus is no other than a
      servant."<a name="FNanchor_8_492" id=
      "FNanchor_8_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_492" class=
      "fnanchor">[8]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>d.</i>) To prove that Scripture recognises a distinction
      between Christ the Man and Christ the God, Felix appeals to Luke
      xviii. 19, "Why callest thou Me good? There is none good, save
      one, even God;" Mark xiii. 32, "Of that day, or that hour,
      knoweth no one, not even the angels in heaven, neither the Son,
      but the Father." Texts such as these can only be met by a
      reference to other texts, such as John iii. 16, where God is said
      to have given His only begotten Son to suffer death upon the
      Cross.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_485" id="Footnote_1_485"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_485"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alcuin
        contra Felicem, ii. sec. 12.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_486" id="Footnote_2_486"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_486"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alcuin
        (<i>ibid.,</i> i. sec. 13) also answers: "If Christ be the
        adopted Son of God, because as man, he could not be of God's
        substance: then must he also be Mary's adopted son in respect
        to his Deity. But then Mary cannot be the mother of God." But
        this Alcuin thinks an impious conclusion. Cp. also Contra
        Felic., vii. sec. 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_487" id="Footnote_3_487"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_487"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Contra
        Felic, iii. sec. 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_488" id="Footnote_4_488"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_488"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cp. 1
        Corinth, xi. 3, "The Head of Christ is God." This position of
        dependence was due, says Felix, "ad ignobilitatem beatae
        Virginis, quae se ancillam Dei humili voce protestatur."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_489" id="Footnote_5_489"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_489"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cp.
        Elipandus' "Confession of Faith": "... per istum Dei simul et
        hominis Filium, adoptivum humanitate et nequaquam adoptivum
        Divinitate ... qui est Deus inter Deos (John x. 35) ... quia,
        si conformes sunt omnes sancti huic Filio Dei secundum gratiam,
        profecto et cum adoptione (sunt) adoptivi, et cum advocato
        advocati, et cum Christo Christi, et <i>cum servo servi</i>."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_490" id="Footnote_6_490"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_490"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cf. Acts
        iii. 13.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_491" id="Footnote_7_491"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_491"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Koran, iv.
        v. 170.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_492" id="Footnote_8_492"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_492"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Koran,
        xliii. v. 59.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Conceiving, then, that it was logically necessary to speak of
      Christ the Man as Son of God by adoption, Felix yet admits that
      this adoption, though the same in kind<a name="FNanchor_1_493"
      id="FNanchor_1_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_493" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> as that which enables <i>us</i> to cry Abba,
      Father, yet was more excellent in degree, and even perhaps
      specifically higher. It differed also from man's adoption in not
      being entered into at baptism, since Christ's baptism was only
      the point at which His adoption was outwardly made manifest by
      signs of miraculous power, which continued till the resurrection.
      Christ's adoption—according to Felix, was assumed at His
      conception, "His humanity developing in accordance with its own
      laws, but in union with the Logos."<a name="FNanchor_2_494" id=
      "FNanchor_2_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_494" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> It will be seen that though Felix wished to
      keep clear the distinction between Christ as God, and as Man, yet
      he did not carry this separation so far as to acknowledge two
      persons in Christ. "The Adoptionists acknowledged the unity of
      Persons, but meant by this a juxtaposition of two distinct
      personal beings in such a way that the Son of God should be
      recognised as the vehicle for all predicates, but not in so close
      a manner as to amount to an absorption of the human personality
      into the Divine Person."<a name="FNanchor_3_495" id=
      "FNanchor_3_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_495" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> The two natures of Christ had been asserted by
      the Church against the Monophysites, and the two wills against
      the Monothelites, but the Church never went on to admit the two
      Persons.<a name="FNanchor_4_496" id="FNanchor_4_496"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_496" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> With regard to the
      contention of Felix, we are consequently driven to the conclusion
      that either the personality ascribed to Christ was "a mere
      abstraction, a metaphysical link joining two essentially
      incompatible natures,"<a name="FNanchor_5_497" id=
      "FNanchor_5_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_497" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> or that the dispute was only about names, and
      that by adopted son Felix and the others meant nothing really
      different from the orthodox doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_6_498" id=
      "FNanchor_6_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_498" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_493" id="Footnote_1_493"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_493"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See John
        x. 35. Cp. Neander, v. p. 222.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_494" id="Footnote_2_494"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_494"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander
        (l.l.) Blunt, Art. on Adopt., puts this differently: "There
        were (according to Felix) two births in our Lord's life—(a) the
        assumption of man at the conception; (<i>b</i>) the adoption of
        that man at baptism. Cp. Contra Felic., iii. 16: "Qui est
        Secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes; primam quae
        secundum carnem est, secundum vero spiritatem, quae per
        adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem
        complexus, in semet ipso continet, primam videlicet, quam
        suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit in
        lavacro [ ] a mortuis resurgendo."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_495" id="Footnote_3_495"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_495"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Blunt,
        article on Adopt.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_496" id="Footnote_4_496"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_496"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cp.
        Paschasius: "In Christo gemina substantia, non gemina persona
        est, quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia vero
        substantiam non potest, siquidem persona res iuris est,
        substantia res naturae."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_497" id="Footnote_5_497"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_497"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Blunt,
        <i>ibid.</i> Cp. also Alcuin contra Felic., iv. 5, where he
        says that Felix, although he shrank from asserting the dual
        personality of Christ, yet insisted on points which involved
        it.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_498" id="Footnote_6_498"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_498"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> So
        Walchius.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The first mention of the new theory appears in a letter of
      Elipandus to the Abbot Fidelis, written in 783,<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_499" id="FNanchor_1_499"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_499" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> but it did not attract
      notice till a little later. The pope Adrian, in his letter to the
      orthodox bishops of Spain (785), speaks of the melancholy news of
      the heresy having reached him—a heresy, he remarks, never before
      propounded, unless by Nestorius. Together with Elipandus, he
      mentions Ascarius,<a name="FNanchor_2_500" id=
      "FNanchor_2_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_500" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> Bishop of Braga, whom Elipandus had won over
      to his views. The new doctrine seems to have made its way quickly
      over a great part of Spain,<a name="FNanchor_3_501" id=
      "FNanchor_3_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_501" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> while Felix propagated it with considerable
      success in Septimania. The champions of the orthodox party in
      Spain were Beatus and Etherius, whom we have mentioned above, and
      Theudula, Bishop of Seville; while beyond its borders Alcuin,
      Paulinus of Aquileia, and Agobard of Lyons, under the direction
      of Charles the Great and the Pope, defended the orthodox
      position.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_499" id="Footnote_1_499"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_499"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Migne,
        96 p. 848.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_500" id="Footnote_2_500"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_500"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v.
        236, mentions a letter of his to Elipandus, asking the latter's
        opinion on some doubtful points in the new doctrine.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_501" id="Footnote_3_501"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_501"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas of
        Orleans, in his work against Claudius, says: "Hac virulenta
        doctrina uterque Hispaniam magna ex parte infecit."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Felix, being bishop in a province of which Charles claimed the
      overlordship, was amenable to his ecclesiastical superiors, and
      suffered for his opinions at their hands; but Elipandus, living
      under a Mohammedan government, could only be reached by letters
      or messages. He seems even to have received something more than a
      mere negative support from the Arabs, if we are right in so
      interpreting a passage in the letter of Beatus and
      Etherius.<a name="FNanchor_1_502" id=
      "FNanchor_1_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_502" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> But it is hard to believe that Elipandus was
      on such friendly terms with the Arab authorities; indeed, from
      passages in his writings, we should infer that the opposite was
      rather the case.<a name="FNanchor_2_503" id=
      "FNanchor_2_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_503" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> Neander suggests that it may have been a
      Gothic king in Galicia who supported Elipandus, but this seems
      even more unlikely than the other supposition.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first council called to consider this question was held by
      the suggestion of the Emperor and the Pope at Narbonne in 788,
      when the heresy was condemned by twenty-five bishops of
      Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_3_504" id="FNanchor_3_504"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_504" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      A similar provincial council was held by Paulinus at Friuli in
      791, with the same results.<a name="FNanchor_4_505" id=
      "FNanchor_4_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_505" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> But in the following year the heresy was
      formally condemned at a full council held at Ratisbon, under the
      presidency of the Emperor. Here Felix abjured his error, and was
      sent to Rome to be further condemned by the Pope, that the whole
      Western Church might take action in the matter. Felix was there
      induced to write a book condemning his own errors, but in spite
      of this he was not restored to his see.<a name="FNanchor_5_506"
      id="FNanchor_5_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_506" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> On his return, however, to Spain, Felix
      relapsed into his old heresy, which he had never really
      abjured.<a name="FNanchor_6_507" id="FNanchor_6_507"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_507" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_502" id="Footnote_1_502"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_502"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I. sec.
        13. "Et episcopus metropolitanus et princeps terrae pari
        certamine schismata haereticorum, unus verbi gladio, alter
        virga regiminis ulciscens, de terra vestra funditus
        auferantur." See on this passage Neander, v. 227, and cp. sec.
        65, "haereticus tamen scripturarum non facit rationem, sed cum
        potentibus saeculi ecclesiam vincere quaerit."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_503" id="Footnote_2_503"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_503"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Elip. ad.
        Albinum, sec. 7—"Oppressione gentis afflicti non possumus tibi
        rescribere cuncta;" also, Ad Felic. "quotidiana dispendia
        quibus duramus potius quam vivimus."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_504" id="Footnote_3_504"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_504"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> There are
        some doubts about this council.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_505" id="Footnote_4_505"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_505"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Fleury, v.
        236. Hefele dates it 796.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_506" id="Footnote_5_506"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_506"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See letter
        of Spanish bishops to Charles, asking for Felix's restoration
        (794).
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_507" id="Footnote_6_507"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_507"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Leo III.
        said of him, at a council held in Rome (799): "<i>Fugiens ad
        paganos consentaneos</i> perjuratus effectus est." See Froben,
        "Dissert," sec. 24; apud Migne, ci, pp. 305-336.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      In 792 Alcuin was summoned from England to come and defend the
      orthodox position. He wrote at once to Felix a kindly letter,
      admonishing him of his errors, and acknowledging that all his
      previous utterances on theology had been sound and true. Felix
      answered this letter, but his reply is not preserved. To the
      same, or following, year belongs the letter of Elipandus and the
      bishops of Spain to Charles and the bishops of Gaul, defending
      their doctrine, and asking for the restoration of Felix.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 794 was held another council at Frankfurt, at which Alcuin and
      other English clergy were present. Felix was summoned to attend,
      and heard his heresy again condemned and anathematised, the
      decree to this effect being sent to Elipandus.<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_508" id="FNanchor_1_508"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_508" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Alcuin's book was read
      by Charles, and sent into Septimania by the hands of the abbot
      Benedict.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next council was held at Rome in 798 to confirm the one at
      Frankfurt.<a name="FNanchor_2_509" id=
      "FNanchor_2_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_509" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> In 799 came out Felix's answer to Alcuin, sent
      by him first to Elipandus, and, after being shewn to the Cordovan
      clergy, sent on to Charles. Alcuin is charged to answer it, with
      Paulinus and the Pope as his coadjutors.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the same year another council was held at Aix, where Alcuin
      argued for a week with Felix, and apparently convinced him, for
      Felix again recanted, and even wrote a confession of faith
      discarding the word adoption, but still preserving the
      distinction of predicates belonging to the two natures.<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_510" id="FNanchor_3_510"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_510" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Alcuin's book, after
      being revised by Charles, was published 800 A.D. Previously to
      this he had written to Elipandus, who answered in no measured
      terms, accusing Alcuin, among other things, of enormous wealth.
      This letter was sent through Felix, and, in answer, Alcuin wrote
      the book against Elipandus, which we now have, and which was the
      means of converting twenty thousand heretics in Gothic
      Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_4_511" id="FNanchor_4_511"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_511" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> But in spite of
      Emperor or Pope, of the books of Alcuin, or the anathemas of the
      councils, neither Felix nor Elipandus really gave up his new
      doctrines, and even the former continued to make converts.
      Elipandus, though very old<a name="FNanchor_5_512" id=
      "FNanchor_5_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_512" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> at this time (800 A.D.), lived ten years
      longer, and Felix survived him eight years;<a name=
      "FNanchor_6_513" id="FNanchor_6_513"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_513" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and they both died
      persisting in their error.<a name="FNanchor_7_514" id=
      "FNanchor_7_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_514" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_508" id="Footnote_1_508"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_508"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fleury, v.
        243, says there was no anathema; but Migne, xcvi. 858, gives us
        the canon: "Anathematizata esto impia ac nefanda haeresis
        Elipandi Toletanae sedis Episcopi, et Felix (<i>sic</i>)
        Orgellitani, eorumque sequacium."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_509" id="Footnote_2_509"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_509"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander,
        v. 228.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_510" id="Footnote_3_510"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_510"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 232.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_511" id="Footnote_4_511"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_511"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Froben,
        sec, 82. Neander says 10,000.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_512" id="Footnote_5_512"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_512"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alcuin
        adv. Elip. Preface to Leidrad: "Non pro eius tantummodo
        laboravi salute, quem timeo forsan citius vel morte praereptum
        esse propter decrepitam in eo senectutem."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_513" id="Footnote_6_513"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_513"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Or perhaps
        six.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_514" id="Footnote_7_514"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_514"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> No
        reliance can be placed in the statement of the
        Pseudo-Luitprand, who, in a letter to Recemundus, speaking of
        Elipandus, says: "Postquam illius erroris sui de adoptione
        Christi sero et vere poenituit, ad quod manifestandum concilium
        (795) episcoporum ... collegit; et coram omnibus abiurato
        publice errore <i>fidem sanctae ecclesiae Romanae</i> confessus
        est." These words in italics reveal a later hand. Cp. also sec.
        259 and Julianus. Alcuin, in a letter to Aquila, bishop of
        Salisbury, says that Elipandus in 800 A.D. still adhered to his
        error.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      We have dealt somewhat at length with the Adoptionist heresy,
      both from its interest and importance, and because, as mentioned
      above, there are some reasons for thinking that it was the
      outcome of a wish to conciliate Mohammedan opinion. It will be as
      well to recapitulate such evidence as we have obtained on this
      point. But we must not expect to find the traces of Mohammedan
      influence in the development, so much as in the origination, of
      the theory. What we do find is slight enough, amounting to no
      more than this:—
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>a.</i>) That the one point, which repelled the Mohammedan
      from genuine Christianity—setting aside for a moment the
      transcendental mystery of the Trinity—was the Divinity of Christ.
      Anything, therefore, that tended to emphasise the humanity of
      Jesus, or to obscure the great fact of Christ the Man, being Son
      of God, which sounded so offensive to Mohammedan ears, would so
      far bring the Christian creed nearer to the Mohammedan's
      acceptance, by assimilating the Christian conception of Christ,
      to that which appears so often in the Koran.<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_515" id="FNanchor_1_515"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_515" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There can be no doubt
      that the theory of adoption, if carried to its logical
      conclusion, did contribute to this result:
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>b.</i>) That Elipandus was accused of receiving the help of
      the secular arm in disseminating his heretical opinions:
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>c.</i>) That the application of the term <i>Servant</i> to
      Christ, besides being authorised by texts from Scripture, is
      countenanced in two passages from the Koran:
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>d.</i>) That Leo III., speaking of, Felix's return to Spain,
      and his relapse into error, implies that it was due to his
      renewed contact with infidels who held similar views:
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>e.</i>) That in a passage, quoted by Enhueber, Elipandus is
      said to have lost his hold on the truth in consequence of his
      close intercourse with the Arabs:
    </p>
    <p>
      (<i>f.</i>) That Elipandus accused Etherius of being a false
      prophet, that is, for giving, as has been conjectured, a
      Mohammedan interpretation to the Beast in the Revelation of St
      John.
    </p>
    <p>
      Something must now be said of one more doctrine, which, though it
      did not arise in Spain, nor perhaps much affected it, yet was
      originated by a Spaniard, and a disciple of Felix,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_516" id="FNanchor_2_516"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_516" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>—Claudius, Bishop of
      Turin. Some have seen in this doctrine, which was an offshoot of
      Iconoclasm, traces of Adoptionism, a thing not unlikely in
      itself.<a name="FNanchor_3_517" id="FNanchor_3_517"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_517" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Of the relations of Claudius to the Saracens we have the direct
      statement of one of his opponents, who said that the Jews praised
      him, and called him the wisest among the Christians; and that he
      on his side highly commended them <i>and the
      Saracens</i>.<a name="FNanchor_4_518" id=
      "FNanchor_4_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_518" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> Yet his tendency seems to have been against
      the Judaizing of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_5_519" id=
      "FNanchor_5_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_519" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_515" id="Footnote_1_515"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_515"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fifty
        years later Alvar ("Ind. Lum.," sec. 9), accuses certain
        Christians of dissembling their religion under fear of
        persecution:— "Deum Christum non aperte coram eis (<i>i.e.</i>
        Saracenis) sed fugatis sermonibus proferunt, Verbum Dei et
        Spiritum, ut illi asserunt, profitentes, suasque confessiones
        corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_516" id="Footnote_2_516"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_516"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Jonas of
        Orleans (Migne, cvi. p. 330) calls him so, and says elsewhere,
        "Felix resuscitur in Claudio."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_517" id="Footnote_3_517"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_517"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander,
        vi. 119.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_518" id="Footnote_4_518"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_518"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Fleury, v.
        398.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_519" id="Footnote_5_519"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_519"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Neander,
        vi. 125.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The great Iconoclastic reform, which arose in the East,
      undoubtedly received its originating impulse from the Moslems. In
      719 the Khalif destroyed all images in Syria. His example was
      followed in 730 by the Eastern Emperor, Leo the Isaurian. He is
      said to have been persuaded to this measure by a man named Bezer,
      who had been some years in captivity among the Saracens.<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_520" id="FNanchor_1_520"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_520" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> In 754 the great
      council of Constantinople condemned images. Unfortunately neither
      the great patriarchates nor the Pope were represented, and so
      this council never obtained-the sanction of all Christendom; and
      its decrees were reversed in 787 at the Council of Nicæa. In 790
      appeared the Libri Carolini, in which we rejoice to find our
      English Alcuin helping Charles the Great to make a powerful and
      reasonable protest against the worship of images.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_521" id="FNanchor_2_521"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_521" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In 794 this protest
      was upheld by the German Council of Frankfurt. But the Pope, and
      his militia,<a name="FNanchor_3_522" id=
      "FNanchor_3_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_522" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> the monks, made a strenuous opposition to any
      reform in this quarter, and the recognition of images became part
      and parcel of Roman Catholic Christianity.
    </p>
    <p>
      Claudius was made bishop of Turin in 828.<a name="FNanchor_4_523"
      id="FNanchor_4_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_523" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> Though placed over an Italian diocese, he soon
      shewed the independence, which he had imbibed in the free air of
      Spain, where the Mohammedan supremacy had at least the advantage
      of making the supremacy of the Pope impossible. Finding that the
      people of his diocese paid worship to their images, Claudius set
      to work to deface, burn, and abolish, all images and crosses in
      his bishopric. In respect to the crosses he went further than
      other Iconoclasts, in which we can perhaps trace his Adoptionist
      training.<a name="FNanchor_5_524" id=
      "FNanchor_5_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_524" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      These new views did not, as might be expected, find favour with
      the Catholic party, whose cause was taken up by Theodemir, abbot
      of Nîmes, a friend of Claudius', by Jonas of Orleans, and Dungal,
      an Irish priest. But, as in the case of Felix, the heresiarch was
      more than a match for his opponents in argument.<a name=
      "FNanchor_6_525" id="FNanchor_6_525"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_525" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_520" id="Footnote_1_520"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_520"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fleury,
        xl. ii. 1, says he was an apostate. See Mendham, Seventh
        General Council, Introd., pp. xii. xiv.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_521" id="Footnote_2_521"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_521"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        "Adorationem soli Deo debitam imaginibus impertire aut
        segnitiae est, si utcumque agitur, aut insaniae, vel potius
        infidelitatis, si pertinaciter defenditur."—III. c. 24.
      </p>
      <p>
        "Imagines vero, omni cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in
        basilicis propter memoriam rerum gestarum sint, nullum fidei
        Catholicae afferre poterunt praeiudicium, quippe cum ad
        peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium
        habere noscantur."—III. c. 21.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_522" id="Footnote_3_522"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_522"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Prescott.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_523" id="Footnote_4_523"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_523"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander
        says 814, Herzog 820.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_524" id="Footnote_5_524"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_524"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Neander,
        v. 119. The Spanish Christians were not free from the charge of
        adoring the cross, as we can see from the answer of the Khalif
        Abdallah (888) when advised to leave his brother's body at
        Bobastro: shall I, he said, leave my brother's body to the
        mercy of those who ring bells and adore the cross. Ibn Hayyan,
        apud Al Makk., ii. 446.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_525" id="Footnote_6_525"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_525"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Fleury, v.
        398, confesses that the case of the image-worshippers rests
        mainly on tradition and the usage of the Church—meaning that
        they can draw no support from the Bible. He might have
        remembered Matt. xv. 7—"Ye make void the Word of God because of
        your tradition."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Claudius' own defence has been lost, but we gather his views from
      his opponents' quotation of them.
    </p>
    <p>
      Briefly expressed, they are as follows:—
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(a.)</i> Image-worship is really idol-worship:
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(b.)</i> If images are to be adored, much more should those
      living beings be adored, whom the images represent. But we are
      not permitted to adore God's works, much less may we worship the
      work of men:<a name="FNanchor_1_526" id=
      "FNanchor_1_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_526" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(c.)</i> The cross has no claim to be adored, because Jesus
      was fastened to it: else must we adore other things with which
      Jesus was similarly connected; virgins, for example, for Christ
      was nine months in a virgin's womb; mangers, asses, ships,
      thorns, for with all these Jesus was connected. To adore the
      cross we have never been told, but to bear it,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_527" id="FNanchor_2_527"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_527" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> that is to deny
      ourselves. Those generally are the readiest to adore it, who are
      least ready to bear it either spiritually or physically.<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_528" id="FNanchor_3_528"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_528" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Claudius also had very independent views on the question of papal
      supremacy.<a name="FNanchor_4_529" id=
      "FNanchor_4_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_529" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> Being summoned before a council, with more
      wisdom than Felix, he refused to attend it, knowing that his
      cause would be prejudged, and contented himself with calling the
      proposed assembly a congregation of asses. He died in 839 in
      secure possession of his see, and with his Iconoclastic belief
      unshaken.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the heresies which connect themselves with Spain during
      the first three hundred years of Arab domination, and which seem
      to have been, in part at least, due to Mohammedan influence. One
      more there was, the Albigensian heresy, which broke out one
      hundred and fifty years later, and was perhaps the outcome of
      intercourse with the Mohammedanism of Spain.<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_530" id="FNanchor_5_530"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_530" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_526" id="Footnote_1_526"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_526"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Jonas of
        Orleans, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 326.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_527" id="Footnote_2_527"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_527"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Luke xiv.
        27.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_528" id="Footnote_3_528"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_528"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas,
        apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 351.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_529" id="Footnote_4_529"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_529"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
        Appendix B, pp. 161-173.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_530" id="Footnote_5_530"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_530"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> So Blunt.
        It found followers in Leon. See Mariana, xii. 2, from Lucas of
        Tuy.
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY.
    </h3>
    <p>
      Having considered the effects of Mohammedanism on doctrinal
      Christianity (there are no traces of similar effects on doctrinal
      Mohammedanism), it will fall within the scope of our inquiry to
      estimate the extent to which those influences were reciprocally
      felt by the two religions in their social and intellectual
      aspects; and how far the character of a Christian or a Mohammedan
      was altered by contact with a people professing a creed so like,
      and yet so unlike.<a name="FNanchor_1_531" id=
      "FNanchor_1_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_531" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> This influence we shall find more strongly
      manifested in the action of Christianity on Islam, than the
      reverse.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is well known that Mohammed, though his opinion as to monks
      seems to have varied<a name="FNanchor_2_532" id=
      "FNanchor_2_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_532" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> from time to time, is reported to have
      expressly declared that he would have no monks in his
      religion.<a name="FNanchor_3_533" id=
      "FNanchor_3_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_533" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> Abubeker, his successor,—if Gibbon's
      translation may be trusted,—in his marching orders to the army,
      told them to let monks and their monasteries alone.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_534" id="FNanchor_4_534"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_534" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was not long,
      however, before an order of itinerant monks—the faquirs—arose
      among the Moslems. In other parts of their dominions these became
      a recognised, and in some ways privileged, class; but in
      Andalusia they did not receive much encouragement,<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_535" id="FNanchor_5_535"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_535" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> though they were very
      numerous even there. Most of them, says the Arabian
      historian,<a name="FNanchor_6_536" id=
      "FNanchor_6_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_536" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> were nothing more than beggars, able but
      unwilling to work. This remark, however, he tells us, must not be
      applied to all, "for there were among them men who, moved by
      sentiments of piety and devotion, left the world and its
      vanities, and either retired to convents to pass the remainder of
      their days among brethren of the same community, or putting on
      the darwázah, and grasping the faquir's staff, went through the
      country begging a scanty pittance, and moving the faithful to
      compassion by their wretched and revolting appearance." That
      Moslem monkeries did exist, especially in rather later times, we
      can gather from the above passage and from another place,<a name=
      "FNanchor_7_537" id="FNanchor_7_537"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_537" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> where a convent called
      Zawiyatu l'Mahruk (the convent of the burnt) is mentioned. On
      that passage De Gayangos<a name="FNanchor_8_538" id=
      "FNanchor_8_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_538" class=
      "fnanchor">[8]</a> has an interesting note, in which he quotes
      from an African writer an account of a monastic establishment
      near Malaga.<a name="FNanchor_9_539" id=
      "FNanchor_9_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_539" class=
      "fnanchor">[9]</a> The writer says: "I saw on a mountain, close
      to this city, a convent, which was the residence of several
      religious men living in community, and conversant with the
      principles of Sufism: they have a superior to preside over them,
      and one or more servants to attend to their wants. Their internal
      regulations are really admirable; each faquir lives separately in
      a cell of his own, and meets his comrades only at meals or
      prayers. Every morning at daybreak the servants of the community
      go round to each faquir, and inquire of him what provisions he
      wishes to have for his daily consumption.... They are served with
      two meals a day. Their dress consists of a coarse woollen frock,
      two being allowed yearly for each man—one for winter, another for
      summer. Each faquir is furnished likewise with a regular
      allowance of sugar, soap to wash his clothes, oil for his lamp,
      and a small sum of money to attend the bath, all these articles
      being distributed to them every Friday.... Most of the faquirs
      are bachelors, a few only being married. These live with their
      wives in a separate part of the building, but are subject to the
      same rule, which consists in attending the five daily prayers,
      sleeping at the convent, and meeting together in a lofty-vaulted
      chamber, where they perform certain devotions.... In the morning
      each faquir takes his Koran and reads the first chapter, and then
      that of the king;<a name="FNanchor_10_540" id=
      "FNanchor_10_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_540" class=
      "fnanchor">[10]</a> and when the reading is over, a Koran,
      previously divided into sections, is brought in for each man to
      read in turn, until the whole is completed. On Fridays and
      other-festivals these faquirs are obliged to go to the mosque in
      a body, preceded by their superior.... They are often visited by
      guests, whom they entertain for a long time, supplying them with
      food and other necessaries. The formalities observed with them
      are as follows:—If a stranger present himself at the door of the
      convent in the garb of a faquir, namely, with a girdle round his
      waist, his kneeling-mat suspended between his shoulders, his
      staff in his right hand, and his drinking vessel in his left, the
      porter of the convent comes up to him immediately, and asks what
      country he comes from, what convent he has resided in, or entered
      on the road, who was the superior of it, and other particulars,
      to ascertain that the visitor is not an impostor.... This convent
      was plentifully endowed with rents for the support of its
      inmates, for besides the considerable revenue in lands which was
      provided by its founder, a wealthy citizen of Malaga, who had
      been governor of the city under the Almohades, pious men are
      continually adding to the funds either by bequests in land or by
      donations in money."
    </p>
    <p>
      The resemblance between these faquirs and Christian monks is
      sufficiently obvious, and need not be dilated upon: and though
      this particular convent was established at a later time, we
      cannot doubt that the influence, which produced such a
      modification of the very spirit of Islam, must have made itself
      felt much earlier. This is apparent in the analogous case of
      Moslem nuns, as a passage from an Arab writer seems to
      shew,<a name="FNanchor_11_541" id="FNanchor_11_541"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_11_541" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> where it is said
      that the body of the Moorish king, Gehwar (1030-1043), was
      followed to the grave even by the damsels who had retired into
      solitude.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_531" id="Footnote_1_531"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_531"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
        Mohammedanism is even called a <i>heresy</i> by a writer quoted
        by Prescott, "Ferdin. and Isab.," p. 244.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_532" id="Footnote_2_532"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_532"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Kor. v.
        85—"Thou shalt find those to be most inclinable to entertain
        friendship for the true believers who say, We are Christians.
        This comes to pass, because there are priests and monks among
        them." Kor. lvii. 27—"As to the monastic state (Deus loquitur),
        the Christians instituted the same (we did not prescribe it for
        them) only out of desire to please God, yet they observed not
        the same as it ought truly to be observed." See also Kor. ix.
        34—"Verily many of the priests and monks devour the substance
        of men in vanity, and obstruct the way of God;" and Kor. xxiii.
        55.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_533" id="Footnote_3_533"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_533"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Kor. v.
        89. Sale's note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_534" id="Footnote_4_534"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_534"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> So
        Almanzor spared the monk of Compostella. Al Makkari, ii. 209.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_535" id="Footnote_5_535"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_535"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See the
        interesting account, <i>ibid.</i>, i. 114.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_536" id="Footnote_6_536"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_536"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Al
        Makkari.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_537" id="Footnote_7_537"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_537"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, i. 115.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_538" id="Footnote_8_538"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_538"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, i. p. 406, note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_539" id="Footnote_9_539"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_539"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> In the
        fourteenth century.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_10_540" id="Footnote_10_540"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_10_540"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> ?
        Chapter 67.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_11_541" id="Footnote_11_541"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_11_541"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Conde,
        ii. 154. Unless the writer is referring to Christian nuns.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But over and above copying the institutions of Christianity,
      Islam shews signs of having become to a certain extent pervaded
      with a Christian spirit. It is easy to be mistaken in such
      things, but the following anecdotes are more in keeping with the
      Bible than the Koran. Hischem I. (788-796) in his last words to
      his son, Hakem I., said: "Consider well that all empire is in the
      hand of God, who bestoweth it on whom He will, and from whom He
      will He taketh it away.<a name="FNanchor_1_542" id=
      "FNanchor_1_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_542" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> But since God hath given to us the royal
      authority and power, which is in our hands by His goodness only,
      let us obey His holy will, which is no other than that we do good
      to all men,<a name="FNanchor_2_543" id=
      "FNanchor_2_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_543" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> and in especial to those placed under our
      protection. See thou therefore, O my son, that thou distribute
      equal justice to rich and poor, nor permit that any wrong or
      oppression be committed in thy kingdom, for by injustice is the
      road to perdition. Be clement, and do right to all who depend
      upon thee, for all are the creatures of God."<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_544" id="FNanchor_3_544"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_544" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      The son was not inferior to the father, and capable, as the
      following story shews, of the most Christian generosity.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_545" id="FNanchor_4_545"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_545" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> One of the faquirs who
      had rebelled against Hakem being captured and brought into the
      presence of the king, did not shrink in his bigotry and hate from
      telling the Sultan that in hating him he was obeying God. Hakem
      answered: "He who bid thee, as thou sayest, hate me, bids me
      pardon thee. Go, and live in God's protection."<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_546" id="FNanchor_5_546"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_546" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_542" id="Footnote_1_542"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_542"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Daniel,
        iv. 25, and Koran, ii. v. 249—"God giveth His kingdom unto whom
        He pleaseth;" and Koran, iii. v. 24.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_543" id="Footnote_2_543"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_543"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Galatians
        vi. 20—"Let us do good unto all men, especially unto them that
        are of the household of faith."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_544" id="Footnote_3_544"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_544"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
        240.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_545" id="Footnote_4_545"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_545"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> It is fair
        to state that Hakem I. was not always so generous.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_546" id="Footnote_5_546"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_546"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
        Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 77.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Prone as the Mohammedans were to superstition, and many as are
      the miracles and wonders, which are described in their histories,
      it must be acknowledged that their capacity for imagining and
      believing in miracles never equalled that of Christian priests in
      the Middle Ages.<a name="FNanchor_1_547" id=
      "FNanchor_1_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_547" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      We hear indeed of a vision of Mohammed appearing to Tarik, the
      invader of Spain;<a name="FNanchor_2_548" id=
      "FNanchor_2_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_548" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> of a miraculous spring gushing forth at the
      prayer of Akbar ibn Nafir;<a name="FNanchor_3_549" id=
      "FNanchor_3_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_549" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> of the marvellous cap of Omar;<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_550" id="FNanchor_4_550"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_550" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> of the wonders that
      distinguished the corpse of the murdered Hosein; of the vision
      shewing the tomb of Abu Ayub;<a name="FNanchor_5_551" id=
      "FNanchor_5_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_551" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> but nothing that will bear a comparison with
      the invention of St James' body at Ira Flavia (Padron), nor the
      clumsy and unblushing forgery of relics at Granada in the year of
      the Armada.<a name="FNanchor_6_552" id=
      "FNanchor_6_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_552" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> Yet the following story of Baki ibn Mokhlid,
      from Al Kusheyri,<a name="FNanchor_7_553" id=
      "FNanchor_7_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_553" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> reminds us forcibly of similar monkish
      extravagancies. A woman came to Baki, and said that, her son
      being a prisoner in the hands of the Franks, she intended to sell
      her house and go in search of him; but before doing so she asked
      his advice. Leaving her for a moment he requested her to wait for
      his answer. He then went out and prayed fervently for her son's
      release, and telling the mother what he had done, dismissed her.
      Some time after the mother came back with her son to thank Baki
      for his pious interference, which had procured her son's release.
      The son then told his story:—"I was the king's slave, and used to
      go out daily with my brother slaves to certain works on which we
      were employed. One day, as we were going I felt all of a sudden
      as if my fetters were being knocked off. I looked down to my
      feet, when lo! I saw the heavy irons fall down broken on each
      side." The inspector naturally charged him with trying to escape,
      but he denied on oath, saying that his fetters had fallen off
      without his knowing how. They were then riveted on again with
      additional nails, but again fell off. The youth goes on:—"The
      Christians then consulted their priests on the miraculous
      occurrence, and one of them came to me and inquired whether I had
      a father. I said 'No, but I have a mother.' Well, then, said the
      priest to the Christians, 'God, no doubt, has listened to her
      prayers. Set him at liberty,'" which was immediately done. As a
      set-off to this there is a remarkable instance of freedom from
      superstition recorded of King Almundhir(881-2).<a name=
      "FNanchor_8_554" id="FNanchor_8_554"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_554" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> On the occasion of an
      earthquake, the people being greatly alarmed, and looking upon it
      as a direct interposition of God, this enlightened prince did his
      best to convince them that such things were natural phenomena,
      and had no relation to the good or evil that men did,<a name=
      "FNanchor_9_555" id="FNanchor_9_555"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_9_555" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> shewing that the earth
      trembled for Christian and Moslem alike, for the most innocent as
      well as the most injurious of creatures without distinction.
      They, however, refused to be convinced.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_547" id="Footnote_1_547"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_547"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See the
        story of Atahulphus, Bishop of Compostella, and the
        bull—Alfonso of Burgos, ch. 66: a man swallowed up by the
        earth—Mariana, viii. 4: Sancho the Great's arm withered and
        restored—<i>Ibid.</i>, c. 10: a Sabellian heretic carried off
        by the devil in sight of a large congregation—Isidore of Beja,
        sec. 69: the miracle of the roses (1050)—Mar. ix. 3.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_548" id="Footnote_2_548"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_548"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cardonne,
        i. p. 72.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_549" id="Footnote_3_549"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_549"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid</i>, p. 38.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_550" id="Footnote_4_550"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_550"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
        Ockley.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_551" id="Footnote_5_551"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_551"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Gibbon,
        "for such are the manufacture of every religion," p. 115.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_552" id="Footnote_6_552"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_552"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See
        Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, "an account of MSS. and relics found
        at Granada." But we must remember that these miraculous
        phenomena appear much earlier in the history of Islam than of
        Christianity.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_553" id="Footnote_7_553"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_553"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. 129; cp. Conde, i. 355.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_554" id="Footnote_8_554"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_554"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Conde, i.
        317.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_555" id="Footnote_9_555"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_555"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Cp. Matt.
        v. 45: Luke xiii. 4.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      This independence of thought in Almundhir was perhaps an outcome
      of that philosophic spirit which first shewed itself in Spain in
      the reign of this Sultan's predecessor.<a name="FNanchor_1_556"
      id="FNanchor_1_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_556" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> The philosophizers were looked upon with
      horror by the theologians, who worked upon the people, so that at
      times they were ready to stone and burn the
      free-thinkers.<a name="FNanchor_2_557" id=
      "FNanchor_2_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_557" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> The works of Ibnu Massara, a prominent member
      of this school, were burnt publicly at Cordova;<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_558" id="FNanchor_3_558"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_558" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the great
      Almanzor, though himself, like the great Caesar, indifferent to
      such questions,<a name="FNanchor_4_559" id=
      "FNanchor_4_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_559" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> by way of gaining the support of the masses,
      was ready, or pretended to be ready, to execute one of these
      philosophers. At length, with feigned reluctance, he granted the
      man's life at the request of a learned faqui.<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_560" id="FNanchor_5_560"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_560" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Even among the Mohammedan "clergy"—if the term be allowable—there
      were Sceptics and Deists,<a name="FNanchor_6_561" id=
      "FNanchor_6_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_561" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> and others who followed the wild speculations
      of Greek philosophy. Among the last of these, the greatest name
      was Averroes, or more correctly, Abu Walid ibn Roshd (1126-1198),
      who besides holding peculiar views about the human soul that
      would almost constitute him a Pantheist, taught that religion was
      not a branch of knowledge that could be systematised, but an
      inward personal power:<a name="FNanchor_7_562" id=
      "FNanchor_7_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_562" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> that science and religion could not be fused
      together. Owing to his freedom of thought he was banished to a
      place near Cordova by Yusuf abu Yakub in 1196. He was also
      persecuted and put into prison by Abdulmumen, son of
      Almansur,<a name="FNanchor_8_563" id=
      "FNanchor_8_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_563" class=
      "fnanchor">[8]</a> for studying natural philosophy. Another
      votary of the same forbidden science, Ibn Habib, was put to death
      by the same king.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_556" id="Footnote_1_556"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_556"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
        18.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_557" id="Footnote_2_557"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_557"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        i. 136, 141. They were called Zendik or heretics by the pious
        Moslems. See also Said of Toledo, apud Dozy, iii. 109.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_558" id="Footnote_3_558"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_558"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        ii. 121.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_559" id="Footnote_4_559"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_559"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> He was
        supposed to be in secret addicted to the forbidden study of
        Natural Science and Astrology.—Al Makk., i. 141. Yet he let the
        faquis make an "index expurgatorius" of books to be
        burnt.—Dozy, iii. 115. His namesake, Yakub Almansur
        (1184-1199), ordered all books on Logic and Philosophy to be
        burnt.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_560" id="Footnote_5_560"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_560"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
        261.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_561" id="Footnote_6_561"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_561"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
        262, 263.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_562" id="Footnote_7_562"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_562"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See
        article in the "Encyclop. Britann."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_563" id="Footnote_8_563"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_563"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        i. 198. De Gayangos, in a note, points out that this was a
        mistake: for Abdulmumen was grandfather of Yakub Almansur, and
        could not be the king meant here. He therefore reads, "Yakub,
        one of the Beni Abdulmumen."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Side by side with, and in bitter hostility to, the earlier
      freethinkers lived the faquis or theologians. The Andalusians
      originally belonged to the Mohammedan sect of Al Auzai<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_564" id="FNanchor_1_564"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_564" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> (711-774), whose
      doctrines were brought into Spain by the Syrian Arabs of
      Damascus. But Hischem I., on coming to the throne, shewed his
      preference for the doctrines of Malik ibn Aus,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_565" id="FNanchor_2_565"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_565" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and contrived that
      they should supplant the dogmas of Al Auzai. It may be that
      Hischem I. only shewed a leaning towards Malik's creed, without
      persuading others to conform to his views, but at all events the
      change was fully accomplished in the reign of his successor,
      Hakem I., by the instrumentality of Yahya ibn Yahya Al Seythi,
      Abu Merwan Abdulmalek ibn Habib,<a name="FNanchor_3_566" id=
      "FNanchor_3_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_566" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> and Abdallah Zeyad ibn Abdurrahman Allakhmi,
      three notable theologians of that reign. Yahya returned from a
      pilgrimage to the East in 827, and immediately took the lead in
      the opposition offered to Hakem I. on the ground of his being a
      lax Mussulman, but, in reality, because he would not give the
      faquis enough power in the State.<a name="FNanchor_4_567" id=
      "FNanchor_4_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_567" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      In the reign of Mohammed (852) these faquis had become powerful
      enough to impeach the orthodoxy of a well-known devout Mussulman,
      Abu Abdurrahman ibn Mokhli, but the Sultan, with a wise
      discretion, as commendable as it was rare, declared that the
      distinctions of the Ulema were cavils, and that the expositions
      of the new traditionist "conveyed much useful instruction, and
      inculcated very laudable practices."<a name="FNanchor_5_568" id=
      "FNanchor_5_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_568" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Efforts were made from time to time to overthrow this priestly
      ascendency, as notably by Ghàzali, the "Vivificator," as he was
      called, "of religious knowledge." This attempt failed, and the
      rebel against authority was excommunicated.<a name=
      "FNanchor_6_569" id="FNanchor_6_569"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_569" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Yet the strictly
      oxthodox party did not succeed in arresting—to any appreciable
      extent—the progress of the decay which was threatening to attack
      even the distinctive features of the Mohammedan religion.<a name=
      "FNanchor_7_570" id="FNanchor_7_570"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_7_570" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> It is a slight
      indication of this, that the peculiar Moslem dress gradually
      began to be given up, and the turban was only worn by
      faquis,<a name="FNanchor_8_571" id="FNanchor_8_571"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_571" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and even they could
      not induce the people to return to a habit once thought of great
      importance.<a name="FNanchor_9_572" id=
      "FNanchor_9_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_572" class=
      "fnanchor">[9]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_564" id="Footnote_1_564"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_564"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        i. 403. De Gayangos' note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_565" id="Footnote_2_565"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_565"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Died 780.
        Al Makk., i. 113, 343, ascribes the change to Hakem I.; and an
        author quoted, i. p. 403, ascribes it to Abdurrahman I.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_566" id="Footnote_3_566"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_566"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        ii. 123.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_567" id="Footnote_4_567"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_567"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        i. 113, implies the reverse of this. Dozy, ii. p. 59.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_568" id="Footnote_5_568"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_568"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i.
        294.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_569" id="Footnote_6_569"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_569"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, iv.
        255.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_570" id="Footnote_7_570"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_570"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In spite
        of Al Makkari's statement, i. 112, where he says that all
        innovations and heretical practices were abhorred by the
        people. If the Khalif, he says, had countenanced any such, he
        would have been torn to pieces.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_571" id="Footnote_8_571"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_571"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
        271.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_572" id="Footnote_9_572"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_572"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. 109.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But in other and more important respects we can see the
      disintegrating effect which intercourse with Christians had upon
      the social institutions of the Koran.<a name="FNanchor_1_573" id=
      "FNanchor_1_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_573" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(a.)</i> Wine, which is expressly forbidden by
      Mohammed,<a name="FNanchor_2_574" id=
      "FNanchor_2_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_574" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> was much drunk throughout the country,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_575" id="FNanchor_3_575"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_575" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the example being
      often set by the king himself. Hakem I. seems to have been the
      first of these to drink the forbidden juice.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_576" id="FNanchor_4_576"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_576" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> His namesake, Hakem
      II. (961-976), however, set his face against the practice of
      drinking wine, and even gave orders for all the vines in his
      kingdom to be rooted up—an edict which he recalled at the
      instance of his councillors, who pointed out that it would ruin
      many poor families, and would not cure the evil, as wine would be
      smuggled in or illicitly made of figs or other fruit. Hakem
      consequently contented himself with forbidding anew the use of
      spirituous liquors in the most stringent terms.<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_577" id="FNanchor_5_577"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_577" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Even the faquis had
      taken to drinking wine, and they defended the practice by saying
      that the prohibition might be disregarded by Moslems, who were
      engaged in a perpetual war with infidels.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(b.)</i> Music was much cultivated, yet a traditionary saying
      of Mohammed runs thus: "To hear music is to sin against the law;
      to perform music is to sin against religion; to enjoy music is to
      be guilty of infidelity."<a name="FNanchor_6_578" id=
      "FNanchor_6_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_578" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> Abdurrahman II. (822-852) in especial was very
      fond of music, and gave the great musician Ziryab or Ali ibn Nafi
      a home at his Court, when the latter was driven from the East by
      professional jealousy. Strict Mohammedans always protested
      against these violations of their law. The important sect of
      Hanbalites in particular, like our own Puritans, made a crusade
      against these abuses. They "caused a great commotion in the tenth
      century in Baghdad by entering people's houses and spilling their
      wine, if they found any, and beating the singing-girls they met
      with and breaking their instruments."<a name="FNanchor_7_579" id=
      "FNanchor_7_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_579" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(c.)</i> The wearing of silk, which had been disapproved of by
      Mohammed, became quite common among the richer classes, though
      the majority do not seem to have indulged themselves in this
      way.<a name="FNanchor_8_580" id="FNanchor_8_580"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_8_580" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(d.)</i> The prohibition of sculptures, representing living
      creatures, was disregarded. We find a statue, raised to
      Abdurrahman's wife Zahra, in the Medinatu'l Zahra, a palace built
      by Abdurrahman III. in honour of his beloved mistress. Images of
      animals are mentioned on the fountains,<a name="FNanchor_9_581"
      id="FNanchor_9_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_581" class=
      "fnanchor">[9]</a> and a lion on the aqueduct.<a name=
      "FNanchor_10_582" id="FNanchor_10_582"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_10_582" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> We also hear of a
      statue at the gate of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_11_583" id=
      "FNanchor_11_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_583" class=
      "fnanchor">[11]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(e.)</i> The Spanish Arabs even seem to have given up turning
      towards Mecca: for what else can we infer from a fact mentioned
      by an Arab historian,<a name="FNanchor_12_584" id=
      "FNanchor_12_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_584" class=
      "fnanchor">[12]</a> that Abu Obeydah was called Sahibu l'Kiblah
      as a distinctive nickname, because he did so turn?
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(f.)</i> A reformer seems even to have arisen, who wished to
      persuade his coreligionists to eat the flesh of sows, though not
      of pigs or boars.<a name="FNanchor_13_585" id=
      "FNanchor_13_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_585" class=
      "fnanchor">[13]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_573" id="Footnote_1_573"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_573"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii., App. 28. Author quoted by De Gayangos: The
        Moslems in the eleventh century "began to drink wine and commit
        all manner of excesses. The rulers of Andalus thought of
        nothing else than purchasing singing-women and slaves,
        listening to their music, and passing the time in revelry and
        mirth."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_574" id="Footnote_2_574"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_574"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Kor. v.
        93—"Surely wine, lots, and images are an abomination of the
        work of Satan ... avoid them."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_575" id="Footnote_3_575"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_575"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. p. 171.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_576" id="Footnote_4_576"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_576"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cardonne,
        i. p. 252.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_577" id="Footnote_5_577"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_577"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, i. p. 108; ii. p. 171.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_578" id="Footnote_6_578"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_578"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Yonge,
        "Moors in Spain," p. 71.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_579" id="Footnote_7_579"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_579"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Sale,
        Koran, Introduc., p. 122. (Chandos Classics.)
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_580" id="Footnote_8_580"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_580"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. p. 109. In 678 Yezid, son of Muawiyah, was
        objected to as a drunkard, a lover of music, and a wearer of
        silk. See Ockley, p. 358. (Chandos Classics.)
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_9_581" id="Footnote_9_581"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_9_581"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, i. p. 236.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_10_582" id="Footnote_10_582"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_10_582"><span class="label">[10]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 241.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_11_583" id="Footnote_11_583"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_11_583"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Akbar
        Madjmoua. Dozy, ii. p. 272.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_12_584" id="Footnote_12_584"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_12_584"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Al
        Malckari, 1. 149.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_13_585" id="Footnote_13_585"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_13_585"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Hamim, a
        Berber, in 936. He was crucified by the faquis. Conde, i. 420.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      There is good reason to suppose that all this relaxation of the
      more unreasonable prohibitions of the Koran was due to contact
      with a civilised and Christian nation, partly in subjection to
      the Arabs, and partly growing up independently side by side with
      them. But in nothing was this shewn more clearly than in the
      social enfranchisement of the Moslem women, whom it is the very
      essence of Mohammed's teaching to regard rather as the goods and
      chattels than as the equals of man; and also in the introduction
      among the Moslems of a more Christian conception of the sacred
      word—Love.
    </p>
    <p>
      Consequently we become accustomed to the strange
      spectacle—strange among a Mohammedan people—of women making a
      mark in the society of men, and being regarded as intellectually
      and socially their equals. Thus we hear of an Arabian Sappho,
      Muatammud ibn Abbad Volada, daughter of Almustakfi
      Billah;<a name="FNanchor_1_586" id="FNanchor_1_586"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_586" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> of Aysha, daughter of
      Ahmad of Cordova—"the purest, loveliest, and most learned maiden
      of her day;"<a name="FNanchor_2_587" id=
      "FNanchor_2_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_587" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> of Mozna, the slave and private secretary of
      Abdurrahman III.<a name="FNanchor_3_588" id=
      "FNanchor_3_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_588" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Again, contrary to the invariable practice elsewhere, women were
      admitted into the mosques in Spain. This was forbidden by
      Mohammedan law,<a name="FNanchor_4_589" id=
      "FNanchor_4_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_589" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> the women being obliged to perform their
      devotions at home; "if," says Sale, "they visit the mosques, it
      must be when the men are not there; for the Moslems are of
      opinion that their presence inspires a different kind of devotion
      from that which is requisite in a place dedicated to the service
      of God." Sale also quotes from the letter of a Moor, censuring
      the Roman Catholic manner of performing the mass, for the reason,
      among others, that women were there. If the evidence of ballads
      be accepted, we shall find the Moorish ladies appearing at
      festivities and dances.<a name="FNanchor_5_590" id=
      "FNanchor_5_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_590" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> At tournaments they looked on, their bright
      smiles heartening the knights on to do brave deeds, and their
      fair hands giving the successful champion the meed of victorious
      valour.<a name="FNanchor_6_591" id="FNanchor_6_591"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_591" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Their position, in
      fact, as Prescott remarks, became assimilated to that of
      Christian ladies.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_586" id="Footnote_1_586"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_586"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Murphy,
        "Hist. of Moh. Empire in Spain," p. 232.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_587" id="Footnote_2_587"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_587"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Conde, i.
        p. 457.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_588" id="Footnote_3_588"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_588"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> For others
        see Conde, i. 483, 484.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_589" id="Footnote_4_589"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_589"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Sale,
        Introd., Koran, p. 84. (Chandos Classics.)
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_590" id="Footnote_5_590"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_590"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Prescott,
        "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 158.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_591" id="Footnote_6_591"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_591"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See a
        picture in the Alhambra, given in Murphy's "Moorish Antiquities
        of Spain," Lockhart, Pref., p. 13; and the ballad called "The
        Bullfight of Ghazal," st. v. p. 109.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The effect of this improvement in the social position of women
      could not fail to reflect itself in the conception of love among
      the Spanish Arabs; and, accordingly, we find their gross
      sensuality undergoing a process of refinement, as the following
      extract from Said ibn Djoudi,<a name="FNanchor_1_592" id=
      "FNanchor_1_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_592" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> who wrote at the close of the ninth century,
      will shew. Addressing his ideal mistress, Djehama, he says:—
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 80px;">
      "O thou, to whom my prayers are given,
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Compassionate and gentle
      be</span>
      <br />
      To my poor soul, so roughly driven,
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">To fly from me to thee.</span>
      <br />
      <br />
      "I call thy name, my vows outpouring,
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">I see thine eyes with tear-drops
      shine:</span>
      <br />
      No monk, his imaged saint adoring,
      <br />
      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Knows rapture like to
      mine!"</span>
      <br />
    </p>
    <p>
      Of these words Dozy<a name="FNanchor_2_593" id=
      "FNanchor_2_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_593" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> says:—"They might be those of a Provençal
      troubadour. They breathe the delicateness of Christian chivalry."
    </p>
    <p>
      This Christianising of the feeling of love is even more clearly
      seen in a passage from a treatise on Love by Ali ibn Hazm, who
      was prime minister to Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-Mar. 1024). He
      calls Love<a name="FNanchor_3_594" id=
      "FNanchor_3_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_594" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> a mixture of moral affection, delicate
      gallantry, enthusiasm, and a calm modest beauty, full of sweet
      dignity. Being the great grandson of Christian parents, perhaps
      some of their inherited characteristics reappeared in
      him:—"Something pure, something delicate, something spiritual
      which was not Arab."<a name="FNanchor_4_595" id=
      "FNanchor_4_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_595" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_592" id="Footnote_1_592"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_592"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Killed,
        897.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_593" id="Footnote_2_593"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_593"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> II. 229.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_594" id="Footnote_3_594"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_594"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Quoted by
        Dozy, iii. 350.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_595" id="Footnote_4_595"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_595"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, 1.1.
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      INFLUENCE OF ISLAM ON CHRISTIANITY.
    </h3>
    <p>
      We have so far investigated the influence of Christianity on the
      social and intellectual character of Mohammedanism; let us now
      turn to the analogous influence of Mohammedanism on Christianity
      under the same aspects. This, as was to be expected, is by no
      means so marked as in the reverse case. One striking instance,
      however, there is, in which such an influence was shewn, and
      where we should least have thought to find it. We have
      indisputable evidence that many Christians submitted to be
      circumcised. Whether this was for the sake of passing themselves
      off on occasion as Mussulmans, or for some other reason, we
      cannot be certain: but the fact remains.<a name="FNanchor_1_596"
      id="FNanchor_1_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_596" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> "Have we not," says Alvar,<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_597" id="FNanchor_2_597"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_597" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> "the mark of the
      beast, when setting at nought the customs of the fathers, we
      follow the pestilent ways of the Gentiles; when, neglecting the
      circumcision of the heart,<a name="FNanchor_3_598" id=
      "FNanchor_3_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_598" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> which is chiefly commanded us, we submit to
      the corporeal rite, which ought to be avoided for its ignominy,
      and which can only be complied with at the cost of no small pain
      to ourselves."
    </p>
    <p>
      Even bishops did not shrink from conforming to this Semitic
      rite,<a name="FNanchor_4_599" id="FNanchor_4_599"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_599" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> whether voluntarily,
      or under compulsion, we cannot say; but we know that the
      Mohammedan king, under whom this occurred, had at one time the
      intention of forcing all his Christian subjects to be
      circumcised.<a name="FNanchor_5_600" id=
      "FNanchor_5_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_600" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Another sign of an approximation made by Christians to the
      outward observances of Moslems, was that some among them thought
      it necessary to abstain from certain meats,<a name=
      "FNanchor_6_601" id="FNanchor_6_601"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_601" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> those, namely,
      forbidden by the Mohammedan law.
    </p>
    <p>
      A bishop, being taxed with compliance of this kind, gave as his
      excuse that otherwise the Christians could not live with the
      Saracens.<a name="FNanchor_7_602" id=
      "FNanchor_7_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_602" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a> This was, naturally, not considered a good
      reason by the stricter or more bigoted party, who regarded with
      alarm and suspicion any tendency towards amalgamation with
      Mohammedans. If we can credit certain chroniclers, a council was
      even held some years before this time by Basilius, Bishop of
      Cordova, for considering the best method of preventing the
      contamination of the purity of the Christian faith by its contact
      with Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_8_603" id=
      "FNanchor_8_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_603" class=
      "fnanchor">[8]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_596" id="Footnote_1_596"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_596"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See John
        of Cordova, in the "Life of John of Gorz," above, p. 89.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_597" id="Footnote_2_597"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_597"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
        "Ind. Lum.", sec. 35.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_598" id="Footnote_3_598"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_598"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Romans ii.
        29; Galatians v. 2.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_599" id="Footnote_4_599"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_599"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See "Life
        of John of Gorz," sec. 123.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_600" id="Footnote_5_600"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_600"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See "Life
        of John of Gorz," sec. 123; Samson, "Apolog.," ii. c. 4. Cp.
        "Loys de Mayerne Turguet," xvii. 13. The king, Halihatan
        (Abdurrahman III.), 950 published an edict, "par lequel il
        estait mandé a tous Chrestiens habitans és terres et villes a
        luy subjectes de laisser la religion de Jesu, et se faisans
        circoncire prendre cette de Mahomet, sur peine de vie."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_601" id="Footnote_6_601"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_601"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See
        Appendix B, p. 167; and Koran v. <i>ad init.</i>—" You are
        forbidden to eat that which dieth of itself, and blood, and
        swine's flesh ... and that which hath been strangled."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_602" id="Footnote_7_602"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_602"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "John of
        Gorz," 1.1.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_603" id="Footnote_8_603"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_603"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
        "Pseudo-Luit.", sec. 341. Cp. "Chron. Juliani," sec. 501.
        "Viritanus coegit concilium Toleto ad inveniendum remedium ne
        Muzarabes Toletani, imo totius Hispaniae, Saracenis conjuncti,
        illorum caeremoniis communicarent."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Sometimes, however, the contact with Islam acted by way of
      contraries, and Christian bigots, such as the monks often were,
      would cling to some habit or rite of their own from a mere spirit
      of opposition to a reverse custom among Moslems. Thus we know
      that the monks in the East became the more passionately devoted
      to their image-worship, because Iconoclasm savoured so much of
      Mohammedanism. In the same way, but with far more objectionable
      results, the clergy in Spain did their best to impress the people
      with the idea that cleanliness of apparel and person, far from
      being next to godliness, was incompatible with it, and that baths
      were the direct invention of the devil.<a name="FNanchor_1_604"
      id="FNanchor_1_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_604" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> Later on we know that Philip II., the husband
      of our Queen Mary, had all public baths in his Spanish dominions
      destroyed, on the ground that they were relics of
      infidelity.<a name="FNanchor_2_605" id=
      "FNanchor_2_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_605" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Celibacy of the clergy, again, was strongly advocated as a
      contrast to the polygamy of Mohammedans; and an abbot, Saulus, is
      mentioned with horror as having a wife and children, one of whom
      afterwards succeeded him, and also married.<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_606" id="FNanchor_3_606"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_606" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the last acts of a Gothic king had been to enforce the
      marriage of the clergy, and though this act was repealed by
      Fruela I. (757-768) in the North, yet concubinage became very
      common among the clergy;<a name="FNanchor_4_607" id=
      "FNanchor_4_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_607" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> and it was perhaps to remedy a similar state
      of things that Witiza wished to compel the clergy to have lawful
      wives.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_604" id="Footnote_1_604"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_604"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Miss
        Yonge, p. 67.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_605" id="Footnote_2_605"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_605"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 136.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_606" id="Footnote_3_606"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_606"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez,
        "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 326—"Conventus Episcoporum pro
        restoratione monasterii." The children are called "Spinae ac
        vepres, nec nominandi proles."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_607" id="Footnote_4_607"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_607"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prescott,
        "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 16. From Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. 2, 6,
        we learn that Christians had begun to imitate the Moslems in
        having harems.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      We have left to the last the great and interesting question of
      the origin of chivalry. Though forming no part of the doctrines
      of Christianity or Islam, chivalry and its influences could not
      with justice be wholly overlooked in a discussion like the
      present. The institution known by that name arose in the age of
      Charles the Great (768-814),<a name="FNanchor_1_608" id=
      "FNanchor_1_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_608" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> and was therefore nearly synchronous with the
      invasion of Europe by the Arabs. Its origin has been, indeed,
      referred to the military service of fiefs, but all its
      characteristics, which were personal and individual, such as
      loyalty, courtesy, munificence, point to a racial rather than a
      political source, and these characteristics are found in an
      eminent degree among the Arabs. "The solitary and independent
      spirit of chivalry," says Hallam,<a name="FNanchor_2_609" id=
      "FNanchor_2_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_609" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> "dwelling as it were upon a rock, and
      disdaining injustice or falsehood from a consciousness of
      internal dignity, without any calculation of the consequences, is
      not unlike what we sometimes read of Arabian chiefs or American
      Indians."
    </p>
    <p>
      Whatever the precise origin of chivalry may have been, there can
      be no doubt that its development was largely influenced by the
      relative positions of Arabs and Christians in Spain, and the
      perpetual war which went on between them in that country.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though not a religious institution at the outset, except perhaps
      among our Saxon forefathers,<a name="FNanchor_3_610" id=
      "FNanchor_3_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_610" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> chivalry soon became religious in character,
      and its golden age of splendour was during the crusades against
      the Moslems of Spain and Palestine. Spain itself may almost be
      called the cradle of chivalry; and it must be allowed that even
      in the first flush of conquest the Arabs shewed themselves to be
      truly chivalrous enemies, and clearly had nothing to learn from
      Christians in that respect. The very earliest days of Moslem
      triumph, saw the same chivalrous spirit displayed at the capture
      of Jerusalem, forming a strange and melancholy contrast to the
      scene at its recapture subsequently by the Crusaders under the
      heroic Godfrey de Bouillon.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_608" id="Footnote_1_608"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_608"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Hallam,
        "Mid. Ages.," iii. 392.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_609" id="Footnote_2_609"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_609"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i> Cp. p. 402. "The characteristic virtues of
        chivalry have so much resemblance to those which Eastern
        writers of the same period extol, that I am disposed to suspect
        Europe for having derived some improvement from imitation of
        Asia."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_610" id="Footnote_3_610"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_610"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Hallam,
        "Mid. Ages" (1.1.).
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Similarly the last triumph of the Moors in Spain, at the end of
      the tenth century, furnished an instance of generosity rarely
      paralleled. The Almohade king, Yakub Almansur, after the great
      victory of Alarcos (1193), released 20,000 Christian prisoners.
      It cannot, however, be denied that the action displeased many of
      the king's followers, who complained of it "as one of the
      extravagancies proper to monarchs,"<a name="FNanchor_1_611" id=
      "FNanchor_1_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_611" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> and Yakub himself repented of it on his
      deathbed.
    </p>
    <p>
      In many passages of the Arabian writers we find those qualities
      enumerated which ought to distinguish the Moorish knight—such as
      piety, courtesy, prowess in war, the gift of eloquence, the art
      of poetry, skill on horseback, and dexterity with sword, lance,
      and bow.<a name="FNanchor_2_612" id="FNanchor_2_612"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_612" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Chivalry soon became a
      recognised art, and we hear of a certain Yusuf ben Harun, or Abu
      Amar, addressing an elegant poem to Hakem II. (961-976) on its
      duties and obligations;<a name="FNanchor_3_613" id=
      "FNanchor_3_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_613" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> nor was it long before the Moorish kings
      learnt to confer knighthood on their vassals after the Christian
      fashion, and we have an instance of this in a knighthood
      conferred by the king of Seville in 1068.<a name="FNanchor_4_614"
      id="FNanchor_4_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_614" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_611" id="Footnote_1_611"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_611"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde,
        iii. 53.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_612" id="Footnote_2_612"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_612"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        ii. 401, from Ibn Hayyan. Cp. Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p.
        159.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_613" id="Footnote_3_613"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_613"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
        477.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_614" id="Footnote_4_614"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_614"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, ii.
        173.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      As the ideal knight of Spanish romance was Ruy Diaz de Bivar, or
      the Cid, so we may perhaps regard the historic Almanzor as the
      Moorish knight <i>sans peur et sans reproche;</i> and though, if
      judged by our standards, he was by no means <i>sans reproche</i>,
      yet many are the stories told of his magnanimity and justice. On
      one occasion after a battle against the Christians, the Count of
      Garcia being mortally wounded, his faithful Castilians refused to
      leave him, and were hemmed in by Almanzor's men. When the latter
      was urged to give the word, and have the knot of Christians put
      to the sword, he said: "Is it not written? 'He who slayeth one
      man, not having met with violence, will be punished like the
      murderer of all mankind, and he who saveth the life of one man,
      shall be rewarded like the rescuer of all.'<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_615" id="FNanchor_1_615"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_615" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Make room, sons of
      Ishmael, make way; let the Christians live and bless the name of
      the clement and merciful God." <a name="FNanchor_2_616" id=
      "FNanchor_2_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_616" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      On another occasion Almanzor is asked by the Count of Lara for
      wedding gifts for an enemy<a name="FNanchor_3_617" id=
      "FNanchor_3_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_617" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> of the Arabs, another Christian count, and he
      magnanimously sends the gifts; or we see him releasing the father
      of the Infantes of Lara, on hearing of the dreadful death of his
      seven sons.<a name="FNanchor_4_618" id=
      "FNanchor_4_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_618" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      It must be admitted that these instances savour too much of the
      romantic ballad style, but anecdotes of generosity do not gather
      round any but persons who are noted for that virtue, and though
      the instances should be false in letter, yet in spirit they may
      be eminently true. However this may be as respects Almanzor's
      generosity, of his justice we have unimpeachable evidence. The
      monk who wrote the "Chronicle of Silo," says that the success of
      his raids on the Christian territories was due to the large pay
      he offered his soldiers, and also to his extreme justice, "which
      virtue," says the chronicler, "as I learned from my father's
      lips, Almanzor held dearer, if I may so say, than any
      Christian."<a name="FNanchor_5_619" id=
      "FNanchor_5_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_619" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_615" id="Footnote_1_615"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_615"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Koran, v.
        35.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_616" id="Footnote_2_616"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_616"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p.
        110.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_617" id="Footnote_3_617"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_617"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 80.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_618" id="Footnote_4_618"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_618"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Johannes
        Vasaeus, 969.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_619" id="Footnote_5_619"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_619"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Chron.
        Sil.," sec. 70.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      In connection with chivalry there is one institution which the
      Christian Spaniards seem to have borrowed from the Moors—those
      military orders, namely, which were so numerous in Spain. "The
      Rabitos, or Moslemah knights," says Conde,<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_620" id="FNanchor_1_620"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_620" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> "in charge of the
      frontier, professed extraordinary austerity of life, and devoted
      themselves voluntarily to the continual exercise of arms. They
      were all men of high distinction; and bound themselves by a vow
      to defend the frontier. They were forbidden by their rules to fly
      from the enemy, it being their duty to fight and die on the spot
      they held."
    </p>
    <p>
      In any case, whether the Christian military orders were derived
      from the Moorish, or the reverse, one thing is certain, that it
      was the Moors who inoculated the Christians with a belief in Holy
      Wars, as an essential part of their religion.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_621" id="FNanchor_2_621"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_621" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In this respect
      Christianity became Mohammedanized first in Spain. Chivalry
      became identified with war against the infidel, and found its
      apotheosis<a name="FNanchor_3_622" id=
      "FNanchor_3_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_622" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> in St. James of Compostella, who—a poor
      fisherman of Galilee—was supposed to have fought in person
      against the Moors at Clavijo.<a name="FNanchor_4_623" id=
      "FNanchor_4_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_623" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> In the ballad we hear of Christian knights
      coming to engage in fight from exactly that same belief in the
      efficacy and divine institution of holy wars, as animated the
      Arab champions. The clergy, and even the bishops, took up arms
      and fought against the enemies of their faith. Two bishops, those
      of Leon and Astorga,<a name="FNanchor_5_624" id=
      "FNanchor_5_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_624" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> were taken prisoners at the battle of Val de
      Junqueras (921).<a name="FNanchor_6_625" id=
      "FNanchor_6_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_625" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> Sisenandus of Compostella was killed in battle
      against the Northmen (979); and the "Chronicle of the Cid" makes
      repeated mention of a right valiant prelate named
      Hieronymus.<a name="FNanchor_7_626" id=
      "FNanchor_7_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_626" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_620" id="Footnote_1_620"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_620"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, ii.
        p. 119, note—"It seems highly probable that from these arose
        the military orders of Spain in the East." Cp. Prescott, "Ferd.
        and Isab.," p. 122. The military orders of Spain were mostly
        instituted by papal bulls in the last half of the 12th century.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_621" id="Footnote_2_621"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_621"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Islam made
        Christianity military, Milman, "Lat. Chr.," ii. pp. 220-2.
        Lecky, "Hist. Eur. Moral," p. 262, ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_622" id="Footnote_3_622"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_622"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Presc.,
        "Ferd.," p. 15.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_623" id="Footnote_4_623"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_623"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Mohammed
        also imagined celestial aid in battle, see Kor. iii., ad init.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_624" id="Footnote_5_624"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_624"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Rodrigo
        of Toledo," iii. p. 4. Johannes Vasaeus says they were the
        bishops of Tuy and Salamanca.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_625" id="Footnote_6_625"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_625"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mariana,
        viii. 5. See also <i>Ibid.</i>, c. 6.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_626" id="Footnote_7_626"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_626"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Chronicle
        of Cid" (Southey), p. 371.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Yet, in spite of all this, in spite of the fanaticism which
      engendered and accompanied it, chivalry proved to be the only
      common ground on which Christian and Moslem, Arab and European,
      could meet. It was in fact a sort of compromise between two
      incompatible religions mutually accepted by two different races.
      Though perhaps not a spiritual religion, it was a social one, and
      served in some measure to mitigate the horrors of a war of races
      and creeds. Chivalry culminated in the Crusades, and Richard I.
      of England and Saladin were the Achilles and the Hector of a new
      Iliad.
    </p>
    <p>
      With this short discussion of the origin and value of chivalry as
      a compromise between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we will now
      conclude. In discussing the relations between Christianity and
      Mohammedanism, we have been naturally led to compare not only the
      religions but their adherents, for it is difficult to distinguish
      between those who profess a creed, and the creed which they
      profess; but at least we may have thus been enabled to avoid
      missing any point essential to the proper elucidation of the
      mutual relations which existed between the two greatest religions
      of the world, and the influence they had upon each other.
    </p>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="APPENDIX_A" id="APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX.</a>
    </h2>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      A.
    </h3>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      THE JEWS IN SPAIN.
    </h3>
    <p>
      The persecution of the Jews by the Gothic Spaniards naturally
      made them the implacable enemies of the Christians. Being a very
      numerous colony in Spain—for Hadrian had transported thither many
      thousand families—the Jews gave the Arabs very effective help in
      conquering the country, both by betraying places to them, and
      garrisoning captured towns while the Arabs went on to fresh
      conquests. Consequently the relations between the Jews and
      Moslems were for a long time very cordial, though this cordiality
      wore off in the course of time. Their numbers seem to have been
      considerable under the Moslem occupation, and whole towns were
      set apart as Jewries.<a name="FNanchor_1_627" id=
      "FNanchor_1_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_627" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      In France the prejudice against the Jews shewed itself very
      strongly among the clergy, though Louis I. and his wife Judith
      favoured them. They were generally ill-treated, and their slaves
      were induced by the clergy to be baptized. Thereupon they became
      free, as Jews were not allowed to have Christian slaves.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_628" id="FNanchor_2_628"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_628" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> But it must be
      admitted that the Franks had reason for disliking the Jews, as it
      was well known that they sold Christian children as slaves to the
      Moslems of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_3_629" id=
      "FNanchor_3_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_629" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_627" id="Footnote_1_627"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_627"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
        Makkari, ii. 452.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_628" id="Footnote_2_628"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_628"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v.
        408.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_629" id="Footnote_3_629"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_629"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      They also seem to have been able to make some proselytes from
      among the Christians, and we hear of one apostate of this kind,
      named Eleazar, to whom Alvar addressed several letters under the
      title of "the transgressor." This man's original name was Bodon.
      A Christian of German extraction,<a name="FNanchor_1_630" id=
      "FNanchor_1_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_630" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> he was brought up with a view to Holy Orders.
      In 838, while on his way to Rome,<a name="FNanchor_2_631" id=
      "FNanchor_2_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_631" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> he apostatised to Judaism,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_632" id="FNanchor_3_632"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_632" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and opened a
      negotiation with the Jews in France to sell his companions as
      slaves, stipulating only to keep his own grandson. The next year
      he let his hair and beard grow, and went to Spain, where he
      married a Jewess, compelling his grandson at the same time to
      apostatise. In 845 or 847 his attitude became so hostile to the
      Christians in Spain, that the latter wrote to Charles, praying
      him to demand Eleazar as his subject, which however does not seem
      to have been done. There seems good reason to believe that
      Eleazar stirred up the Moslems against the Christians, and the
      deaths of Prefectus and John may have been due to him.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_633" id="FNanchor_4_633"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_633" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> After this we hear no
      more of Eleazar; but the position of the Jews with regard to the
      Arabs seems to have been for long after this of a most privileged
      character. Consequently the Jews in Spain had such an opportunity
      to develop their natural gifts as they have never had since the
      capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar; and they shewed
      themselves no whit behind the Arabs, if indeed they did not
      outstrip them, in keeping alive the flame of learning in the dark
      ages.<a name="FNanchor_5_634" id="FNanchor_5_634"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_634" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In science generally,
      and especially in the art of medicine they had few rivals, and in
      learning and civilisation they were, no less than the Arabs, far
      ahead of the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_6_635" id=
      "FNanchor_6_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_635" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_630" id="Footnote_1_630"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_630"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Ann.
        Bertin.," 839.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_631" id="Footnote_2_631"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_631"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Orationis
        gratia, "Ann. Bert," 1.1.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_632" id="Footnote_3_632"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_632"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez,
        xi. p. 20 ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_633" id="Footnote_4_633"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_633"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The "Ann.
        Bert." say that he induced Abdurrahman II. to give his
        Christian subjects the choice between Islam, Judaism, or death.
        See Rohrbacher, xii. 4.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_634" id="Footnote_5_634"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_634"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Prescott,
        "Ferd. and Isab." p. 153.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_635" id="Footnote_6_635"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_635"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 134.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      The good understanding between the Jews and the Arabs with the
      gradual process of time gave place to an ill-concealed hostility,
      and at the beginning of the twelfth century there seems even to
      have been a project formed for forcing the Jews to become Moslems
      on the ground of a promise made by their forefathers to Mohammed
      that, if in five centuries their Messiah had not appeared, they
      would be converted to Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_1_636" id=
      "FNanchor_1_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_636" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> Perhaps this was only a pretext on the part of
      the Moslems for extorting money; at all events the Jews only
      succeeded in evading the alternative by paying a large sum of
      money. Even in the early years of the conquest they were subject
      to the rapacity of their rulers, for when, on the rumour of the
      Messiah having appeared in Syria, many of the Spanish Jews,
      leaving their goods, started off to join him, the Moslem
      governor, Anbasa, seized the property so left, and refused to
      restore it on the return of the disappointed emigrants.
    </p>
    <p>
      From their contact with Arabs and Christians the Jews seem to
      have lost many of their distinctive beliefs, and in the twelfth
      century Maimonides,<a name="FNanchor_2_637" id=
      "FNanchor_2_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_637" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> the greatest name among the Spanish Jews,
      wrote against their errors. One of these seems to have been that
      the books of Moses were written before the Creation;<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_638" id="FNanchor_3_638"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_638" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> another, that there
      was a series of hells in the next world.<a name="FNanchor_4_639"
      id="FNanchor_4_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_639" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Many Jews attained to very high positions among the Arabs, and we
      hear of a certain Hasdai ibn Bahrut, who was inspector of customs
      to Abdurrahman III., ambassador to the King of Leon in 955, and
      the king's confidential messenger to the monk, John of Gorz, a
      few years later. He was also distinguished as a
      physician.<a name="FNanchor_5_640" id=
      "FNanchor_5_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_640" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_636" id="Footnote_1_636"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_636"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, ii.
        326.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_637" id="Footnote_2_637"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_637"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v.
        409.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_638" id="Footnote_3_638"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_638"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cp. the
        Moslem belief about the Koran. Sale, Introduc., p. 50. (Chandos
        Classics.)
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_639" id="Footnote_4_639"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_639"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
        <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 72.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_640" id="Footnote_5_640"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_640"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        i., App. v. p. xxiv. Note by De Gayangos.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      While the Arabs still retained their hold on the fairest
      provinces of Spain, the lot of the Jews, even in Christian
      territories, was by no means unendurable. They were sometimes
      advanced to important and confidential posts, and it was the
      murder of Alfonso VI.'s Jewish ambassador by the King of Seville
      which brought about the introduction of the Almoravides into
      Spain.
    </p>
    <p>
      There is a strange story told of the Jews at the taking of Toledo
      by the Christians in 1085. They waited on Alfonso and assured him
      that they were part of the ten tribes whom Nebuchadnezzar
      transported into Spain, and not the descendants of those
      Jerusalem Jews who crucified Christ. Their ancestors, they said,
      were quite free from the guilt of this act, for when Caiaphas had
      written to the Toledan synagogue for their advice respecting the
      person who claimed to be the Messiah, the Toledan Jews returned
      for answer, that in their judgment the prophecies seemed to be
      fulfilled in Him, and therefore He ought not by any means to be
      put to death. This reply they produced in the original
      Hebrew.<a name="FNanchor_1_641" id="FNanchor_1_641"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_641" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It is needless to say
      that the whole thing was a fabrication.
    </p>
    <p>
      Gradually, as the Christians recovered their supremacy in Spain,
      the tide of prejudice set more and more strongly against the
      Jews. They were accused of "contempt for the Catholic worship,
      desecration of its symbols, sacrifice of Christian
      infants,"<a name="FNanchor_2_642" id=
      "FNanchor_2_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_642" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> and other enormities. Severe laws were passed
      against them, as in the old Gothic times, and their freedom was
      grievously curtailed in the matters of dress, residence, and
      profession. As a distinctive badge they had to wear yellow
      caps.<a name="FNanchor_3_643" id="FNanchor_3_643"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_643" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_641" id="Footnote_1_641"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_641"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Southey,
        "Roder.," i. p. 235, note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_642" id="Footnote_2_642"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_642"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
        "Ferd. and Isab.," pp. 134, 135.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_643" id="Footnote_3_643"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_643"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk.,
        i. 116.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      At the end of the fourteenth century the people rose against
      them, and 15,000 Jews were massacred in different parts of Spain.
      Many were nominally converted, and 35,000 conversions were put to
      the credit of a single saint. These new Christians sometimes
      attained high ecclesiastical dignities, and intermarried with the
      noble families—the taint of which "mala sangre" came afterwards
      to be regarded with the greatest horror and aversion.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was against the converted Jews that the Inquisition was first
      established, and they chiefly suffered under it at first. In
      1492, on the final extinction of the Arab dominion in Spain, a
      very large number of Jews were expelled from Castile,<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_644" id="FNanchor_1_644"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_644" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the evil example being
      afterwards followed in other parts of Spain. The story of the
      treatment of Jews by Christians is indeed one of the darkest in
      the history of Christianity.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_644" id="Footnote_1_644"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_644"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Variously
        estimated at 160,000 or 800,000.
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 45%;" />
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="APPENDIX_B" id="APPENDIX_B">B.</a>
    </h3>
    <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
      SPAIN AND THE PAPAL POWER.
    </h3>
    <p>
      Perhaps no part of the history of Spain affords so interesting a
      study as the consideration of those gradual steps by which, from
      being one of the most independent of Churches, she has become the
      most subservient, and therefore the most degraded, of all. The
      question of how this was brought about, apart from its intrinsic
      interest as illustrating the development of a great nation, is
      well worth investigating, from the momentous influence which it
      has had upon the religious history of the world at large. For it
      is not too much to say that Rome could never have made good its
      ascendency, spiritual no less than temporal, over so large a part
      of mankind, had not the material resources and the blind devotion
      of Spain been ready to back the haughty pretensions and
      unscrupulous ability of the Italian pontiffs.
    </p>
    <p>
      In fact, Spain is the only country, apart from Italy, that as a
      nation, has accepted the monstrous doctrines of Rome in all their
      entirety—doctrines which the whole Christian East repudiated from
      the first with scorn, and which the North and (with the exception
      of Spain) the West of Europe—the birthplace and cradle of the
      mighty Teutonic races—have agreed with equal disdain to reject
      and trample under their feet.
    </p>
    <p>
      This result is all the more remarkable, from the fact that in
      early times the Church of Spain, from its rapid extension, its
      greatness, and its prosperity, held a position of complete
      equality with the Roman and other principal churches. The See of
      Cordova held so high a rank in the fourth century that Hosius,
      its venerable bishop, was chosen to preside at the important
      councils of Nice (325) and Sardica (347).
    </p>
    <p>
      The Gothic invasion at the beginning of the fifth century made
      Spain still less likely to acknowledge any supremacy of Rome, for
      the Goths, besides being far more independent in character than
      the Romanized Kelts, were Arian heretics, and cut off, in
      consequence, from all communion with Rome. The orthodox party,
      however, gradually gained strength, and in 560 the remnants of
      the Suevi abjured Arianism, and the Gothic king's son Ermenegild,
      with their help, revolted against his father. He was finally put
      to death for his treason, but his brother, Recared, on ascending
      the throne in 589, avowed his conversion to the orthodox creed,
      his example being followed by most of his nobles and prelates.
    </p>
    <p>
      The reception of Recared and his Court into the Catholic fold was
      the signal for an attempt to establish the papal authority, which
      was the more dangerous now, as the popes had gained a great
      increase of power since Spain was cut off from orthodox
      Christendom by the invasion of the Arian Goths.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of Recared's first acts was to write to the pope and,
      saluting him, ask him for his advice in spiritual matters. The
      papal authority thus acknowledged was soon exercised in—
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(a.)</i> Deciding ecclesiastical appeals without regard to the
      laws of the land;
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(b.)</i> Sending to Spain pontifical judges to hear such
      cases;
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(c.)</i> Sending legates to watch over the discipline of the
      Church;
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(d.)</i> Sending the pall to metropolitans.
    </p>
    <p>
      These metropolitans, unknown in the earlier history of the
      Spanish Church, came gradually to be recognised, owing to the
      papal practice of sending letters to the chief bishops of the
      country. They became invested in consequence with certain
      important powers, such as those of convoking provincial councils;
      of consecrating suffragans; of holding ecclesiastical courts, and
      watching over the conduct of bishops.<a name="FNanchor_1_645" id=
      "FNanchor_1_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_645" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      But though a certain authority over the Spanish Church <i>was</i>
      thus conceded to the pope, yet owing to the independent spirit of
      the Spanish kings and clergy, he contented himself with a very
      sparing use of his power. In two points, in especial, the claims
      of the pope were strenuously resisted.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(a.)</i> The purchase of dispensations from Rome was expressly
      forbidden.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(b.)</i> Papal infallibility was a dogma by no means admitted.
      Thus the prelates of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth
      councils of Toledo, defended the orthodoxy of their
      fellow-bishop, Julian, against the strictures of the then pope,
      Bendict II.; and Benedict's successor, John V., confessed that
      they had been in the right.<a name="FNanchor_2_646" id=
      "FNanchor_2_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_646" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      This spirit of opposition to the supremacy of the pope we find
      manifested to the last by the Spanish kings, and there is some
      reason for thinking that in the very year of the Saracen invasion
      the king, Witiza, held a synod, which emphatically forbade
      appeals to Rome.<a name="FNanchor_3_647" id=
      "FNanchor_3_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_647" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> One author even goes so far as to say that the
      Gothic king and his clergy being at variance with the pope, the
      latter encouraged and favoured the Saracen invasion.<a name=
      "FNanchor_4_648" id="FNanchor_4_648"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_648" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_645" id="Footnote_1_645"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_645"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Masdeu,
        xi. p. 167, ff., quoted by Dr Dunham.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_646" id="Footnote_2_646"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_646"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dunham, i.
        p. 197.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_647" id="Footnote_3_647"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_647"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See
        Hardwicke's "Church in the Middle Ages," p. 42. He quotes
        Gieselar, "Ch. Hist.," iii-132.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_648" id="Footnote_4_648"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_648"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> J.S.
        Semler, quoted by Mosheim, ii. 120, note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      However that may have been, and it certainly looks very
      improbable, the invasion did not help the pope much directly,
      though indirectly, and as events turned out, the Arab domination
      was undoubtedly the main cause of the ultimate subjection of
      Spain to the papal yoke, which happened in this way:—The
      Christian Church in the North being, though free, yet in a
      position of great danger and weakness, would naturally have
      sought help from their nearest Christian neighbours, the Franks.
      But the selfish and ambitious policy of the latter, who preferred
      extending their temporal dominion to fighting as champions of
      Christianity in defence of others, naturally forced the Spanish
      Christians to look to the only Christian ruler who could afford
      them even moral assistance; and the popes were not slow to avail
      themselves of the opportunity thus offered for establishing their
      authority in a new province. It was by the intervention of the
      popes that the war against the Arabs partook of the nature of a
      crusade, a form of warfare which carried with it the advantage of
      filling the treasury of the Bishops of Rome. By means of
      indulgences, granting exemption from purgatory at 200 maravedis a
      head, the pope collected in four years the sum of four million
      maravedis.<a name="FNanchor_1_649" id=
      "FNanchor_1_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_649" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      The first important instance of the Pope's intervention being
      asked and obtained was in 808, when, the body of St James being
      miraculously discovered, Alfonso wrote to the pope asking leave
      to move the see of Ira Flavia (Padron) to the new church of St
      lago,<a name="FNanchor_2_650" id="FNanchor_2_650"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_650" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> built on the spot
      where the relics were found. The birth of the new Spanish Church
      dates from this event, which was of ominous import for the future
      independence of the Church in that country. What the claims of
      Rome had come to be within a quarter of a century of this epoch,
      we may see from the controversy which arose between Claudius,
      Bishop of Turin, and the papal party. Claudius was himself a
      Spaniard, and a pupil of the celebrated Felix, Bishop of Urgel,
      one of the authors of the Adoptionist heresy. Among other
      doctrines obnoxious to the so-called Catholic party, Claudius
      stoutly resisted the papal claim to be the head of Christendom,
      resting his opposition, so far as we can gather from what remains
      to us of his writings,<a name="FNanchor_3_651" id=
      "FNanchor_3_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_651" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> on the grounds, first, that Christ did
      <i>not</i> say to Peter, "What thou loosest in heaven, shall be
      loosed upon earth;" meaning by this that the authority vested in
      Peter was only to be exercised during his life; secondly, in
      answer to the supposed efficacy of a pilgrimage to Rome, Claudius
      retorts on his accuser, Theodomir, abbot of a monastery near
      Nîmes:—"If a doing of penance to be effectual involves a journey
      to Rome, why do you keep so many monks in your monastery and
      prevent them from going—as you say is necessary—to Rome itself?"
      As to the journey itself, Claudius said that he neither approved
      nor disapproved of it, knowing that it was not prejudicial to
      all, nor useful to all: but this he was assured of, that eternal
      life could not be gained by a mere journey to Rome; thirdly, as
      to the pope being the Dominicus Apostolicus, as his supporters
      called him, apostolic, says Claudius, is a title that does not
      belong to one "who fills the see of an apostle, but who fulfils
      the duties thereof."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_649" id="Footnote_1_649"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_649"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prescott,
        "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 64, n.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_650" id="Footnote_2_650"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_650"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Romey,
        "Hist. d'Esp.," iii. 420.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_651" id="Footnote_3_651"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_651"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas of
        Orleans, iii., apud Migne, vol. civ. p. 375 ff. Fleury, v. 398.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Being summoned to appear before a council, the bishop proved
      contumacious, and refused to go, calling the proposed assemblage
      a congregation of asses. In spite of his independence of spirit
      Claudius remained Bishop of Turin till his death in 839.
    </p>
    <p>
      The pope's authority being once recognised in Spain, the sphere
      of his interference rapidly enlarged, and we soon find the king
      unable even to call a council of bishops without a papal bull.
      This became the established practice.<a name="FNanchor_1_652" id=
      "FNanchor_1_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_652" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> In the tenth century Bermudo II. (982-999), in
      confirming the laws of the Goths, took the opportunity to make
      the canons and decrees of the pope binding in secular
      cases.<a name="FNanchor_2_653" id="FNanchor_2_653"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_653" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile, even before the free Christians in the North had
      established their independence, the weakness of the Christian
      Church under Arab domination seemed to afford a good opportunity
      for obtaining from them a recognition of the authority of the
      pope. We accordingly find that an appeal was made to the pope
      towards the close of the eighth century to give an authoritative
      decision with regard to what the appellants deemed to be certain
      irregularities which had found their way into the practice of
      those Christians who were under the Arab yoke. The Pope Adrian
      readily undertook to define what was, and what was not, in
      accordance with Christianity. In a letter addressed to the
      Bishops of Spain he inveighs against the following errors,
      countenanced by a certain Migetius, and by Egila, Bishop of
      Elvira, and sometimes called in consequence the Migetian errors:—
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(a.)</i> The wrong celebration of Easter. This had already
      been noticed and condemned by Peter, a deacon of Toledo, in a
      letter to the people of Seville (750).<a name="FNanchor_3_654"
      id="FNanchor_3_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_654" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> The error was not the same as that of the
      Quarto-decimani, but consisted apparently in deferring Easter to
      the twenty-second day, if the full moon fell on the 14th, and the
      following day was Sunday. Curiously enough this very error had
      been held by the Latin Church itself till the sixth
      century.<a name="FNanchor_4_655" id="FNanchor_4_655"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_655" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The fulminations of
      the Pope failed in suppressing the error. As late as 891 it was
      sufficiently general in Andalusia to cause the date of a battle
      which took place at the Easter of that year to be placed in the
      year of the Hegira 278, which only began on April 15th, whereas
      had Easter been observed according to the usage of the Latin
      Church, the Paschal feast would have been already past.<a name=
      "FNanchor_5_656" id="FNanchor_5_656"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_5_656" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(b.)</i> The eating of pork and things strangled.<a name=
      "FNanchor_6_657" id="FNanchor_6_657"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_6_657" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> With respect to these
      innocent articles of food, the pope goes so far as to threaten
      anathema against those who will not abstain from them. It is
      curious to find the Christian Church upholding the eating of
      pork, when brought into contact with the Moslems, and forbidding
      it elsewhere.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(c.)</i> Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems, which had become
      very common, is denounced and forbidden.<a name="FNanchor_7_658"
      id="FNanchor_7_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_658" class=
      "fnanchor">[7]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(d.)</i> The Pope cautions the Spanish Church against
      consecrating priests without due preparation, and speaks as if
      there were many false priests, wolves in sheep's clothing,
      dealing havoc in the flock.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>(e.)</i> One doubtful authority,<a name="FNanchor_8_659" id=
      "FNanchor_8_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_659" class=
      "fnanchor">[8]</a> who tells us that Adrian ordered Cixila,
      Bishop of Toledo, to hold a council and condemn Egila for not
      fasting on Sundays, according to the decrees of previous popes.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_652" id="Footnote_1_652"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_652"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Chron.
        Sil.," sec. 13, who says that in 1109 a legate was in Spain
        holding a council at Leon. "Chron. Sampiri," (Florez, xiv.),
        sec. 6 (a later addition), says that in 869 Alfonso IV. sent
        Severus and Sideric, asking the leave of Pope John VIII. to
        hold a council and consecrate a church. Cp. Mariana, vii. 8.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_653" id="Footnote_2_653"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_653"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Mariana,
        viii. 6.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_654" id="Footnote_3_654"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_654"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Isid. Pac,
        sec. 77. See Migne, vol. xcviii. pp. 339, 376, 451.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_655" id="Footnote_4_655"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_655"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
        Victorius Aquitanus, quoted by Noris "de Paschali Latinorum
        Cyclo." (iii. 786), apud Migne.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_656" id="Footnote_5_656"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_656"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
        p. 355, note.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_657" id="Footnote_6_657"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_657"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Florez,
        "Esp. Sagr.," v. 514: Fleury, ii. 235.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_7_658" id="Footnote_7_658"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_7_658"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Adrian's
        Letter to the Spanish Bishops.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_8_659" id="Footnote_8_659"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_8_659"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The
        Pseudo-Luitprand, sec. 236—"Ex mandatis litterisque Adriani
        papae contra Egilanum ... nolentem Dei Sabbate a carnibus
        abstinere" (776 A.D.).
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But though there was a strong party in Spain favouring the
      pretensions of the pope, yet many of the clergy and laity, headed
      by the venerable Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo (782-810), boldly
      resisted the encroachments of the Bishop of Rome. Elipandus
      himself, as Primate of all Spain, wrote to Migetius condemning
      him for certain heresies, and boasts of having completely refuted
      and silenced him;<a name="FNanchor_1_660" id=
      "FNanchor_1_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_660" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> but at the same time Elipandus shewed his
      independence of the Roman Pontiff by characterising those who
      abstained from pork and things strangled as foolish and ignorant
      men; though Migetius in this matter was in thorough accord with
      the pope,<a name="FNanchor_2_661" id=
      "FNanchor_2_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_661" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> and could justify his views by a reference to
      the decision of the Church of Jerusalem in the earliest days of
      Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_3_662" id=
      "FNanchor_3_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_662" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      Another doctrine combated by Elipandus was the unscriptural one,
      that it was unlawful to eat with unbelievers, or even to take
      food touched by them. It was easy for him to quote texts such as:
      "Not that which entereth into the mouth defileth the man; but
      that which proceedeth out of the mouth, this defileth the man;"
      <a name="FNanchor_4_663" id="FNanchor_4_663"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_4_663" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or "to the pure all
      things are pure;"<a name="FNanchor_5_664" id=
      "FNanchor_5_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_664" class=
      "fnanchor">[5]</a> and to point out that Christ ate with
      publicans and sinners.
    </p>
    <p>
      But the assumption which Elipandus, like his fellow-countrymen,
      Claudius of Turin, later, especially attacked, was that which
      regarded the Roman See as alone constituting the Catholic Church
      and the power of God.<a name="FNanchor_6_665" id=
      "FNanchor_6_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_665" class=
      "fnanchor">[6]</a> This he very properly calls a heresy; and
      indignantly denies that Christ's words, "Thou art Peter,"
      &amp;c., apply to the Church of Rome alone, affirming that they
      were spoken of the whole Church. "How," he adds, "can the Roman
      Church be, as you say it is, the very power of God without spot
      or blemish, when we know that at least one bishop of Rome
      (Liberius) has been branded as a heretic by the common voice of
      Christendom."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_660" id="Footnote_1_660"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_660"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Epilandus,
        Letter to Migetius. Migne, xcviii. p. 859. See Neander, v. 216
        ff. n. Enhueber, "Dissert," secs. 29, 33, apud Migne, vol. ci.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_661" id="Footnote_2_661"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_661"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See
        Adrian's Letter to Egila.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_662" id="Footnote_3_662"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_662"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Acts xv.
        19, 29. See, however, Epist. to Timothy, i. 3.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_663" id="Footnote_4_663"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_663"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> St Matt.
        xv. 11.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_5_664" id="Footnote_5_664"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_5_664"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Titus i.
        15.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_6_665" id="Footnote_6_665"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_6_665"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See also
        letter to Alcuin, and Felix's answer to Alcuin's first book,
        where he gives us his idea of a <i>Catholic</i> church founded
        on our Lord Christ (and not on the pope), ... which Catholic
        church may even consist of few members. Neander, v. 230.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      Had the Arab domination embraced the whole of Spain, and
      continued to be established over it, Spain could never have
      become the priest-ridden country which it now is; but the gradual
      advance of the Christian arms in the North brought in its train a
      more and more complete subserviency to the pope.
    </p>
    <p>
      As the kings of Castile and Leon gradually won back towns and
      provinces from the Arabs, some difference was observed to exist
      between the religious usages of the newly freed Christians and of
      those who had set them free. This was specially apparent in the
      old Gothic liturgy, which the Muzarabic Christians had used all
      along, and were still using, whereas the Christians of Leon and
      the Asturias had imported a newer recension from Rome.
    </p>
    <p>
      Rumours of these discrepancies in religious ritual reached Rome,
      and accordingly a legate,<a name="FNanchor_1_666" id=
      "FNanchor_1_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_666" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> named Zanclus, was sent to Spain in 925 from
      John X. to inquire into matters of religion, and particularly
      into the ceremony of the mass, the opinion being prevalent at
      Rome that the mass was incorrectly performed according to the
      Gothic liturgy, and that false doctrines were taught. However,
      Zanclus found that the divergence was not sufficiently wide to
      warrant the suppression of the ancient ritual. It may be that the
      power of the Roman Church was not established so securely as to
      admit of an interference so unpalatable to the ancient church.
      She was content to bide her time; for such a standing witness to
      the primitive usage<a name="FNanchor_2_667" id=
      "FNanchor_2_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_667" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> of the Church against the innovations of the
      Roman See could not long be allowed to continue. Accordingly, we
      find that very soon after the fall of Toledo in 1085, the
      question of the old Gothic liturgy came up for discussion again.
      The Gothic and the Roman books were subjected, after the absurd
      fashion of the times, to two ordeals—by water and by fire; but in
      spite of the fact that the Gothic liturgy, thanks to its greater
      solidity and stronger binding, resisted both those elements
      incomparably better than its younger rival, and so, if the ordeal
      went for anything, should have been hailed victorious, the old
      native liturgy was partially suppressed at the bidding of the
      pope, and by the consent of the Spanish king Alfonso VI. of
      Leon,<a name="FNanchor_3_668" id="FNanchor_3_668"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_668" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and Sancho IV. of
      Aragon. Yet the Muzarabic Christians were loath to give up their
      customary liturgy, and it remained in use in several churches of
      Toledo till late in the fifteenth century.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_666" id="Footnote_1_666"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_666"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mariana,
        vi. 9. Pseudo-Luit. gives the legate the name of Marinus, and
        says he was sent in 932 to Basilius, Bishop of Toledo.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_667" id="Footnote_2_667"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_667"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. the
        monstrous way in which the Portuguese Roman Catholics, under
        Don Alexis de Menezes, destroyed the sacred books and memorials
        of the ancient Syrian Church on the Malabar coast in India.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_668" id="Footnote_3_668"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_668"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> And I. of
        Castile.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      But the interference of the pope was not confined to matters
      relating to the Spanish Church at large, his heavy hand fell upon
      the king himself, and at the end of the twelfth century Alfonso
      IX. and all his kingdom were laid under an interdict by Celestine
      III. because he had married within forbidden limits, and refused
      to divorce his wife at the bidding of the pope. He did in the end
      divorce her, but only to repeat the same offence with a second
      wife, Berengaria, and incur the same penalty at the hands of
      Innocent III. Encroachments on the king's power went on apace,
      and gradually appeals came to be referred to Rome from the king's
      courts, and the pope took upon himself to appoint to benefices
      and bishoprics; a usurpation which was countenanced by Alfonso X.
      (1252-1284).<a name="FNanchor_1_669" id=
      "FNanchor_1_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_669" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> But this result was not attained without
      remonstrances from the Cortes, and finally, under Ferdinand and
      Isabella, the question came to an open rupture between the
      Spanish Court and the reigning pope, Sixtus IV. Isabella, though
      so ready to submit herself in matters of personal religion to the
      pope and his legates, refused, like her later namesake of
      England, to bate one jot of her ecclesiastical rights; and the
      pope had to give way, contenting himself with the barren power of
      appointing those nominated by the sovereigns of the land. But if
      the sovereign was jealous of his rights, no less so were the
      barons of theirs, and when in the war of the barons with Henry
      IV. (1454-1474), the papal legate threw his influence on to the
      king's side, and excommunicated the rebellious barons, they
      firmly answered that "those who had advised the pope that he had
      a right to interfere in the temporal concerns of Castile had
      deceived him; and that they, the barons of the kingdom, had a
      perfect right to depose their sovereign on sufficient grounds,
      and meant to exercise it."<a name="FNanchor_2_670" id=
      "FNanchor_2_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_670" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a>
    </p>
    <p>
      A similarly independent spirit shewed itself in Aragon. In 1213
      Pedro II. died fighting against the papal persecutor of the
      Albigensians, and down to the time of Charles V., the princes of
      Aragon were at open enmity with the Roman See,<a name=
      "FNanchor_3_671" id="FNanchor_3_671"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_671" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Aragonese
      strenuously resisted the establishment of the
      Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_4_672" id=
      "FNanchor_4_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_672" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a>
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_669" id="Footnote_1_669"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_669"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prescott,
        "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 15.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_670" id="Footnote_2_670"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_670"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
        p. 72. Cp. the charter of Aragon, whereby the king, if he
        violated the charter of the realm, might be deposed, and any
        other <i>Pagan</i> or Christian substituted. <i>Ibid</i>, p.
        23.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_671" id="Footnote_3_671"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_671"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Lockhart,
        Introduction to Spanish ballads, p. 9. (Chandos Classics.)
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_672" id="Footnote_4_672"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_672"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prescott,
        "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 26, n.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p>
      That fatal instrument of religious bigotry, the cause of more
      unmerited suffering and more unmixed evil than any other devised
      by man, whereby more innocent people passed through the fire than
      were perhaps ever sacrificed at the altar of Moloch, was first
      put into action in September 1480, during the reign of the pious
      and noble-minded Isabella.<a name="FNanchor_1_673" id=
      "FNanchor_1_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_673" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> The festival of Epiphany in the following year
      was selected as an appropriate date for the manifestation of the
      first auto da fé, when six Jews were burnt at Seville; for it was
      against that unfortunate people that this inhuman persecution was
      devised, or at least first used. That one year witnessed the
      martyrdom of 2000 persons, and the infliction on 17,000 others of
      punishments only less than death itself. During the
      administration of Thomas of Torquemada, which lasted eighteen
      years, more than 10,000 persons perished at the stake, nearly
      100,000 were, as the phrase went, reconciled.<a name=
      "FNanchor_2_674" id="FNanchor_2_674"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_2_674" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The confiscation of
      property which accompanied all this burning and imprisoning
      brought in enormous sums into the coffers of the Inquisitors.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Jews being burnt, converted, or expelled the country, the
      Inquisition was turned upon the wretched Moriscoes, as the Moors
      under Christian government were called, who were oppressed and
      persecuted in the same way as the Jews, and finally driven from
      Spain.
    </p>
    <p>
      But a more important conquest than these—more important, that is,
      to the supremacy of the Roman See—was the undoubted conquest
      achieved by the Inquisition over the reforming doctrines which in
      the sixteenth century began to find their way into Spain from
      Germany and England. Finding a congenial soil, the reformation
      began to spread in Spain with wonderful rapidity. The divines
      sent by Charles V. into England were themselves converted, and
      returned full of zeal for the Protestant faith—"Their success,"
      says Geddes,<a name="FNanchor_3_675" id=
      "FNanchor_3_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_675" class=
      "fnanchor">[3]</a> "was such that had not a speedy and full stop
      been put to their pious labours by the merciless Inquisition, the
      whole kingdom of Spain had in all likelihood been converted to
      the Protestant religion, in less time than any other country had
      ever been before."<a name="FNanchor_4_676" id=
      "FNanchor_4_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_676" class=
      "fnanchor">[4]</a> So untrue is it to say that persecution always
      fails of its object! In Spain it has riveted the fetters, which
      the weakness and superstition of the earlier kings of Leon and
      Castile, together with the piety and misdirected enthusiasm of
      Isabella, placed upon a proud and once peculiarly independent
      people. Plunged in the depths of ignorance and imbecility,
      social, religious, and political, Spain affords a melancholy but
      instructive spectacle to the nations.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_673" id="Footnote_1_673"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_673"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
        inquisitional code was drawn up in 1233, and introduced into
        Spain, 1242. Prescott.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_674" id="Footnote_2_674"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_674"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
        "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 146.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_675" id="Footnote_3_675"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_675"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Miscell.
        Tracts. Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," pp. 1, ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_4_676" id="Footnote_4_676"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_4_676"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Geddes,
        Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," p. 3, 4, quotes a Romanist author,
        who says: "the number of converts was so great that had the
        stop which was put to that evil been delayed but two or three
        months longer, I am persuaded that all Spain had been put into
        a flame by them."
      </p>
    </div>
    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
    <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
      <a name="LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES_CONSULTED" id=
      "LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES_CONSULTED">LIST OF AUTHORITIES
      CONSULTED.</a>
    </h2>
    <p>
      I. ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES:—
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 10px;">
      A. Arab (in translations):
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (1.) <i>Ibn abd el Hakem.</i> "History of the Conquest of Spain."
      with notes by J.H. Jones, Ph.D., 1858. This work only goes down
      to 743.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (2.) <i>J.A. Conde.</i> "History of the Domination of the Arabs
      in Spain," translated from the Spanish by Mrs Foster. 3 vols.
      Bohn, 1854. The author (Preface, p. 2) says that "he has compiled
      his work from Arabian memorials and writings in such sort that
      those documents may be read as they were written;" (p. 18), "The
      student of history may read this book as written by an Arabic
      author."
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      Older writers used to speak very highly of this work, but their
      modern successors cannot find a good word for it.<a name=
      "FNanchor_1_677" id="FNanchor_1_677"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_1_677" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> De Gayangos, the
      learned translator of the Arabic history of Al Makkari, though
      not blind to the "unmethodical arrangement of the whole work, the
      absence of notes and citations of authorities, and the numerous
      errors and contradictions,"<a name="FNanchor_2_678" id=
      "FNanchor_2_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_678" class=
      "fnanchor">[2]</a> yet does not hesitate to call Conde's book the
      foundation of all our knowledge of the history of Mohammedan
      Spain. It certainly is astonishing that Conde, who points
      out<a name="FNanchor_3_679" id="FNanchor_3_679"></a><a href=
      "#Footnote_3_679" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the errors of his
      predecessors, makes precisely the same kind of mistakes himself,
      not only once, but constantly. Claiming to be above all things
      faithful to his authorities, he is found, where those authorities
      can be identified, not to be faithful.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_677" id="Footnote_1_677"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_677"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Stanley
        Lane-Poole, Preface to "Moors in Spain" (1887). Dozy, Preface
        to "Mussulmans in Spain," p. 6: "Conde ... qui manquait
        absolumment de sens historique."
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_2_678" id="Footnote_2_678"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_2_678"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> As to
        these he might plead Al Makkari's excuse, that in transcribing
        or extracting the accounts of different historians some facts
        are sure to be repeated, and others entirely contradicted. See
        Al Makk., i. p. 29.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_3_679" id="Footnote_3_679"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_3_679"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pref., p.
        13 ff.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (3.) <i>J.C. Murphy.</i> "History of the Mahometan Empire in
      Spain," with additions by Professor Shakespear, 1816. This work
      is based on Mohammedan sources, those, namely, which are mostly
      to be found in Al Makkari's compilation. The concluding chapters
      on the influence, scientific and literary, exercised by the Arabs
      in Europe, are exhaustive and interesting.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (4.) <i>Ahmed ibn Mohammed Al Makkari</i>. "History of the
      Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain," being an extract from a larger
      work by that author, translated by Pascual de Gayangos. 2 vols.
      London, 1840. This work, which Dozy finds fault with for certain
      inaccuracies, is on the whole very trustworthy, and its notes
      form a perfect mine of information for the student wandering
      helplessly among the mazes of Arab history. Al Makkari, a native
      of Africa, flourished at the beginning of the seventeenth
      century; but he quotes from many old Arabic writers, whose
      evidence is most valuable. Among these are—
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
      a. <i>Abu Bekr Mohammed ibn Omar, Ibn al Kuttiyah</i>, descended
      from the grand-daughter of Witiza; died, 877.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
      ß. <i>Ahmed ibn Mohammed ibn Musa Arrazi</i>, flourished in the
      reign of Abdurrahman III.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
      ?. <i>Ibn Ghalib Temam ibn Ghalib</i>, of Cordova; died, 1044.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
      d. <i>Abu Mohammed Ali ibn Ahmed ibn Said ibn Hazm</i>, born at
      Cordova, 994; died, 1064.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
      e. <i>Abu Merwan Hayyan ibn Khalf ibn Huseyn ibn Hayyan,</i> born
      at Cordova, 1006.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
      ?. <i>Abul Kasim Khalf ibn Abdilmalik ibn Mesud ibn Musa Al
      Anssari</i>, Cordova, 1101-1183.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
      ?. <i>Abul hasan Ali ibn Musa ibn Mohammed ibn Abdalmalik ibn
      Said</i> of Granada, 1214-1286.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
      ?. <i>Abu Zeyd Abdurrahman ibn Mohammed ibn Khaldun. Ishbili,</i>
      born at Tunis, 1332; died, 1406.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 10px;">
      B. Christian (in Latin). These are to be found in—
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (1.) <i>Schott's</i> "Hispania Illustrata," 3 vols. Frankfort,
      1603.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (2.) <i>Florez,</i> "España Sagrada," 26 vols., containing a most
      useful collection of Spanish writers, together with much
      information about them, written in Spanish.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (3.) <i>Migne's</i> "Patrologia," Latin and Greek, a most
      invaluable collection in several score volumes. The following is
      a list of those consulted:—
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Migne, xcvi pp.1246-1280.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (a.) <i>Isidore of Beja</i>, "Epitome Imperatorum vel Arabum
      Ephemerides atque Hispaniae Chronographia," being a continuation
      of the Chronicle of Isidore of Seville.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, cxxix. pp. 1111-1124.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (ß.) Chronicon <i>Sebastiani</i>, "Salmanticensis Episcopi," 866.
      (Conde, Pref., p. 7, says 672-886.)
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i> 1146.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (?.) Chronicon <i>Albeldense</i>, 866-976. (Conde, <i>ibid.</i>,
      says to 973.) This is also called Chronicon Emilianense. It was
      perhaps begun by Dulcidius, Bishop of Salamanca, and carried on
      by the monk Vigila.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xiv. 438-457.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (d.) Chronicon <i>Sampiri</i> "Asturicensis Episcopi" (written
      about 1000), 869-9S2.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 466-475.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (e.) <i>Chronicon regum Legionensium</i>, 982-1109, by Pelagius,
      Bishop of Oviedo—a very doubtful authority, and branded with the
      epithet "fabulosus."
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 270-330.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (?.) Chronicon <i>Silensis</i> Monachi, written <i>circa</i>
      1100.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Schott, iv. 1-116.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (?.) <i>Lucas of Tuy</i>, "Chronicon Mundi," written <i>circa</i>
      1236.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, i. 246-291.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (?.) <i>Alfonso</i>, Bishop of Burgos, "Anacephalaiosis rerum
      Hispanarum," etc.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Migne, cxxxvi. pp. 770-1179
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (?.) <i>Luitprand</i>, died 972. The Chronicon and Adversaria
      attributed to him are by a later hand, and extend over the years
      606-960. The author of these is generally called the
      Pseudo-Luitprand, and very little credit can be placed in his
      statements.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Schott, "Hisp. Illustr.," i. pp. 121-246
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (?.) <i>Rodrigo</i>, Archbishop of Toledo, "History of the Arabs
      from Christian and Arabic Sources, carried down to 1140." He died
      in 1245. The work is full of irrelevant references to Scripture
      and to profane history. He does not even mention the Christian
      martyrdoms in the ninth century.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez, x. 570-579.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (?.) <i>Annales Bertiniani</i>, from the French point of view.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Schott, i. 700 ff.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 24px;">
      (µ.) <i>Johannes Vasaeus</i>, "Hispaniae Chronicon."
    </p>
    <p>
      The above writers must not be regarded as of equal value. Some
      are valuable, but all are meagre to the last degree; others are
      nearly worthless.
    </p>
    <p>
      Other authorities there are of a different kind—not historians,
      but writers on incidental subjects, whose works throw great light
      on the history of the time. Among these are—
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Migne, xcvi.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>a.</i>) <i>Elipandus</i>, Bishop of Toledo; died 810.
      Letters—
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      pp. 859-867.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      to Migetius.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      pp. 867-869
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      to Charles the Great.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      pp. 870-882.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      to Albinus (Alcuin).
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      pp. 918,919
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      to Fidelis, an abbot (783).
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Migne, xcvi. pp. 882-888.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>b</i>.) <i>Felix</i>, Bishop of Urgel; died 816. Confessio
      fidei (799).
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 894-1030.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>c</i>.) <i>Beatus</i>, Priest of Libana (or Astorga). Letter
      to Elipandus.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, ci. 1321-1331.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>d</i>.) <i>Letters of Spanish Bishops</i> to Bishops of Gaul.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, c. and ci.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>e</i>.) <i>Alcuin</i>. Letters—
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Ad Felicem haereticum (793).
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Ad Elipandum.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Ad Carolum Magnum (800), sending his work against Felix.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Epistle XC. (800),
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Epistle CXIII. (800).
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Ad Aquilam Pontificem (800).
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      Books—
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Adversus Felicis haeresin ad abbates et monachos.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Gothiae missus (libellus), vii. books.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Adversus Elipandum, iv. books.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Epistola ad Leidradum et Nefridium Episcopum.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Altera ad eosdem.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, xcviii. p. 373.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>f.</i>) <i>Adrian</i>, Pope.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Epistola Episcopis per universam Spaniam commorantibus directa,
      maxime tamen Elipando, vel Ascarico (785).
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 336.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Ad Egilam Episcopum (in Spania) seu Johannem presbyterum (782).
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Ad Carolum Magnum. Epistle lxiv.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez, xiii. 416.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>g</i>.) Letter from <i>Louis the Débonnaire</i> to the
      Christians of Merida (826).
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Migne, cxv. 703-966.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>h</i>.) <i>Eulogius</i>, priest of Cordova, and
      bishop-designate of Toledo. Died 859.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Letter to Alvar, sending his book.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      "Documentum Martyrii," dedicated to Flora and Maria, Virgins and
      Martyrs, Oct. 851.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Letter to Alvar: another letter to the same, sending "Memorialis
      Sanctorum Liber," 3 books.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      "Liber Apologeticus Martyrum" (857).
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      "De Vita et Passione SS. Virginum Florae et Mariae."
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez, "Esp. Saagr.", xi.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>i</i>.) <i>Alvar</i>, Paulus,<a name="FNanchor_1_680" id=
      "FNanchor_1_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_680" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> of Cordova, and, according to his letters,
      both of Jewish birth and Gothic lineage. Died, 869, according to
      the Pseudo-Luitprand.
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
        <a name="Footnote_1_680" id="Footnote_1_680"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_680"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Robertson
        says Peter.
      </p>
    </div>
    <div class="sidenote">
      pp. 62-81.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Confessio.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 81-88.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Letter to John of Seville,
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 88-91.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To the Same.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 101-129.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To John of Seville.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 129-141.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To the Same.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xi. pp. 147,148.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To Speraindeo.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 151-156.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To Romanus, a doctor (860).
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 164-165.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To Saul of Cordova.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 167-171.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To the Same.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 171-177.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To Eleazar, a transgressor.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 178-189.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To the Same.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 189-217.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To the Same.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 218-219.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To the Same.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 291-292.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To Eulogius.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 296-299.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To Eulogius.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, x. 593 ff.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Life of Eulogius.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, xi. 219-275.<a name="FNanchor_1_681" id=
      "FNanchor_1_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_681" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a>
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Indiculus Luminosus, so called because "Luminasse quae sequenda
      sunt docet, et apertis indiciis hostem ecclesiae, quem omnis
      vitare Christianitas debet, ostendit."
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_681" id="Footnote_1_681"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_681"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ascribed
        by Luitprand, sec. 309, to Bonitus, Bishop of Toledo. Morales
        doubts Alvar's authorship, from there being no mention of
        Eulogius; but see sec. 19, where <i>praesul</i> is spoken of.
      </p>
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>k</i>.) <i>John of Seville</i>.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez, xi. pp. 91-101.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Letter to Alvar.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, 142-147.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To the Same.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>l</i>.) <i>Speraindeo</i>, Abbot, flourished 820.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, 148-151.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Letter to Alvar (853).
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>m</i>.) <i>Saul</i> of Cordova.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, xi. pp. 156-164.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Letter to other Bishops.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 165-167.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To the Same.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>n</i>.) <i>Eleazar</i>, an apostate to Judaism.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 177-178.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Letter to Alvar.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 189, 190.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To the Same.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      " 217, 218.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      To the Same.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Migne, cxxi. p. 565.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>o</i>.) <i>Leovigildus</i>, priest of Cordova, flourished
      860. "De habitu Clericorum."
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 567.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>p</i>.) <i>Cyprianus</i>, arch-priest of Cordova.
      "Epigrammata."
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>q</i>.) <i>Samson</i>, priest of St Zoilus at Cordova, Abbot
      of the Monastery of Pegnamellar, died 890. (See Epigram or
      Epitaph of Cyprianus.) "Apologeticus Liber contra perfidos" (Jan.
      1, 863).
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez, xi. 300-516.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>r</i>.) <i>Jonas Aurelianensis</i>. "De cultu imaginum." An
      Answer to Claudius, Bishop of Turin (842).
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Migne, cxv. pp. 939 ff.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>s</i>.) <i>De Translatione SS. Martyrum Georgii</i> Monachi,
      Aurelii et Nathaliae ex urbe Cordubae Parisios auctore
      <i>Aimoino</i> monacho: from Usuard and Odilard, monks.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, cxxxvii. pp. 239-310.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>t</i>.) <i>Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis</i> (died 973),
      by John, Abbot of St Arnulph.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, clxxxviii. pp. 1661-1671.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>u</i>.) <i>John of Cirita</i>, Abbot of Tharauca, in Spain.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez, xviii. 379 ff.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>v</i>.) <i>Life of St Rudesindus.</i>
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez, xiv., 392.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>w.</i>) <i>Passio St Nicholai Alsamae</i> regis filii et
      sociorum martyrum qui passi sunt apud Ledesmam. A purely fabulous
      account.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>x.</i>) <i>Vita et passio B. Virginis Argenteae</i> et
      comitum eius qui passi sunt Cordobae, Id. Maii.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Migne, xcvi. 890-894
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>y.</i>) <i>Life of Beatus</i>, by an anonymous author. Not
      very trustworthy, —<i>e.g.</i>, death of Elipandus placed in 798
      (sec. 8): mythical council mentioned (sec. 7).
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      And the following <i>Charters</i>, etc.:—
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Florez, xvii. 244.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Of Alfonso III. to the Church of Auria, 826.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, xviii. 312.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Of the same to the Church of Mindumnetum, 867.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 397.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Of Bermudo II. (982-999) to the Church of Compostella.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 326
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
      Assembly of Bishops pro restauratione monasterii St Mariae de
      Logio a parentibus Rudesindi instaurati, 927.
    </p>
    <p>
      II. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES:—
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Schott.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (1.) "Histoire generale d'Espagne" par <i>Loys de Mayerne
      Turguet</i>. Book xvi. (1608.)
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (2.) <i>John de Mariana</i>.<a name="FNanchor_1_682" id=
      "FNanchor_1_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_682" class=
      "fnanchor">[1]</a> "History of Spain." Books vi.-xi., translated
      from the Spanish by John Stevens. (1699.)
    </p>
    <div class="footnote">
      <p>
        <a name="Footnote_1_682" id="Footnote_1_682"></a><a href=
        "#FNanchor_1_682"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dr Dunham
        says of his work: "It is well that it is sunk in oblivion. No
        one reads it in Spain."
      </p>
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (3.) <i>Fleury</i>, "History of the Church," translated from the
      French. (1727.) Vol. v. Books xli. ff.
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      Migne, cxv. p. 917.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (4.) <i>Morales</i>. "Remarks on the State of the Christian
      Religion under the Arabs at Cordova."
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, 305-336.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (5.) <i>Froben</i>. "Dissertatio Historica de haeresi Elipandi et
      Felicis."
    </p>
    <div class="sidenote">
      <i>Ibid.</i>, 338-438.
    </div>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (6.) <i>Enhueber's</i> "Dissertation against Walchius' view of
      Adoptionism."
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (7.) <i>Dunham</i>. "History of Spain and Portugal" (Lardner),
      1832. Buckle, "Civilization in England," p. 430, says of this
      history, very extravagantly, that it is "perhaps the best history
      in the English language of a foreign modern country." It
      certainly has the merit—no small one in so confused a period—of
      being clear and succinct; but he has a bias against the Moors.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (8.) <i>W.H. Prescott</i>. "Ferdinand and Isabella." An excellent
      work. The parts chiefly bearing on the present subject are the
      Introduction and chapter viii. The great drawback to the work is
      the want of direct citations of authorities used.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (9.) <i>Hardwicke's</i> "History of the Christian Church in the
      Middle Ages," 1853.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (10.) The Abbé <i>Rohrbacher</i>. "Histoire Universelle de
      l'Eglise Catholique." Paris, 1844. Vols. xi., xii., xiii.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (11.) <i>Neander</i>. "General History of the Christian Religion
      and Church" (Bohn's Translation). Vol. v. pp. 218-233, 461-475;
      vol. vi. 119-132.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (12.) "Histoire d'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous la domination des
      Arabes," par <i>M. Cardonne</i>. 3 vols., 1765. A history based
      chiefly on Arab writers, but not very trustworthy, as Conde
      (Pref., p. 14) and Murphy (notes, passim) have shown.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (13.) <i>Dozy</i>. "Histoire des Mussulmans d'Espagne jusqu' à la
      conquête de l'Andalousie par les Almoravides, 711-1110." 4 vols.,
      Leyden, 1861. An invaluable history of the time, being both lucid
      and thorough.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (14.) <i>E.A. Freeman</i>. "History and Conquests of the
      Saracens." Six lectures (ed. 1870). Spanish affairs are treated
      rather as a p??e???? in Lecture v. An unprejudiced and accurate
      writer, with a strong bias, however, against chivalry (see
      Lecture v., p. 182).
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (15.) <i>Ockley</i>. "History of the Saracen Empire" (Reprint in
      the Chandos Classics).
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (16.) <i>Gibbon</i>. The parts relating to the Saracens are
      conveniently reprinted in the "Chandos Classics."
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (17.) <i>Robertson's</i> "History of the Christian Church." Vol.
      iii.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (18.) <i>Milman's</i> "Latin Christianity." Bk. ix.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (19.) <i>Stanley</i>. "Lectures on the Eastern Church." Lect.
      viii.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (20.) <i>Hallam's</i> "Middle Ages." Vol. iii. (Chivalry).
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (21.) <i>Geddes</i>. Expulsion of the Moriscoes, in his
      Miscellaneous Tracts. 1730. Also Account of MSS. and Relics found
      at Granada in 1588; and View of Court of Inquisition in Portugal.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (22.) <i>Lecky's</i> "Rise and Influence of Rationalism in
      Europe." 2 vols.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (23.) <i>Buckle</i>. "History of Civilisation in England," chap.
      viii. "Spanish Intellect from Fifth to Nineteenth Centuries."
      Vol. ii. pp. 425-597.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (24.) <i>Carlyle</i>. "Hero Worship. The Hero as Prophet."
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (25.) <i>C.M. Yonge</i>. "Christians and Moors in Spain." "Golden
      Treasury" Series. 1878. Obscure in method, and often inaccurate
      in facts. To give one instance only out of many—The authoress
      says (p. 29), that Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet rebelled
      and died in battle. It is well known (Gibbon, vi. 274, 276) that
      he did neither.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (26.) <i>R. Bosworth Smith.</i> "Mohammed and Mohammedanism."
      1874. A brilliant, but essentially unfair book, Christianity
      being extolled in theory, but sneered at in practice. We are too
      forcibly reminded of "Brutus is an honourable man." His own
      accusation of others falls upon himself. P. 61, he says—"Most
      other writers have approached the subject only to prove a thesis.
      Mohammed was to be either a hero or an impostor: they have held a
      brief for the prosecution or the defence."
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (27.) <i>S. Lane-Poole.</i> "The Moors in Spain." "Story of the
      Nations" Series. 1887. A clever and popular compilation from De
      Gayangos' translation of Al Makkari, Dozy, Southey's "Chronicle
      of the Cid," and Washington Irving's "Granada."
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (28.) <i>Blunt.</i> "Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, and Schools
      of Thought." 1874. The articles on Mohammedanism, the
      Adoptionists, and others I have found very useful. There is,
      however, nothing said of the Priscillianists (of Spain), or the
      Druses.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (29.) <i>Hughes.</i> "Dictionary of Islam."
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (30.) <i>The Koran.</i> Sale's edition.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (31.) <i>Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.</i> Vol. xi.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (32.) <i>Encyclopaedia Britannica.</i> Article on Averroes.
    </p>
    <p>
      III. POETRY:—
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>a.</i>) <i>Lockhart's</i> "Spanish Ballads." 1823. Reprint,
      with Introduction, in the "Chandos Classics."
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>b.</i>) <i>Southey's</i> "Chronicle of the Cid." Reprinted,
      with Introduction, in the "Chandos Classics." A truly admirable
      translation.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>c.</i>) <i>Southey's</i> "Roderic," with many interesting
      notes.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>d.</i>) <i>Scott's</i> "Don Roderic."
    </p>
    <p>
      IV. REFERRED TO:—
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>a.</i>) <i>Romey.</i> "Histoire D'Espagne." 1839. 4 vols.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>b.</i>) <i>Reinaud.</i> "Invasion des Sarrasins." 1836.
    </p>
    <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
      (<i>c.</i>) <i>Moshieim.</i> "Institutes of Ecclesiastical
      History." Translated by Murdoch. 1845.
    </p>
    <p>
      PRINTED BY
    </p>
    <p>
      TURNBULL AND SPEARS,
    </p>
    <p>
      EDINBURGH.
    </p>

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